Bysanttilaisten ja Akhaian ruhtinaskunnan väliset sotatoimet vuosina 1259-83 : Tapaustutkimus myöhäis-bysanttilaisesta sodankäynnistä

In my master thesis I analyse Byzantine warfare in the late period of the empire. I use military operations between Byzantines and crusader Principality of Achaia (1259–83) as a case study. Byzantine strategy was based (in “oriental manner”) on using ambushes, diplomacy, surprise attacks, deception etc. Open field battles that were risky in comparison with their benefits were usually avoided, but the Byzantines were sometimes forced to seek open encounter because their limited ability to keep strong armies in field for long periods of time. Foreign mercenaries had important place in Byzantine armies and they could simply change sides if their paymasters ran out of resources. The use of mercenaries with short contracts made it possible that the composition of an army was flexible but on the other hand heterogeneous – in result Byzantine armies were sometimes ineffective and prone to confusion. In open field battles Byzantines used formation that was made out from several lines placed one after another. This formation was especially suitable for cavalry battles. Byzantines might have also used other kinds of formations. The Byzantines were not considered equal to Latins in close combat. West-Europeans saw mainly horse archers and Latin mercenaries on Byzantine service as threats to themselves in battle. The legitimacy of rulers surrounding the Aegean sea was weak and in many cases political intrigues and personal relationships can have resolved the battles. Especially in sieges the loyalty of population was decisive. In sieges the Byzantines used plenty of siege machines and archers. This made fast conquests possible, but it was expensive. The Byzantines protected their frontiers by building castles. Military operations against the Principality of Achaia were mostly small scale raids following an intensive beginning. Byzantine raids were mostly made by privateers and mountaineers. This does not fit to the traditional picture that warfare belonged to the imperial professional army. It’s unlikely that military operations in war against the Principality of Achaia caused great demographic or economic catastrophe and some regions in the warzone might even have flourished. On the other hand people started to concentrate into villages which (with growing risks for trade) probably caused disturbance in economic development and in result birth rates might have decreased. Both sides of war sought to exchange their prisoners of war. These were treated according to conventional manners that were accepted by both sides. It was possible to sell prisoners, especially women and children, to slavery, but the scale of this trade does not seem to be great in military operations treated in this theses.

Linnunkiikut ja kallen kaulukset : Kotitekoiset kuukautissiteet 1900-luvun alkupuolen Suomessa

The aim of this thesis was to study what kind of home-made menstrual pads were used in the early 20th century in Finland, how the home-made pads were made and which techniques and materials were used. The use and taking care of menstrual pads were also explored. The history of menstrual pads has been studied in Sweden, Germany and United States but none of those studies has concentrated on home-made pads. Instead, there are many studies about womanhood and menstruation. In many studies home-made menstrual pads are only briefly mentioned. Menstrual pads were not commonly used in Finland at the beginning of the 20th century, but already in the 1940s the use of menstrual pads had become common in every stratum of society. Home-made menstrual pads were used even until the 1960s. In Finland, factory-made disposable menstrual pads became common only in the 1930s and they were only slowly accepted. The study material consisted of nine interviews, three archival inquiries, health care guidebooks from 1893 to 1943 and authentic menstrual pads, menstrual belts and other objects related to them. The interviewed women were born between 1915 and 1939. The narrative approach was used in the study and it also guided the analysis. The interview and archival data were studied according to the basic rules of oral history studies. Literature consisted of publications from several disciplines. The extensive primary material played the most important role in this study. The reconstructions of the menstrual pads were made according to the interviewed women s advice. In Finland there were innumerable variations of home-made menstrual pads. The pads were most commonly crocheted and knitted either by hand or by knitting machine. Pads were also sewn of cloth, old bed linen or old underwear. The menstrual pads were self-made or made by a female relative. Word of mouth was important in spreading information on how to make pads, because there were hardly any instructions available. The biggest pads were 54 cm long and 13 cm wide. The most widely used pad model was a rectangle, which had triangle-shaped ends with a buttonhole or a loop. The pad was attached to the menstrual belt or to the buttons of the suspender belt. Knitted and crocheted pads had one, two or three layers. In sewn pads, there could be even more layers. Cellulose wadding or pieces of cloth could be placed inside the pad to increase the absorption ability. The experiences of the comfort of self-made pads varied. The crocheted and sewn pads were found chafing, knitted ones were found soft and comfortable. The menstrual pads were laborious to wash and boil in lye water. Therefore disposable pads made everyday life easier. The home-made menstrual pads were part of a unique tradition of handicrafts and folk culture. Hand-made pads were one of the most common handicraft products and were a part of every woman s life. Even so, the menstrual pads were unnoticeable. The large number of variations was probably caused by the silence around menstrual topics and by the lack of instructions for making pads. Variations are also explained by the uniqueness of every handicraft product. In Finland the home-made pads were used until relatively recent times. This was caused by the conditions of wartime and the following years and the rarity of commercial pads. Furthermore, until the late 20th century Finland was an agricultural society where all innovations spread slowly. Home-made menstrual pad was a secret handicraft of women and every woman needed to know how to make it by herself.

Rintamamiesten muonitus Suomessa sotavuosina 1939-1945

This study analyzes the war-time rations the Finnish soldiers received on the front from 1939 until 1945. The main objective was to determine the contents of the rations and how they affected the soldiers' nutrition and morale. The information concerning food and feeding is mainly based on the official documents found in the Military Archives. Some additional material was from the historical literature, some from memoirs, or from the veterans who personally experienced the front. The documents in the Archives of Military Medicine provided information on the soldiers' deficiencies. During the Winter War, which took place from 30 November 1939 until 13 March 1940, ample food was available. The cold climate caused problems and the fresh food got frozen. However, no severe deficiency cases were reported and the morale was high. By contrast, during the Continuation War, which began in June, 1941 and ended in September, 1944, difficulties were experienced. At the time farming in the country faced serious problems due to the shortage of labour, fuel, etc. Furthermore, importing food was generally not possible. However, importing food mainly from Germany saved the Finns from hunger. In addition, the self activity of the soldiers on the front added somewhat to the food production. But the rations had to be reduced. Their energy values were consequently low, especially for the young men. Food was monotonous and occasionally caused complaints. The main sources of protein, vitamins and minerals were the whole cereal foods. Butter was fortified with vitamin A and vitamin C tablets were also distributed, to compensate for the scant food sources. Only approximately 300 serious deficiency cases required hospital care during the three years time, out of a total of 400 000 soldiers. Feeding the young soldiers during the war (1944 - 1945) in Lapland, which had been destroyed, was problematic but the increased rations also saved them from deficiencies. In spite of the severe difficulties experienced occasionally in feeding the soldiers during the wars, the system worked all the time. The soldiers were fed, the cases of nutritional deficiency and epidemics caused by food were kept very limited and the morale of soldiers remained high.

Petusta pitsaan : Ruokahuollon järjestelyt kriisiaikojen Suomessa

From bark bread to pizza - Food and exceptional circumstances: reactions of Finnish society to crises of food supply This study on the food supply under exceptional circumstances lies within the nutritional, historical and social sciences. The perspective and questions come under nutrition science, but are part of social decision-making. The study focuses on the first and second world wars as well as on contemporary society at the beginning of the 21st century. The main purpose of this study is to explore how Finnish society has responded to crises and what measures it has taken to sustain institutional food services and the food supply of households. The particular study interests include the school catering and food services in hospitals during the world wars. The situation in households is reflected in the counseling work carried out by state-run or civic organisations. Interest also focuses on the action of the scientific community. The decisions made in Finland are projected onto the solutions developed in some other European countries. The study is based primarily on the archive documents and annual reports prepared by food and health care authorities. Major source materials include scientific and professional publications. The evaluation of the situation in contemporary Finnish society is based on corresponding emergency plans and guidelines. The written material is supplemented by discussions with experts. Food rationing during the WWI and WWII differed in extent, details and unity. The food intake of some population groups was occasionally inadequate both in quantity, quality and safety. The counseling of the public focused on promoting self-sufficiency, improving cooking skills and widening food habits. One of the most vulnerable groups in regard to nutrition was long-term patients in institutions. As for future development, the world wars were never-theless important periods for public food services and counseling practices. WWII was also an important period for product development in the food industry. Significant work on food substitutes was carried out by Professor Carl Tigerstedt during WWI. The research of Professors A. I. Virtanen and Paavo Simola during WWII focused on vitamins. Crises threatening societies now differ from those faced a hundred years ago. Finland is bet-ter prepared, but in many ways more vulnerable to and dependent on other actors. Food rationing is a severe means of handling the scarcity of food, which is why contemporary society relies primarily on preparedness planning. Civic organisations played a key role during the world wars, and establishing an emergency food supply remains on their agenda. Although the objective of protecting the population remains the same for nutrition, food production, and food consumption, threat scenarios and the knowledge and skill levels of citizens are constantly changing. Continuous monitoring and evaluation is therefore needed.

Suomi ja Euroopan kirkollinen jälleenrakentaminen 1945-1948

The international aid that the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland received between 1945 and 1948 is the topic of this historical study, in which the process of reconstruction of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland is examined in a European context. The key questions are related not only to the achievements of the reconstruction programs but also to the purposes and objectives of the donating churches. The study pays particular attention to the changes in the ecclesiastical, political and economic fields after the Second World War and asks how the tense political atmosphere of a divided world affected the reconstruction programs of the churches. It is possible to distinguish three periods within the European church reconstruction process. To begin with, the year 1945 was, in general, the year of organization. Many churches had started planning reconstruction work already during the war, but only after the conflict in Europe had ceased did they have a chance to renew contacts, assess the damage and begin operations. The years 1946 and 1947 were the main years of the work. Large reconstruction organizations from American churches donated money, food, clothes and vitamins worth millions of dollars to the European churches. The work started to diminish as early as 1948, partly because Marshall Plan aid and the rising standard of living had reduced the need for material assistance in many countries and partly because other problems overshadowed the reconstruction work of the World Council of Churches: for example, most WCC resources at this time were directed to refugee programs and to Third World churhces. The most important donors from the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland's point of view were the American Section of the Lutheran World Federation, the World Council of Churches and the Churches of Denmark, Sweden and England. The amount of money and value of goods received by the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland totaled approximately 2.5 million dollars, from which about 60 per cent came from the Lutheran churches of America. The importance of the Lutheran World Federation was even greater because of the productive financial arrangements that increased the American Lutheran funds. In addition the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland imported hundreds of tons of tax-free coffee and sold this to Finns. The money gained was used mostly to rebuild destroyed church buildings and to support the work of different ecclesiastical organizations. Smaller amounts were used for scholarship programs, youth work, and supporting sick and disabled church workers.

Kirkko, Kekkonen ja kommunismi poliittisina kriisivuosina 1958-1962

This study explores the relationship of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland to communism and political power during the period of crises in Finnish foreign relations with the Soviet Union from 1958 to 1962. During this period the USSR repeatedly interfered in Finland´s domestic affairs and limited her foreign political freedom of action. The research subjects for this dissertation are the bishops of the Church of Finland and the newspaper Kotimaa, which can be regarded as the unofficial organ of the church at the time. A typical characteristic of the Church of Finland from the beginning of the twentieth century was patriotism. During the interwar years the church was strongly anti-communist and against the Soviet Union. This tendency was also evident during the Second World War. After the war the Finnish Church feared that the rise of the extreme left would jeopardize its position. The church, however, succeeded in maintaining its status as a state church throughout the critical years immediately following the war. This study indicates that, although the manner of expression altered, the political attitude of the church did not substantially change during the postwar period. In the late 1950s and early 1960s the church was still patriotic and fear of the extreme left was also evident among the leaders of the church. The victory of the Finnish People's Democratic League in the general election of 1958 was an unwelcome surprise to the church. This generated fear in the church that, with Soviet support, the Finnish communists might return to governmental power and the nation could become a people's democracy. Accordingly, the church tried to encourage other parties to set aside their disagreements and act together against the extreme left throughout the period under study. The main characteristics of the church´s political agenda during this period of crisis were to support the Finnish foreign policy led by the president of the republic, Urho Kekkonen, and to resist Finnish communism. The attitude of Finnish bishops and the newspaper Kotimaa to the Cold War in general was generally in agreement with the majority of western Christians. They feared communism, were afraid of the USSR, but supported peaceful co-existence because they did not want an open conflict with the Soviets. Because of uncertainties in Finland's international position the Finnish Church regarded it as necessary to support the Finnish policy of friendship towards the USSR. The Finnish Church considerer it unwise to openly criticize the Soviet Union, tried resist the spread of communism in Finnish domestic policy. This period of foreign policy crises was principally seen by the church as a time when there was a need to strengthen Finland's unstable national position.

Q-evankeliumi ja psykohistoria : Uuden testamentin eksegetiikan väitöskirja

In the course of my research for my thesis The Q Gospel and Psychohistory, I moved on from the accounts of the Cynics ideals to psychohistorical explanations. Studying the texts dealing with the Cynics and the Q Gospel, I was amazed by the fact that these texts actually portrayed people living in greater poverty than they had to. I paid particular attention to the fact that the Q Gospel was born in traumatising, warlike circumstances. Psychiatric traumatology helped me understand the Q Gospel and other ancient documents using historical approaches in a way that would comply with modern behavioural science. Even though I found some answers to the questions I had posed in my research, the main result of my research work is the justification of the question: Is it important to ask whether there is a connection between the ethos expressed by means of the religious language of the Q Gospel and the predominantly war-related life experiences typical to Palestine at the time. As has been convincingly revealed by a number of studies, traumatic events contribute to the development of psychotic experiences. I approached the problematic nature, significance and complexity of the ideal of poverty and this warlike environment by clarifying the history of psychohistorical literary research and the interpretative contexts associated with Sigmund Freud, Jacques Lacan and Melanie Klein. It is justifiable to question abnormal mentality, but there is no reliable return from the abnormal mentality described in any particular text to the only affecting factor. The popular research tendency based on the Oedipus complex is just as controversial as the Oedipus complex itself. The sociological frameworks concerning moral panics and political paranoia of an outer and inner danger fit quite well with the construction of the Q Gospel. Jerrold M. Post, M.D., Professor of Psychiatry, Political Psychology and Interna-tional Affairs at George Washington University, and founder and director of the Center for the Analysis of Personality and Political Behavior for the Central Intelligence Agency, has focused on the role played by charisma in the attracting of followers and detailed the psychological styles of a "charismatic" leader. He wrote the books Political Paranoia and Leaders and Their Followers in a Dangerous World: the Psychology of Political Behavior among others. His psychoanalytic vocabulary was useful for my understanding of the minds and motivations involved in the Q Gospel s formation. The Q sect began to live in a predestined future, with the reality and safety of this world having collapsed in both their experience and their fantasies. The deep and clear-cut divisions into good and evil that are expressed in the Q Gospel reveal the powerful nature of destructive impulses, envy and overwhelming anxiety. Responsible people who influenced the Q Gospel's origination tried to mount an ascetic defense against anxiety, denying their own needs, focusing their efforts on another objective (God s Kingdom) and a regressive, submissive earlier phase of development (a child s carelessness). This spiritual process was primarily an ecclesiastic or group-dynamical tactic to give support to the power of group leaders.

Valoa itään? : Kansanlähetys ja Neuvostoliitto 1967-1973

Light to the East? The Finnish Lutheran Mission and the Soviet Union 1967 1973 The Cold War affected the lives of Christian churches, especially in Europe. Besides the official ecumenical relations between east and west, there existed unofficial activity from west to east, such as smuggling Bibles and distributing information about the severe condition of human rights in the USSR. This study examines this kind of unofficial activity originating in Finland. It especially concentrates on the missionary work to the Soviet Union done by the Finnish Lutheran Mission (FLM, Suomen Evankelisluterilainen Kansanlähetys) founded in 1967. The work for Eastern Europe was organised through the Department for the Slavic Missions. FLM was founded within the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland, but it was not connected to the church on an organisational level. In addition to the strong emphasis on the Lutheran confession, FLM presented evangelical theology. The fundamental work of the Department for the Slavic Missions was to organise the smuggling of Bibles and other Christian literature to the Soviet Union and other countries behind the iron curtain. They also financed several Christian radio programmes produced and aired mainly by the international Trans World Radio. The Department diversified its activity to humanitarian help by distributing material help such as clothes and shoes to the unregistered evangelical and baptist groups, which were called the underground churches . In Finland the Department focused on information services. It published its own magazine, Valoa idässä (Light in the East), 5 to 6 times per year. Through the magazine and by distributing samizdat material received from the unregistered Christian groups, it discussed and reported the violations of human rights in the Soviet Union, especially when the unregistered Christian groups were considered the victims. The resistance against the Soviet Union was not as much political but religious: the staff of the Department were religious and revivalist young people who thought, for instance, that communism was in some way an apocalyptic world power revealed in the Bible. Smuggling Bibles was discussed widely in the Finnish media and even in parliament and the Finnish Security Police (SUPO, Suojelupoliisi) and in the Lutheran Church. From the church s point of view, this kind of missionary work was understandable but bothersome. Through their ecumenical connections, the bishops knew the critical situation of churches behind the iron curtain very well, but wanted to act diplomatically and cautiously to prevent causing harm to ecumenical or political relations. The leftist media and members of parliament especially accused the work of the Department of being illegal and endangering relations between Finland and the Soviet Union. SUPO did not consider the work of the Department as illegal activity or as a threat to Finnish national security.

Teot ja pelastus varhaisessa juutalaisuudessa

Työn tarkoituksena on selvittää, miten varhaisessa juutalaisuudessa on ymmärretty tekojen ja pelastuksen välinen yhteys, ja osana sitä, mikä on ei-juutalaisten rooli pelastuksen kannalta. Pelastus määritellään Jumalan aikaansaamaksi myönteiseksi muutokseksi, joka tapahtuu jostakin huonommasta johonkin parempaan, ja voi liittyä sekä tämän- että tuonpuoleiseen elämään. Aineistona käytetään seuraavia tekstejä: Tobitin kirja, 1.-4. makkabilaiskirjat, Henokin kirja, Kahdentoista patriarkan testamentit, Abrahamin testamentti, Sibyllan oraakkelit, Salomon psalmit, Toinen Barukin kirja ja Qumranin Yhdyskuntasääntö (1QS). Tarkasteltavana on juutalainen ajattelu ajanjaksolla n. 300 eKr. - 70 jKr. Aineiston valinta perustellaan, ja siinä käytetään kirjallisuuden lisäksi apuna pelastussanojen esiintymisfrekvenssejä. Työn pääosa muodostuu siten, että kustakin kirjasta etsitään ja järjestetään pelastusta koskevat kohdat. Tätä tarkastelua täydennetään kirjallisuuden tiedoilla siten, että kustakin tekstistä on yksi luku, jossa kirjan pelastusta koskevat ajatukset käydään läpi. Lisäksi tarkastellaan myös kirjoitusten taustalla vaikuttaneita ryhmittymiä, apokalyptiikkaa ja messiashahmoa. Löydetty materiaali järjestetään edelleen johtopäätöksiksi. Työ sisältää joitakin suomeksi julkaisemattomien kirjoitusten kohtia, jotka tekijä on kääntänyt alkukielestä. Teoista ja pelastuksesta nousevat esille seuraavat asiat. Tooran noudattaminen on keskeisellä sijalla varhaisessa juutalaisuudessa, mutta ei vastaa tyhjentävästi tekojen vaatimukseen. Pelastus voi seurata lain määräysten noudattamisesta, mutta asiasta on erilaisia painotuksia ja tulkintoja. Lakia voidaan ymmärtää eri tavoin, eikä kaikkia määräyksiä pidetä välttämättä sitovina. Elinympäristökin sanelee lain noudattamiselle omat reunaehtonsa. Varhaisen juutalaisuuden keskuspaikkana on Jerusalemin temppeli, jossa harjoitettuun temppelikulttiin osallistuminen tekee osalliseksi myös pelastuksesta. Temppelikultti saattaa kuitenkin olla mahdotonta harjoittaa, tai jotkut ryhmät katsovat sen saastuneen. Tällöin tilalle nousee muita tekoja, joilla on pelastava vaikutus. Teot, jotka ovat jo aiemmin kuuluneet hurskauselämään, saavat nyt paljon suuremman painoarvon. Almujen antaminen pelastaa ja varjelee, samoin paasto ja nöyrtyminen. Juhlien ja sapatin vietto korvaa temppelin puuttumista, mutta sapattimääräysten sitovuus sota-aikana joudutaan arvioimaan. Keskeisiä säädöksiä pelastuksen kannalta ovat myös ruokamääräykset, siveys ja avioliitto omaan kansaan tai sukuun kuuluvan kanssa. Oikean asian puolesta sodittaessa Jumala voi pelastaa viholliselta ja antaa voittoja omissa sotatoimissa, mutta tappioiden jälkeen pelastusajatukset suuntautuvat täydeltä tuholta välttymiseen tai eskatologiseen pelastukseen. Kärsimys tuottaa sovinnon Jumalan kanssa. Joissakin teksteissä marttyyrien veri tuottaa sovituksen koko kansalle, ja vastarintaan kehotetaankin nousemaan empimättä. Myös ennenaikaisen kuoleman katsotaan pelastavan niin, ettei kuolemanjälkeistä rangaistusta enää tule. Rukous on monissa kohdissa keskeinen teko, joka vaikuttaa pelastumiseen sekä maanpäällisessä että kuolemanjälkeisessä elämässä, ja sekä toisten että rukoilijan omalta osalta. Tuonpuoleiseen kohtaloon vaikuttavat teot punnitaan kuoleman jälkeen. Myös itse kuolintapahtuman lempeys tai julmuus riippuu maanpäällisistä teoista. Pelastusodotukset kohdistuvat joissakin teksteissä Messiaaseen, joka kuvataan osittain eri tavoin ja eri henkilöinäkin. Yleinen käsitys on daavidilainen sotaisa hahmo. Joissakin kirjoituksissa kuvataan universaali henkimaailma, joka vaikuttaa niin juutalaisten kuin muihinkin kansoihin kuuluvien ihmisten tekojen taustalla. Ohjeita annetaan siitä, mikä tekee oikeat teot ylipäätään mahdollisiksi tehdä. Paitsi että järki on avuksi, niin hyvän tekeminen ja sydämen täyttyminen rakkaudella pelastavat vihasta ja saavat toimimaan oikein. Ei-juutalaiset voidaan nähdä pahoina valloittajina, mutta syynä heidän raakuuksilleen ovat sittenkin oman kansan synnit. Juutalaisten kohtalo toimii muille kansoille varoituksena ja esimerkkinä. Joissakin teksteissä uskalletaan rinnastaa juutalaisten ja ei-juutalaisten pelastus melko pitkällekin, joissakin taas on jyrkempi rajanveto. Sibyllan oraakkeleissa on suoranaisia määräyksiä muille kansoille. Ajattelutavassa on eroja eri juutalaisten ryhmien välillä. Jotkut käsitykset pelastuksesta ovat yhdistettävissä sadokilaiseen temppelipapistoon, makkabilaisiin, essealaisiin, Qumranin yhteisöön, fariseuksiin tai vähemmän tunnettuihin ryhmiin, sen mukaan kuin tekstejä voidaan yhdistää näihin.

Yhdysvaltain terrorisminvastaisen sodan oikeutus

Yhdysvallat on ottanut johtavan roolin terrorisminvastaisessa sodassa ja julkaissut terrorisminvastaisen sodan asiakirjoja, joista kansallinen turvallisuusstrategia vuosilta 2002 ja 2006 sekä kansallinen terrorisminvastainen asiakirja vuodelta 2006 ovat tämän tutkimuksen lähdeaineisto. Tutkielmassa analysoin, miten Yhdysvallat perustelee ja pyrkii oikeuttamaan terrorisminvastaisen sotansa. Tarkastelun teen vertaamalla terrorisminvastaisen sodan asiakirjoja perinteiseen länsimaiseen oikeudenmukaisen sodan teoriaan. Tutkimuksessani vastaan myös siihen, täyttääkö terrorisminvastainen sota oikeudenmukaisen sodan ehdot. Tarkastelussa käytän metodina systemaattista käsiteanalyysiä. Terrorisminvastaisen sodan tärkein väline on demokratia, johon Yhdysvallat sisällyttää ihmisoikeuksia ja yksilönvapauksia. Terrorisminvastaisen sodan tavoitteena on luoda sellaiset maailmanlaajuiset ja rauhalliset olosuhteet, että ihmiset pääsisivät nauttimaan jokaiselle luonnostaan kuuluvista yksilönvapauksista ja ihmisoikeuksista. Jotta sota olisi oikeudenmukainen, on tiettyjen ehtojen täytyttävä. Ennen sotaa on pyrittävä ratkaisemaan rauhanomaisesti sotaan johtava syy. Sodassa tulee olla oikeutettu peruste ja realistiset tavoitteet, jotka on esitettävä ennen sotaa. Vain itsepuolustuksellinen sota on oikeutettua. Sotaan voi ryhtyä vain laillinen auktoriteetti. Sodankäynnissä tulee käyttää vain kansainvälisesti hyväksyttyjen sodan sääntöjen sallimia menetelmiä. Tärkeintä sodankäynnissä on ihmisoikeuksien mahdollisimman pitkälle menevä kunnioitus. Sodan tavoitteena on tuottaa enemmän hyvää kuin pahaa. Sodalla saavutetun tilanteen tulee olla parempi kuin sotaa edeltävä tilanne. Sodan tavoitteena on oltava rauha, jonka ehtojen on oltava ennakoitavissa jo sotaa edeltävissä ja sodan aikaisissa toimissa ja sopimuksissa. Terrorisminvastaisten asiakirjojen perusteella Yhdysvallat täyttää terrorisminvastaisessa sodassa oikeudenmukaisen sodan ehdot, lukuunottamatta kaikkien rauhanomaisten keinojen koettelua ja ihmisoikeuksien kunnioitusta. Yhdysvallat vetoaa terrorismin poikkeavaan luonteeseen ja siihen, että terrorismi muodostaa äärimmäisen hätätilanteen. Äärimmäisessä hätätilanteessa on mahdollista toimia niin, että jos toimimalla vastoin oikeudenmukaisen sodan teorian ehtoja saavutetaan parempi lopputulos kuin ehtojen noudattamisella saavutettava lopputulos, on tietyin ehdoin mahdollista jättää osa oikeudenmukaisen sodan ehdoista täyttämättä. Yhdysvaltain mukaan terrorisminvastaisen sodan ihmisuhrit ovat välttämättömiä, jotta saavutetaan enemmän ihmishenkiä säästävä maailmanlaajuinen rauha. Terrorisminvastaisen sodan vankien ihmisoikeusloukkausten taustalla on pyrkimys yleisen turvallisuuden lisäämiseen. Lisäksi Yhdysvallat on vedonnut siihen, että rauhanomaisten neuvottelujen aikana terroristit ehtivät valmistautua tuleviin iskuihin. Yhdysvallat suosii nopeaa ja yllättävää toimintaa, vaikka se pyrkiikiin mahdollisuuksien mukaan rauhanomaisiin ratkaisuihin.

Ett' varttuisi Suomenmaa : Suomalaisten kasvattaminen kulutusyhteiskuntaan kotimaisissa lyhytelokuvissa 1920-1969

The birth of the Modern Consumer Society in Finnish short films 1920-1969 The main subject of this research is Finnish short films in 1920-1969. These short films were produced by film studios for private enterprises, banks, advisory organizations, communities and the state. The evolution of short films on consumer affairs was greatly influenced by a special tax reduction system that was introduced in 1933 and lasted until 1964. The tax reduction system increased the production volumes of educational short films significantly. This study covers 342 Finnish short films, more than any other study in the field before this. The aim of this research is to examine how short films introduced Finns to modern consumer society. The cinemagoers were an excellent target group for different advisory groups as well as advertisers. Short films were used by organizations and private enterprises from very early on. In the 1920's Finns were still living in rural areas and agriculture was the dominant industry. Consumer society was still in its infancy, and the prevalent attitude to industrially produced goods was that of suspicion. From the cultural and ideological point of view the evolution of trust was one of the first steps towards the birth of the consumer society. Short films were an excellent means for helping to transform public attitudes. During the war period short films were an important means of propaganda. Short films were produced in abundance and shown for big audiences. They guided people how to survive shortages caused by the war. Even though the idea of rationalization was presented in short films somewhat in the 1920's and 1930's it became a national virtue during the war period. The idea of rationalization widened from the industry to households expecially in the late 1940's and the 1950's. New household apparati and the way in which daily chores were taken care of were presented not as luxury consumption but as a way of rationalization and saving money and effort. Banks and the advisory organizations guided the public to save their money for a specific target. Short films were use to help the public to acceps industrial goods and the notions of planning and saving. The ideological change from an agrarian society to consumer society was based on old acricultural ideas and self-sufficiency was evolved into rational and economizing consumerism. This made Finnish consumer society to value durable consumer goods and own homes. The public was also encouraged to consider their own decisions in the national context - especially after the second world war Finland laced capital, and personal savings were strongly presented as a way to help the whole nation. Modern hedonistic values were not dominant in Finland in the1950's and 1960's. Initial traces of modern hedonism can be seen in the films, but they were only marginal paths in the bigger.

The Soviet Union, Finland and the Cold War : The Finnish Card in Soviet Foreign Policy, 1956-1959

From the Soviet point of view the actual substance of Soviet-Finnish relations in the second half of 1950s clearly differed from the contemporary and later public image, based on friendship and confidence rhetoric. As the polarization between the right and the left became more underlined in Finland in the latter half of the 1950s, the criticism towards the Soviet Union became stronger, and the USSR feared that this development would have influence on Finnish foreign policy. From the Soviet point of view, the security commitments of FCMA-treaty needed additional guarantees through control of Finnish domestic politics and economic relations, especially during international crises. In relation to Scandinavia, Finland was, from the Soviet point of view, the model country of friendship or neutrality policy. The influence of the Second Berlin Crisis or the Soviet-Finnish Night Frost Crisis in 1958-1959 to Soviet policy towards Scandinavia needs to be observed from this point of view. The Soviet Union used Finland as a tool, in agreement with Finnish highest political leadership, for weakening of the NATO membership of Norway and Denmark, and for maintaining Swedish non-alliance. The Finnish interest to EFTA membership in the summer of 1959, at the same time with the Scandinavian countries, seems to have caused a panic reaction in the USSR, as the Soviets feared that these economic arrangements would reverse the political advantages the country had received in Finland after the Night Frost Crisis. Together with history of events, this study observes the interaction of practical interests and ideologies, both in individuals and in decision-making organizations. The necessary social and ideological reforms in the Soviet Union after 1956 had influence both on the legitimacy of the regime, and led to contradictions in the argumentation of Soviet foreign policy. This was observed both in the own camp as well as in the West. Also, in Finland a breakthrough took place in the late 1950's: as the so-called counter reaction lost to the K-line, "a special relationship" developed with the Soviet Union. As a consequence of the Night Frost Crisis the Soviet relationship became a factor decisively defining the limits of domestic politics in Finland, a part of Finnish domestic political argumentation. Understood from this basis, finlandization is not, even from the viewpoint of international relations, a special case, but a domestic political culture formed by the relationship between a dominant state, a superpower, and a subordinate state, Finland.

Humanitaarisuuden varjossa : Poliittiset tekijät lastensiirroissa Ruotsiin sotiemme aikana ja niiden jälkeen

The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

Lippu, uhri, kansakunta : Ryhmäkokemukset ja -rajat Suomessa 1917 1945

This dissertation deals with the notions of sacrifice and violence in connection with the Fin¬nish flag struggles between 1917 and 1945. The study begins with the basic idea that sacrificial thinking is a key element in nationalism and the social cohesion of large groups. The method used in the study combines anthropological notions of totemism with psychoanalytical object relation theory. The aim is to explore the social and psychological elements of the Finnish national flag and the workers flags during the times of crisis and nation building. The phenomena and concepts addressed include self-sacrifice, scapegoating, remembrance of war, inclusion, and exclusion. The research is located at the intersection of nationalism studies and the cultural history of war. The analysis is based primarily on the press debates, public speeches and archival sources of the civic organizations that promoted the Finnish flag. The study is empirically divided into three sections: 1) the years of the Revolution and the Civil War (1917 1918), 2) the interwar period (1919 1938), and 3) the Second World War (1939 1945). The research demonstrates that the modern national flags and workers flags in Finland maintain certain characteristics of primitive totems. When referred to as a totem the flag means an emotionally charged symbol, a reservoir of the collective ideals of a large group. Thus the flag issue offers a path to explore the perceptions and memory of sacrifice and violence in the making of the First Republic . Any given large group, for example a nation, must conceptually pursue a consensus on its past sacrifices. Without productive interpretation sacrifice represents only meaningless violence. By looking at the passions associated with the flag the study also illuminates various group identities, boundaries and crossings of borders within the Finnish society at the same time. The study shows further that the divisive violence of the Civil War was first overcome in the late 1930s when the social democrats adopted a new perception of the Red victims of 1918 they were seen as part of the birth pains of the nation, and not only the martyrs of class struggle. At the same time the radical Right became marginalized. The study also illuminates how this development made the Spirit of the Winter War possible, a genuine albeit brief experience of horizontal brother and sisterhood, and how this spirit was reflected in the popular adoption of the Finnish flag. The experience was not based only on the external and unifying threat posed by the Soviet Union: it was grounded in a sense of unifying sacrifice which reflected a novel way of understanding the nation and its past sacrifices. Paradoxically, the newly forged consensus over the necessity and the rewards of the common sacrifices of the Winter War (1939 1940) made new sacrifices possible during the Continuation War (1941 1944). In spite of political discord and war weariness, the concept of a unified nation under the national flag survived even the absurdity of the stationary war phase. It can be said that the conflict between the idea of a national community and parliamentary party politics dissolved as a result of the collective experience of the Second World War.

Museoesineitä Itä-Karjalasta : Väinö Tuomaalan jatkosodan aikana keräämä esinekokoelma ja sen syntyhistoria

Jatkosodan aikana kerättiin Suomen valtaamalta alueelta Itä-Karjalasta tuhansittain museoesineitä Suomen museoihin. Kansallismuseon kokoelmiin kerättiin esineitä lähinnä suomenheimoisilta mutta myös isovenäläisiltä. Tämän tutkimuksen kohteena on lähes 400:n esineen kokoelma, joka toimitettiin Kansallismuseoon vuosina 1941 1944 ja merkittiin kansallisuudeltaan venäläiseksi. Näistä venäläisistä esineistä suurimman osan keräsi alikersanttina palvellut Väinö Tuomaala. Tutkimukseni tarkastelee Väinö Tuomaalan kokoelmaa ja etsii syitä siihen, miksi kokoelma on sellainen kuin se on, miksi se ja koko venäläisten esineiden kokoelma syntyi ja mitkä seikat vaikuttivat Tuomaalan esinevalintoihin. Tutkimuksen teoria rakentuu museologisen kirjallisuuden varaan. Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan Väinö Tuomaalan kokoelman keräyskonteksteja. Keräyskonteksteihin kuuluvat kokoelman kerääjä, keräysajankohta ja -paikka sekä yhteenkuuluvat esineet, eli muut venäläiset esineet. Kerääjän tarkastelussa huomioidaan hänen henkilöhistoriansa ja etsitään mahdollisia keruuseen vaikuttaneita tekijöitä. Keräysajankohdan tarkastelussa huomio kiinnittyy keruuympäristöön, eli vallitseviin olosuhteisiin ja aatteelliseen ilmapiiriin, joiden vaikutuksen alaisena keruu suoritettiin. Primääriaineisto koostuu Kansallismuseon alaisen Kulttuurien museon yleisetnografisten esineiden kokoelmaan kuuluvista 198:sta Väinö Tuomaalan keräämästä esineestä verifikaatteineen, jotka ovat osa 393 esinettä käsittävästä venäläisestä kokoelmasta. Aineisto sisältää myös eri arkistojen materiaalia. Kansallisarkiston Sörnäisten toimipisteestä, entisestä sota-arkistota, löytyneitä sotapäiväkirjoja ja Tuomaalan kantakorttia on tutkimuksessa käytetty jatkosodan tapahtumien esittämiseen. Museoviraston hallinto-osaston arkiston kirjeet ja pöytäkirjat ovat antaneet tietoa kulttuurikeruun organisoinnista. Väinö Tuomaalan arkistokokoelma Seinäjoella sisältää Tuomaalan keräämää perinneaineistoa, hänen puheitaan, lehtikirjoituksiaan ja kirjeenvaihtoaan. Myös Evijärven kunnantalon kotiseutuarkistosta löytyneet kirjeet ovat valottaneet Tuomaalan jatkosodan aikaista keruutoimintaa. Suomalaisen Kirjallisuuden Seuran arkistot ovat tarjonneet materiaalia jatkosodan aikaisesta kulttuurikeruusta. Koko venäläisten esineiden kokoelma syntyi sattumalta ja organisoimattoman toiminnan tuloksena, jossa aktiivisia toimijoita olivat yksittäiset kerääjät. Intohimoisesta suhtautumisesta kansatieteellistä keruuta kohtaan johtuen, Tuomaala olisi todenäköisesti kerännyt museoesineitä missä päin Itä-Karjalaa tahansa. Väinö Tuomaalan Itä-Karjalassa keräämä esinekokoelma oli luonnollinen jatke hänen kotiseudullaan aloittamalleen keräystoiminnalle. Tuomaalan jatkosodan aikana keräämä kokoelma on kerääjän mieltymysten mukainen yritys kerätä vanhaa itäkarjalaista, kansallista talonpoikaiskulttuuria. Tuomaala pyrki keräämään klassista kansatieteellistä aineistoa monipuolisesti kansankulttuurin eri elämänalueilta. Tuomaalan esinekeruussa näkyi vahvasti talonpoikaiskulttuurin ihannointi ja halu pelastaa osa siitä tuleville sukupolville. Yrityksen onnistumiseen vaikuttivat sodanajan olosuhteet sekä aatteellinen ilmapiiri. Esineiden saatavuudella oli merkittävä osa kokoelman muodostumiseen, samoin Tuomaalan käsityksillä heimokansoista, Suur-Suomesta ja venäläisistä. Keruuvalintoihin ja keruun jatkumiseen vaikuttivat myös Kansallismuseon henkilökunta ja työstä saatu tunnustus.