39 resultados para Verb phrase ellipsis

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Information structure and Kabyle constructions Three sentence types in the Construction Grammar framework The study examines three Kabyle sentence types and their variants. These sentence types have been chosen because they code the same state of affairs but have different syntactic structures. The sentence types are Dislocated sentence, Cleft sentence, and Canonical sentence. I argue first that a proper description of these sentence types should include information structure and, second, that a description which takes into account information structure is possible in the Construction Grammar framework. The study thus constitutes a testing ground for Construction Grammar for its applicability to a less known language. It constitutes a testing ground notably because the differentiation between the three types of sentences cannot be done without information structure categories and, consequently, these categories must be integrated also in the grammatical description. The information structure analysis is based on the model outlined by Knud Lambrecht. In that model, information structure is considered as a component of sentence grammar that assures the pragmatically correct sentence forms. The work starts by an examination of the three sentence types and the analyses that have been done in André Martinet s functional grammar framework. This introduces the sentence types chosen as the object of study and discusses the difficulties related to their analysis. After a presentation of the state of the art, including earlier and more recent models, the principles and notions of Construction Grammar and of Lambrecht s model are introduced and explicated. The information structure analysis is presented in three chapters, each treating one of the three sentence types. The analyses are based on spoken language data and elicitation. Prosody is included in the study when a syntactic structure seems to code two different focus structures. In such cases, it is pertinent to investigate whether these are coded by prosody. The final chapter presents the constructions that have been established and the problems encountered in analysing them. It also discusses the impact of the study on the theories used and on the theory of syntax in general.

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This dissertation discusses the relation between lexis, grammar and textual organisation. The major premise adopted here is that grammatical structures are motivated both by semantic potential of words and by text-pragmatic demands. In other words, it is argued that grammatical structures form the interface between lexis and textual organisation, and that linguistic analysis should not concentrate on analysing grammatical structures in isolation, independent of context. From this point of view, grammatical structures are said to be 'well-formed' only in relation to the context they occur in. This study is based on a corpus of three million words of recent Finnish fiction from which all the occurrences of the coordinated verb pairs ([V ja V] -pairs]) containing one of the intransitive motion verbs 'lähteä' (to go), 'mennä' (to go), 'päästä' (to get into), 'nousta' (to get up), and 'laskea' (to go down), were extracted. This set of verbs was established using methods described in earlier work by Lagus & Airola (2001, and 2005). The quantitative analysis of the [V ja V] -pairs was used to carry out a qualitative analysis of individual texts. In analysing the texts, an analogy was made between musical and textual structure. The results show among others that individual verbs specialise in different functions when occurring in coordinated verb pairs. One aspect was that those verb pairs including the verb 'nousta' tend to function as markers of textual boundaries and thus reflect the organisation of narrative substance. The verb 'mennä' has weakened literal meanings, but strengthened modal meanings when occurring in [V ja V] -pairs, and, in many cases, the verb 'lähteä' in [V ja V] -pairs function as an aspectual marker rather than a pure verb of motion. That there is a gradient from the concrete sense of motion into more differentiated senses of a verb in [V ja V] -pairs alongside the structure-creating potential of the [V ja V] -pairs themselves suggest an ongoing grammaticalisation process of the patterns discussed.

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Det har knappast undgått någon som är språkligt medveten att finlandssvenskan och sverigesvenskan skiljer sig åt till vissa delar. Olikheterna återfinns på olika språkliga nivåer. Mest kända och omskrivna är de lexikologiska skillnaderna, dvs. skillnaderna på ordplanet. Betydligt mindre uppmärksamhet har ägnats syntaktiska skillnader, dvs. skillnader i hur satser och meningar byggs upp. För att öka kunskapen om finlandssvensk syntax initierade Språkvetenskapliga nämnden vid Svenska litteratursällskapet i Finland projektet Svenskan i Finland – syntaktiska drag i ett jämförande perspektiv, som pågick åren 2004–2006. Min avhandling har kommit till inom ramen för det projektet. Prepositionerna (t.ex. av, i, på, för, till, åt osv.) är så kallade funktionsord som har till uppgift att binda samman de mer betydelsetunga orden till satser och meningar. Den finlandssvenska prepositionsanvändningen skiljer sig i viss mån från den sverigesvenska, och ”åt” är en av de prepositioner som ofta lyfts fram som exempel. Finlandssvenskarna säger t.ex. ”han gav en bok åt Lena” i stället för ”han gav en bok till Lena” eller ”han gav Lena en bok”. De säger ”berätta något åt någon” (i stället för ”för”) och de säger ”ringa åt någon” i stället för ”ringa någon”. Ett huvudsyfte med min undersökning är att ta reda på hur pass stora skillnaderna är om man ser till samtliga belägg på ”åt” i ett material och inte bara till sådana som man fäster sig vid för att man vet att de avviker i finlandssvenskan. Undersökningen är korpusbaserad. Det betyder att jag letat efter alla belägg på kombinationer av verb och prepositionen ”åt” i rätt stora textmassor som finns tillgängliga i elektronisk form. Materialet ligger i Språkbanken i Finland och omfattar huvudsakligen tidningstext och skönlitteratur. Jag har använt mig av en textmassa på sammanlagt ungefär 40 miljoner löpande ord, drygt 23 miljoner finlandssvenska och drygt 19 miljoner sverigesvenska. Det materialet gav ca 20 000 åt-belägg att studera, och det visade sig något oväntat att ”åt” inte alls är vanligare i finlandssvenskan än i sverigesvenskan när det gäller skriftspråk, åtminstone inte i professionella skribenters språk. Om man kompenserar för att den finlandssvenska och den sverigesvenska korpusen inte är helt lika i fråga om genrefördelning och ålder, kommer man fram till i stort sett samma frekvens för ”åt” i båda korpusarna. För den närmare analysen av vilka mönster åt-beläggen uppvisar har jag först och främst utnyttjat konstruktionsgrammatik men också ramsemantik och valensteori. Konstruktionsgrammatiken är ingen enhetlig teori, men tanken om grammatiska konstruktioner är gemensam. Konstruktioner representerar allt från generella syntaktiska mönster till specifika mönster för språkliga enskildheter. Uppfattningen om vad som ska inbegripas i begreppet varierar, men definitionen av ”konstruktion” som ”par (eller konstellationer) av form och betydelse” är gemensam. ”Konstruktion” avser aldrig konkreta belägg i texter eller yttranden utan alltid det abstrakta mönstret bakom dessa. Och varje yttrande är resultatet av att en stor mängd konstruktioner samverkar. I min analys har jag utgått ifrån att beläggen med ”åt” kan återföras på olika konstruktioner eller mönster utifrån vad som är gemensamt för grupper av belägg. Jag har sett på vad åt-frasen i samverkan med verbet har för funktion i beläggen. En åt-fras är syntaktiskt en prepositionsfras och består av en preposition och en rektion. Exempelvis utgör ordparet ”åt skogen” en prepositionsfras där ”skogen” är rektion. Ur mitt material har jag kunnat abstrahera fram fem övergripande mönster där referenten för rektionen har olika så kallade semantiska roller. Åt-frasen kan i kombination med verbet ange mål eller riktmärke, som i t.ex. svänga åt höger, dra åt helvete, ta sig åt hjärtat, luta åt en seger för IFK. Den kan för det andra ange mottagare (t.ex. ge varsin kaka åt hundarna, bygga en bastu åt sina svärföräldrar, skaffa biljetter åt en kompis). För det tredje kan åt-frasen avse en referent som har nytta (eller skada) av en aktion (t.ex. klippa häcken åt grannen, ställa in digitalboxen åt sin moster). Åt-frasen kan slutligen avse den eller det som är föremål antingen för en kommunikationsaktion (vinka åt sin son, skratta åt eländet) eller en attityd eller känsla (glädja sig åt framgången). Utöver dessa huvudmönster finns det ett antal smärre grupper av belägg som bildar egna mönster, men de utgör sammanlagt under 3 % i bägge korpusarna. Inom grupperna kan undermönster urskiljas. I t.ex. mottagargruppen representerar ”ge varsin kaka åt hundarna” överföringskonstruktion, ”bygga en bastu åt sina svärföräldrar” produktionskonstruktion och ”skaffa biljetter åt en kompis” ombesörjningskonstruktion. Alla typer är gemensamma för bägge materialen, men andelen belägg som representerar de olika typerna skiljer sig betydligt. I det sverigesvenska materialet står t.ex. det mönster där åt-frasen avser mål eller riktmärke för en mycket större andel av beläggen än i finlandssvenskan. Också andelen belägg där åt-frasen avser någon som har nytta (eller skada) av en aktion är mycket högre i det sverigesvenska materialet. I det finlandssvenska materialet står i gengäld mottagarbeläggen för över 50 % av beläggen medan andelen i det sverigesvenska materialet är bara 30 %. Inom gruppen utgör belägg av produktions- och ombesörjningstyp dessutom en mindre andel i det finlandssvenska materialet än i det sverigesvenska. Dessa står till sin funktion nära den typ som avser den som har nytta av aktionen. De konkreta beläggen på överföring (ge varsin kaka åt hundarna) utgör en större andel i det finlandssvenska materialet än i det sverigesvenska (ca 8 % mot 3 %), men typiskt för båda materialen är hög kollokationsgrad (”kollokation” avser par eller grupper av ord som uppträder oftare tillsammans än de statiskt sett skulle göra vid helt slumpmässig förekomst). Största delen av mottagarbeläggen utgörs av fraser av typen ”ge arbete åt någon, ge eftertryck åt något, ge liv åt något; ägna tid åt något, ägna sitt liv åt något, ägna uppmärksamhet åt något”. De här slutsatserna gäller alltså skriftspråk. I talspråk ser fördelningen annorlunda ut. Typiskt för prepositionen ”åt” är överhuvudtaget hög kollokationsgrad. Det förefaller som om språkanvändarna har tydliga, färdiga mallar för var ”åt” kan komma in. Det enda mönster som verkar helt produktivt, i den meningen att elementen är i stort sett fritt kombinerbara, är kombinationer av verb och åt-fras där åt-frasen avser den som har nytta av något. Att någon utför något för någons räkning verkar överlag kunna uttryckas med prepositionen ”åt”: t.ex. ”tvätta bilen åt pappa, ringa efter en taxi åt kunden”. Till och med belägg av typen ”hon drömde åt honom att bli ordinarie adjunkt” förekommer i någon mån. Konstruktionen är produktiv i båda språkvarieteterna men uppenbart är att konstruktion med mottagare har tolkningsföreträde i vissa fall i finlandssvenskan: ”Filip skrev ett brev åt sin syster” tolkas av sverigesvenskar som att Filip skrev brevet för systerns räkning, medan finlandssvenskar överlag uppenbarligen tolkar det som att Filip skrev till sin syster, att systern var mottagare av brevet. Ungefär 20 % av alla belägg i båda materialen representerar fall där ”åt” utgör partikel. Verb och ”åt” är närmare förbundna med varandra än när ”åt” utgör normal preposition. Exempel på partikelbelägg är ”han kom inte åt strömbrytaren, det gick åt mängder med saft, landet får dra åt svångremmen, de roffade åt sig de bästa platserna”. Också partikelmaterialet ser på ett generellt plan väldigt lika ut i båda språkvarieteterna. Den största skillnaden uppvisar den reflexiva typen ”roffa åt sig”. Medan typen är mycket homogen i det sverigesvenska materialet är variationen större i det finlandsvenska. Dels uppträder fler verb i kombinationen (han köpte åt sig ett par jeans), dels vacklar ordföljden (han nappade åt sig ett paraply ~ han nappade ett paraply åt sig). Att ”åt” används mer i vissa funktioner i finlandsvenskan brukar förklaras med påverkan från finskans allativ (ändelsen -lle: hän antoi kirjan Astalle > hon gav en bok åt Asta). Allt tyder dock på att den finlandssvenska åt-användningen delvis är en relikt. I äldre sverigesvenska källor träffar man på ”åt” i sådana kontexter som numera är typiska för finlandsvenskan. Det finlandssvenska språkområdet ligger ute i periferin i relation till det språkliga centrum som förändringar sprider sig från (för svenskans del främst Stockholmstrakten) och typiskt för perifera områden är att de uppvisar ålderdomliga drag också när inga kontaktfenomen spelar in. Allativen kan naturligtvis ha bidragit till att bevara användningen av ”åt” i finlandssvenskan. Att det är just ”åt” som används” beror antagligen på att prepositionen har flest funktioner gemensamt med allativen rent kognitivt om man jämför med de betydligt mer frekventa prepositionerna ”till” och ”för”. Uppenbart är också att åt-användningen därtill lever sitt eget liv i finlandssvenskan. I vissa varieteter av finlandssvenska kan man t.ex. höra yttranden av typ ”alla fiskarna dog åt dom”. Som språklig enskildhet har det ingen finsk förebild med allativ. Yttrandet är ett exempel på töjning av en svensk konstruktion. Modell finns dels i det mönster där åt avser den som har nytta eller skada av något, dels i relationell användning av ”åt”: han är hantlangare åt Eriksson ~ han är Erikssons hantlangare. Vid språkkontakt är det överlag konstruktioner som har förebild i det låntagande språket som lånas in från det långivande språket, medan konstruktioner som saknar förebild är betydligt mindre benägna att vinna insteg.

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Dynamic constructions Dynamic constructions is a study of the dynamism of Finnish grammar. Dynamism as a linguistic phenomenon is studied on both the diachronic and synchronic level. The study therefore focuses not only on the temporal changes of grammar but also on the conventionality of grammatical structures and on the interplay between closely related constructions. Dynamism is also treated as a phenomenon occurring between different varieties of Finnish. All in all, dynamism is shown to be a key feature of the nature of grammar. The study is set within the framework of cognitive linguistics and construction grammar. Both theories emphasise the role of constructions pairings of form with semantic or discourse function in the composition and development of grammar. The grammar of a language is understood to be a structured inventory of such constructions. I argue that the constructions are best studied in their original contexts of use. Thus, the study is usage-based in a strict sense. The data is compiled from various corpora consisting of both written and spoken as well as standard and non-standard Finnish. The dissertation consists of an introduction and four empirical studies. The four papers examine various Finnish constructions and thereby shed light on different aspects of the dynamism of a grammar. The first paper focuses on the diachronic development of the Finnish temporal converb essa. The second paper discusses a specific construction which includes the essa converb, that is, the mikäs on ollessa construction. Some closely related constructions and their semantic interplay are also examined. The third paper extensively studies what is generally regarded as an ellipsis of the negation verb in Finnish. By using present day Finnish data, I show that the omission of the negation verb is not an instance of mere ellipsis but rather a construction. The final paper combines the themes of the second and the third paper by focusing on closely related constructions of the negative ellipsis construction.

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This dissertation studies the language of Latin letters that were written in Egypt and Vindolanda (in northern Britain) during the period 1st century BC 3rd century AD on papyri, ostraca, and wooden tablets. The majority of the texts is, in one way or another, connected with the Roman army. The focus of the study is on syntax and pragmatics. Besides traditional philological methods, modern syntactic theory is used as well, especially in the pragmatic analysis. The study begins with a critical survey of certain concepts that are current in the research on the Latin language, most importantly the concept of vulgar Latin , which, it is argued, seems to be used as an abstract noun for variation and change in Latin . Further, it is necessary to treat even the non-literary material primarily as written texts and not as straightforward reflections of spoken language. An examination of letter phraseology shows that there is considerable variation between the two major geographical areas of provenance. Latin letter writing in Egypt was influenced by Greek. The study highlights the importance of seeing the letters as a text type, with recurring phraseological elements appearing in the body text as well. It is argued that recognising these elements is essential for the correct analysis of the syntax. Three areas of syntax are discussed in detail: sentence connection (mainly parataxis), syntactically incoherent structures and word order (the order of the object and the verb). For certain types of sentence connection we may plausibly posit an origin in spoken Latin, but for many other linguistic phenomena attested in this material the issue of spoken Latin is anything but simple. Concerning the study of historical syntax, the letters offer information about the changing status of the accusative case. Incoherent structures may reflect contaminations in spoken language but usually the reason for them is the inability of the writer to put his thoughts into writing, especially when there is something more complicated to be expressed. Many incoherent expressions reflect the need to start the predication with a thematic constituent. Latin word order is seen as resulting from an interaction of syntactic and pragmatic factors. The preference for an order where the topic is placed sentence-initially can be seen in word order more generally as well. Furthermore, there appears a difference between Egypt and Vindolanda. The letters from Vindolanda show the order O(bject) V(erb) clearly more often than the letters from Egypt. Interestingly, this difference correlates with another, namely the use of the anaphoric pronoun is. This is an interesting observation in view of the fact that both of these are traditional Latin features, as opposed to those that foreshadow the Romance development (VO order and use of the anaphoric ille). However, it is difficult to say whether this is an indication of social or regional variation.

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This study analyses the diction of Latin building inscriptions. Despite its importance, this topic has rarely been discussed before: the most substantial contribution on the subject is a short dissertation by Klaus Gast (1965) that focuses on 100 inscriptions dating mostly from the Republican period. Marietta Horster (2001) also touched upon this theme in her thesis on imperial building inscriptions. I have collected my source material in North Africa because more Latin building inscriptions dating from the Imperial period have survived there than in any other area of the Roman Empire. By means of a thorough and independent survey, I have assembled all relevant African Latin building inscriptions datable to the Roman period (between 146 BC and AD 425), 1002 texts, into a corpus. These inscriptions are all fully edited in Appendix 1; Appendix 2 contains references to earlier editions. To facilitate search operations, both are also available in electronic form. They are downloadable from the address http://www.helsinki.fi/hum/kla/htm/jatkoopinnot.htm. Chapter one is an introduction dealing with the nature of building inscriptions as source material. Chapter two offers a statistical overview of the material. The following main section of the work falls into five chapters, each of which analyses one main part of a building inscription. An average building inscription can be divided into five parts: the starting phrase opens the inscription (a dedication to gods, for example), the subject part identifies the builder, the object part describes the constructed or repaired building, the predicate part records the building activity and the supplement part offers additional information on the project (it can specify the funding, for instance). These chapters are systematic and chronological and their purpose is to register and interpret the phrases used, to analyse reasons for their use and for their popularity among the different groups of builders. Chapter eight, which follows the main section of the work, creates a typology of building inscriptions based on their structure. It also presents the most frequently attested types of building inscriptions. The conclusion describes, on a general level, how the diction of building inscriptions developed during the period of study and how this striking development resulted from socio-economic changes that took place in Romano-African society during Antiquity. This study shows that the phraseology of building inscriptions had a clear correlation both with the type of builder and with the date of carving. Private builders tended to accentuate their participation (especially its financial side) in the project; honouring the emperor received more emphasis in the building inscriptions set up by communities; the texts produced by the army were concise. The chronological development is so clear that it enables stylistic dating. At the beginning of the imperial period the phrases were clear, concrete, formal and stereotyped but by Late Antiquity they have become vague, subjective, flexible, varied and even rhetorically or poetically coloured.

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Relative Constructions with Pronominal Heads in Contemporary Russian Chapter 1 introduces the distinctive syntactic and semantic properties of Russian relative constructions (RCs), which are then divided into two main classes according to the type of the head phrase. The study concentrates on RCs with pronominal heads, which are systematically compared with noun-headed RCs. Chapter 2 clarifies the categorization of pronouns in Russian. The conclusion is that Russian pronouns include only personal, reflexive and wh-pronouns. The remaining words that are traditionally seen as pronouns are actually functional equivalents of determiners. This idea leads to the suggestion that RCs with these determiner-like words as the only constituent of the head phrase are actually headed by zero pronouns. In the other type of RCs with pronominal heads, the head position is occupied by wh-pronouns with clitics expressing different types of indefiniteness and quantification. Comparison of the two types of pronoun-headed RCs shows that the wh-heads and zero-heads share a number of common properties with respect to the grammatical gender, number and person as well as to the semantic distinction between animates and inanimates. The rest of Chapter 2 gives an overview of various uses of wh-pronouns in Russian and an experimental analysis of RCs headed by pronominal adverbs. Chapter 3 discusses fundamental differences between RCs with noun and pronominal heads. One of the main findings is that the choice of the relative pronoun (kto 'who' and chto 'what' versus kotoryj 'which') is motivated by a tendency to reproduce maximally the essential grammatical and semantic properties of the antecedent. Chapter 4 gives a detailed description of the determiner-like words and wh-based heads used in the two types of RCs with pronominal heads. In addition, several issues related to the syntax and semantics of free relatives are discussed. The conclusion is that there is no need to establish a separate category of free relatives in Russian. Chapter 5 discusses the syntax and semantics of correlative and free concessive constructions. They share a number of properties with pronoun-headed RCs and the two are often confused in Russian linguistics. However, a detailed analysis shows that these constructions must be distinguished from RCs. The study combines the methods of functionally-oriented Russian structuralism with some insights from generative syntax.

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Valency Realization in Short Excerpts of News Text. A Pragmatics-funded analysis This dissertation is a study of the so-called pragmatic valency. The aim of the study is to examine the phenomenon both theoretically by discussing the research literature and empirically based on evidence from a text corpus consisting of 218 short excerpts of news text from the German newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung. In the theoretical part of the study, the central concepts of the valency and the pragmatic valency are discussed. In the research literature, the valency denotes the relation among the verb and its obligatory and optional complements. The pragmatic valency can be defined as modification of the so-called system valency in the parole, including non-realization of an obligatory complement, non- realization of an optional complement and realization of an optional complement. Furthermore, the investigation of the pragmatic valency includes the role of the adjuncts, elements that are not defined by the valency, in the concrete valency realization. The corpus study investigates the valency behaviour of German verbs in a corpus of about 1500 sentences combining the methodology and concepts of valency theory, semantics and text linguistics. The analysis is focused on the about 600 sentences which show deviations from the system valency, providing over 800 examples for the modification of the system valency as codified in the (valency) dictionaries. The study attempts to answer the following primary question: Why is the system valency modified in the parole? To answer the question, the concept of modification types is entered. The modification types are recognized using distinctive feature bundles in which each feature with a negative or a positive value refers to one reason for the modification treated in the research literature. For example, the features of irrelevance and relevance, focus, world and text type knowledge, text theme, theme-rheme structure and cohesive chains are applied. The valency approach appears in a new light when explored through corpus-based investigation; both the optionality of complements and the distinction between complements and adjuncts as defined in the present valency approach seem in some respects defective. Furthermore, the analysis indicates that the adjuncts outside the valency domain play a central role in the concrete realization of the valency. Finally, the study suggests a definition of pragmatic valency, based on the modification types introduced in the study and tested in the corpus analysis.

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Coordination and juxtaposed sentences The object of this study is the examination of the relations between juxtaposed clauses in contemporary French. The matter in question is sentences which are composed of several clauses adjoined without a conjunction or other connector, as in: Je détournai les yeux, mon c ur se mit à battre. The aim of the study is to determine, which quality is the relation in these sentences and, on the other hand, what is the part of the coordination there. Furthermore, what is this relation of coordination, which, according to some grammars, manifests through a conjunction of coordination, but which, according to some others is marked in juxtaposed sentences through different features. The study is based on a corpus of written French from literary and journalistic text sources. Syntactic, semantic and textual properties in the clauses are discussed. The analysis points to differences so, it has been noted, in each case, if one of the clauses is affirmative and the other negative and if in the second clause, the subject has not been repeated. Also, an analysis has been made on the ground of the tense, mode, phrase structure type, and thematic structure, taking into account, in each case, if the clauses are identical or different. Punctuation has been one of the properties considered. The final aim has been to eliminate gradually, based on the partition of properties, subordinate sentences, so that only the hard core of coordinate sentences remains. In this way, the coordination could be defined similarly as the phoneme is defined as a group of distinctive features. The quantitative analyses have led to the conclusion that the sentences which, from a semantic point of view, are interpreted as coordinating, contain the least of these differences, while the sentences which can be considered as subordinating present the most of these differences. The conditions of coordination are, in that sense, hierarchical, so that the syntactic constraints have to make room for semantic, textual and cognitive factors. It is interesting to notice that everyone has the ability to produce correct coordinating structures and recognize incorrect coordinating structures. This can be explained by the human ability to categorize which has been widely researched in the semantic of prototype. The study suggests that coordination and subordination could be considered as prototypical cognitive categories based on different linguistic and pragmatic features.

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Expressing generalized-personal meaning in Russian Based on data from Russian, this doctoral dissertation examines generalized-personal meaning that is, generic expressions referring to all human beings, people in general, each or any person (e.g. S vozrastom načinae cenit prostye ve či With age you start to appreciate simple things ). The study shares its basic theoretical orientation with functional approaches going from meaning to form . The objective of the thesis is to determine and describe the various linguistic means which can be used by the speaker to express generalized-personal meaning. The main material of the study consists of 2,000 examples collected from modern Russian literature, newspapers, and magazines. The linguistic means of expressing generalized-personal meaning are divided into three main classes. Morphological and lexico-grammatical means (22% of the material) include the use of personal pronouns and personal verbal endings. In Russian, all personal forms except the 3rd person singular can be used in a generalized-personal meaning. Lexical means (14% of the material) involve, above all, pronouns like vse all , ka dyj everyone , nikto no one , as well as the nouns čelovek man and ljudi people . In emotional speech, generalized-personal meaning can also be conveyed lexically by using utterances like da e idiot znaet even an idiot knows . In rhetorical questions the pronoun kto who can appear in this meaning (cf. Kto ne ljubit moro enoe?! Who doesn t like ice cream?! ). The third main class, syntactic means (64% of the material), consists of constructions in which the generic person is not expressed at the surface level. This class mainly includes two-component structures in which the infinitive relates to a modal predicative adverb (e.g. mo no can, be allowed to , nado must ), modal verb (e.g. stoit be worth(while) , sleduet must, be obliged to ), or predicative adverb ending in -о (e.g. trudno it is hard to , neprilično is not appropriate ). Other syntactic means are: one-component infinitive structures, so-called embedded structures, structures with a processual noun, passive constructions, and gerund constructions. The different forms of expression available in Russian are not interchangeable in all contexts. Even if a given context tolerates the substitution of one construction for another, the two expressions are never entirely synonymous. In addition to determining the range of forms which can express generalized-personal meaning, the study aims to compare these forms and to specify the conditions and possible restrictions (contextual, semantic, syntactic, stylistic, etc.) associated with the use of each construction. In Russian linguistics, the generalized-personal meaning has not been extensively studied from a functional perspective. The advantage of a meaning-based functional approach is that it gives a comprehensive picture of the diversity and distribution of the phenomenon.

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In this dissertation, I present an overall methodological framework for studying linguistic alternations, focusing specifically on lexical variation in denoting a single meaning, that is, synonymy. As the practical example, I employ the synonymous set of the four most common Finnish verbs denoting THINK, namely ajatella, miettiä, pohtia and harkita ‘think, reflect, ponder, consider’. As a continuation to previous work, I describe in considerable detail the extension of statistical methods from dichotomous linguistic settings (e.g., Gries 2003; Bresnan et al. 2007) to polytomous ones, that is, concerning more than two possible alternative outcomes. The applied statistical methods are arranged into a succession of stages with increasing complexity, proceeding from univariate via bivariate to multivariate techniques in the end. As the central multivariate method, I argue for the use of polytomous logistic regression and demonstrate its practical implementation to the studied phenomenon, thus extending the work by Bresnan et al. (2007), who applied simple (binary) logistic regression to a dichotomous structural alternation in English. The results of the various statistical analyses confirm that a wide range of contextual features across different categories are indeed associated with the use and selection of the selected think lexemes; however, a substantial part of these features are not exemplified in current Finnish lexicographical descriptions. The multivariate analysis results indicate that the semantic classifications of syntactic argument types are on the average the most distinctive feature category, followed by overall semantic characterizations of the verb chains, and then syntactic argument types alone, with morphological features pertaining to the verb chain and extra-linguistic features relegated to the last position. In terms of overall performance of the multivariate analysis and modeling, the prediction accuracy seems to reach a ceiling at a Recall rate of roughly two-thirds of the sentences in the research corpus. The analysis of these results suggests a limit to what can be explained and determined within the immediate sentential context and applying the conventional descriptive and analytical apparatus based on currently available linguistic theories and models. The results also support Bresnan’s (2007) and others’ (e.g., Bod et al. 2003) probabilistic view of the relationship between linguistic usage and the underlying linguistic system, in which only a minority of linguistic choices are categorical, given the known context – represented as a feature cluster – that can be analytically grasped and identified. Instead, most contexts exhibit degrees of variation as to their outcomes, resulting in proportionate choices over longer stretches of usage in texts or speech.

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This dissertation provides a synchronic grammatical description of Mauwake, a Papuan (Trans-New Guinea) language of about 2000 speakers on the North Coast of the Madang Province in Papua New Guinea. The theoretical background is that of Basic Linguistic Theory (BLT), used extensively in analysing and writing descriptive grammars. The chapters from morphology to clause level are described from form to function; in the later chapters the function is taken more often as the starting point. Any theory-specific terminology is kept to the minimum and formalisms have been avoided in accordance with BLT principles. Mauwake has a classic 5-vowel system and 14 consonant phonemes. With its simple phonology it is a typical representative of the Madang North Coast languages. For a Papuan language there are relatively few morphophonological alternations. Nouns are either alienably or inalienably possessed. There is no obligatory number marking in nouns or noun phrases. Pronouns have several different forms: five for case and three for other functions. The dative pronouns are treated as [+human] locatives, and they have also grammaticalised as possessives. The verbal morphology is agglutinative and mainly suffixal. Unusual features include two distributive suffixes, and the interaction of the derivational benefactive and the inflectional beneficiary suffixes. The applicative suffix has either transitivising or causative but not benefactive function. The switch-reference system distinguishes between simultaneous and sequential action, as well as same or different subject in relation to the following clause. There are several verbs denoting coming and going, and they may combine with one of three prefixes to indicate bringing and taking. Mauwake is a nominative-accusative type language, and the basic constituent order in a clause is SOV. Subject and object are the only syntactic arguments. There is no indirect object, but a clause can have two or even three objects. A nominalised clause with a finite verb functions as a relative clause or a complement clause; one with a nominalised verb has several different functions. Functional domains described include modality, negation, deixis, quantification, possession and comparison. As there are four negators, Mauwake has more variation in negative expressions than is usual in Papuan languages. Clause chaining is the preferred strategy for joining clauses into sentences, but coordination and subordination of finite clauses are also common. The form of a complement clause depends on whether it is of the fact, action or potential type. Tail-head linkage is used as a cohesive device between sentences. The discourse-level features described are topic and focus.

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This dissertation is a synchronic description of the phonology and grammar of two dialects of the Rajbanshi language (Eastern Indo-Aryan) as spoken in Jhapa, Nepal. I have primarily confined the analysis to the oral expression, since the emerging literary form is still in its infancy. The grammatical analysis is therefore based, for the most part, on a corpus of oral narrative text which was recorded and transcribed from three informants from north-east Jhapa. An informant, speaking a dialect from south-west Jhapa cross checked this text corpus and provided additional elicited material. I have described the phonology, morphology and syntax of the language, and also one aspect of its discourse structure. For the most part the phonology follows the basic Indo-Aryan pattern. Derivational morphology, compounding, reduplication, echo formation and onomatopoeic constructions are considered, as well as number, noun classes (their assignment and grammatical function), pronouns, and case and postpositions. In verbal morphology I cover causative stems, the copula, primary and secondary agreement, tense, aspect, mood, auxiliary constructions and non-finite forms. The term secondary agreement here refers to genitive agreement, dative-subject agreement and patient (and sometimes patient-agent) agreement. The breaking of default agreement rules has a range of pragmatic inferences. I argue that a distinction, based on formal, semantic and statistical grounds, should be made between conjunct verbs, derivational compound verbs and quasi-aspectual compound verbs. Rajbanshi has an open set of adjectives, and it additionally makes use of a restricted set of nouns which can function as adjectives. Various particles, and the emphatic and conjunctive clitics are also considered. The syntactic structures studied include: non-declarative speech acts, phrase-internal and clause-internal constituent order, negation, subordination, coordination and valence adjustment. I explain how the future, present and past tenses in Rajbanshi oral narratives do not seem to maintain a time reference, but rather to indicate a distinction between background and foreground information. I call this tense neutralisation .

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Prepositioner är välkända för sin polysemi eller betydelsemångfald, och utgångspunkten för den här uppsatsen har varit ett intresse av att undersöka om det är möjligt att för en av de mest mångtydiga spanska prepositionerna, DE, finna en sammanhängande semantisk struktur, eller om det är nödvändigt att se de olika betydelserna som inbördes orelaterade. För att utreda den här frågan och ge den ett diakroniskt perspektiv undersöker jag i den här uppsatsen användningen av den spanska prepositionen DE i två romaner ur den spanska litteraturhistorien, Libro del caballero Zifar och El ingenioso hidalgo don Quijote de la Mancha, del I. Uppsatsen består av tre delar. I kapitel två ger jag en teoretisk översikt över spanskans prepositionssystem och prepositionerna beskrivs både ur syntaktisk och semantisk synvinkel. Dessutom presenteras den kognitiva grammatiken och dess synsätt på prepositioner. Huvuddelen av arbetet koncentrerar sig på att presentera prepositionen DE på två sätt och enligt två skilda metoder. I kapitel tre presenteras de olika kontextuella användningarna av DE enligt den traditionella, historisk-komparativa metoden. Med utgångspunkt i dessa kontextuella användningar ställer jag i kapitel fyra med stöd av den kognitiva grammatikens begreppssystem upp en semantisk nätverksmodell av de olika betydelser som jag fastställt för DE i den funktionella analysen. För den semantiska beskrivningen har jag använt mig av den kognitiva grammatiken, eftersom denna grammatikuppfattning i motsats till den traditionella grammatiken ser polysemin som regel och utgångspunkt i den semantiska strukturen. Analysdelen av uppsatsen inleds med den funktionella presentationen av användningarna av DE av två grundläggande skäl: För det första anser jag det ändamålsenligt att för den semantiska beskrivningen ha en solid bas av exempel där användningen av DE analyserats med hänsyn till kontexten. Kapitel tre är därför indelat i fyra huvuddelar, enligt vilken ordklass DEs huvudord tillhör, t.ex.: substantiv, adjektiv, verb. I exemplen i den fjärde gruppen fungerar prepositionsfrasen som inleds av DE som en mer fristående bestämning på frasnivå, där huvudordets ordklasstillhörighet inte är av avgörande betydelse. För det andra utgår jag från att en viss utveckling av DE har skett under de 300 år som tidsmässigt skiljer de båda romanerna åt, både vad gäller dess användning och dess semantik. För att komma underfund med och beskriva utsträckningen hos denna utveckling är det nödvändigt att den komparativa delen presenteras innan den semantiska beskrivningen kan inledas. Resultaten av den komparativa analysen är att ett antal smärre skillnader i användningen förekommer, men detta till trots har ingen betydande semantisk utveckling kunnat iakttas. Detta innebär att den semantiska beskrivningen av DE kan göras utifrån ett relativt enhetligt material. Jag har följaktligen också kunnat ställa upp en enhetlig semantisk nätverksmodell av tolv olika, relaterade betydelser hos DE. Utgående från mitt material är det sålunda möjligt att se DEs polysemi som ett sammanhängande nätverk, trots att vissa av betydelserna kan verka sinsemellan motstridiga och att 300 år skiljer åt de två böckerna. Nyckelord: prepositioner, DE: semantik och användning, polysemi, kognitiv grammatik, diakroni

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In this paper, I look into a grammatical phenomenon found among speakers of the Cambridgeshire dialect of English. According to my hypothesis, the phenomenon is a new entry into the past BE verb paradigm in the English language. In my paper, I claim that the structure I have found complements the existing two verb forms, was and were, with a third verb form that I have labelled ‘intermediate past BE’. The paper is divided into two parts. In the first section, I introduce the theoretical ground for the study of variation, which is founded on empiricist principles. In variationist linguistics, the main claim is that heterogeneous language use is structured and ordered. In the last 50 years of history in modern linguistics, this claim is controversial. In the 1960s, the generativist movement spearheaded by Noam Chomsky diverted attention away from grammatical theories that are based on empirical observations. The generativists steered away from language diversity, variation and change in favour of generalisations, abstractions and universalist claims. The theoretical part of my paper goes through the main points of the variationist agenda and concludes that abandoning the concept of language variation in linguistics is harmful for both theory and methodology. In the method part of the paper, I present the Helsinki Archive of Regional English Speech (HARES) corpus. It is an audio archive that contains interviews conducted in England in the 1970s and 1980s. The interviews were done in accordance to methods used generally in traditional dialectology. The informants are mostly elderly male people who have lived in the same region throughout their lives and who have left school at an early age. The interviews are actually conversations: the interviewer allowed the informant to pick the topic of conversation to induce a maximally relaxed and comfortable atmosphere and thus allow the most natural dialect variant to emerge in the informant’s speech. In the paper, the corpus chapter introduces some of the transcription and annotation problems associated with spoken language corpora (especially those containing dialectal speech). Questions surrounding the concept of variation are present in this part of the paper too, as especially transcription work is troubled by the fundamental problem of having to describe the fluctuations of everyday speech in text. In the empirical section of the paper, I use HARES to analyse the speech of four informants, with special focus on the emergence of the intermediate past BE variant. My observations and the subsequent analysis permit me to claim that my hypothesis seems to hold. The intermediate variant occupies almost all contexts where one would expect was or were in the informants’ speech. This means that the new variant is integrated into the speakers’ grammars and exemplifies the kind of variation that is at the heart of this paper.