57 resultados para vanhan testamentin eksegetiikka


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The main focus of this study is the epilogue of 4QMMT (4QMiqsat Ma aseh ha-Torah), a text of obscure genre containing a halakhic section found in cave 4 at Qumran. In the official edition published in the series Discoveries of the Judaean Desert (DJD X), the extant document was divided by its editors, Elisha Qimron and John Strugnell, into three literary divisions: Section A) the calendar section representing a 364-day solar calendar, Section B) the halakhot, and Section C) an epilogue. The work begins with text critical inspection of the manuscripts containing text from the epilogue (mss 4Q397, 4Q398, and 4Q399). However, since the relationship of the epilogue to the other sections of the whole document 4QMMT is under investigation, the calendrical fragments (4Q327 and 4Q394 3-7, lines 1-3) and the halakhic section also receive some attention, albeit more limited and purpose oriented. In Ch. 2, after a transcription of the fragments of the epilogue, a synopsis is presented in order to evaluate the composite text of the DJD X edition in light of the evidence provided by the individual manuscripts. As a result, several critical comments are offered, and finally, an alternative arrangement of the fragments of the epilogue with an English translation. In the following chapter (Ch. 3), the diversity of the two main literary divisions, the halakhic section and the epilogue, is discussed, and it is demonstrated that the author(s) of 4QMMT adopted and adjusted the covenantal pattern known from biblical law collections, more specifically Deuteronomy. The question of the genre of 4QMMT is investigated in Ch. 4. The final chapter (Ch. 5) contains an analysis of the use of Scripture in the epilogue. In a close reading, both the explicit citations and the more subtle allusions are investigated in an attempt to trace the theology of the epilogue. The main emphases of the epilogue are covenantal faithfulness, repentance and return. The contents of the document reflect a grave concern for the purity of the cult in Jerusalem, and in the epilogue Deuteronomic language and expressions are used to convince the readers of the necessity of a reformation. The large number of late copies found in cave 4 at Qumran witness the significance of 4QMMT and the continuous importance of the Jerusalem Temple for the Qumran community.

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Righteousness, justice or faithfulness? The Hebrew Root ṣdq in the Psalter of the Finnish Church Bible of 1992 This study attempts to answer three questions. Firstly, what do the derivates of the root ṣdq mean in the Hebrew Psalter? Secondly, with which equivalents are these Hebrew words translated in the Psalter of the Finnish Church Bible of 1992 and why? And thirdly, how is the translation of the root ṣdq in the Psalter placed in comparison with the translations of the root ṣdq in certain ancient and modern Bible translations? The root ṣdq has a very wide semantic field in Biblical Hebrew. The basic meaning of the root ṣdq is ‘right’ or ‘to be in the right’. The traditional English equivalent of the root ṣdq is righteousness. In many European languages the equivalent of the root ṣdq has some connection with the word ‘right’, but this is not the case in Finnish. The Finnish word vanhurskaus has been present since the first Finnish Bible translation by Mikael Agricola in 1548. However, this word has nothing to do with the Finnish word for ‘right’. The word vanhurskaus has become a very specific religious and theological word in Finnish, and it can be a word that is not obvious or at all understandable even to a native Finnish speaker. In the Psalter of the earlier Finnish Church Bible of 1938 almost every derivate of the root ṣdq (132/139) was translated as vanhurskaus. In the Psalter of the Finnish Church Bible of 1992 less than half of these derivates (67/139) are translated as that. Translators have used 20 different equivalents of the Hebrew derivates of the root ṣdq. But this type of translation also has its own problems. The most disputed is the fact that in it the Bible reader finds no connections between many Bible verses that have obvious connections with each other in the Hebrew Bible. For example, in verse Ps. 118, 15 one finds a Finnish word for ‘saved’ and in verse Ps. 142, 8 one finds another Finnish word for ‘friends’, while in the Hebrew Bible the same word is used in both verses, ṣaddîqīm. My study will prove that it is very challenging to compare or fit together the semantics of these two quite different languages. The theoretical framework for the study consists of biblical semantic theories and Bible translation theories. Keywords: religious language, Bible translations, Book of Psalms.

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The subject and methodology of biblical scholarship has expanded immense-ly during the last few decades. The traditional text-, literary-, source- and form-critical approaches, labeled historical-critical scholarship , have faced the challenge of social sciences. Various new literary, synchronic readings, sometimes characterized with the vague term postmodernism, have in turn challenged historicalcritical, and social-scientific approaches. Widened limits and diverging methodologies have caused a sense of crisis in biblical criticism. This metatheoretical thesis attempts to bridge the gap between philosophical discussion about the basis of biblical criticism and practical academic biblical scholarship. The study attempts to trace those epistemological changes that have produced the wealth of methods and results within biblical criticism. The account of the cult reform of King Josiah of Judah as reported in 2 Kings 22:1 23:30 serves as the case study because of its importance for critical study of the Hebrew Bible. Various scholarly approaches embracing 2 Kings 22:1 23:30 are experimentally arranged around four methodological positions: text, author, reader, and context. The heuristic model is a tentative application of Oliver Jahraus s model of four paradigms in literary theory. The study argues for six theses: 1) Our knowledge of the world is con-structed, fallible and theory-laden. 2) Methodological plurality is the neces-sary result of changes in epistemology and culture in general. 3) Oliver Jahraus s four methodological positions in regard to literature are also an applicable model within biblical criticism to comprehend the methodological plurality embracing the study of the Hebrew Bible. 4) Underlying the methodological discourse embracing biblical criticism is the epistemological ten-sion between the natural sciences and the humanities. 5) Biblical scholars should reconsider and analyze in detail concepts such as author and editor to overcome the dichotomy between the Göttingen and Cross schools. 6) To say something about the historicity of 2 Kings 22:1 23:30 one must bring together disparate elements from various disciplines and, finally, admit that though it may be possible to draw some permanent results, our conclusions often remain provisional.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the reception of Matthew 5 in Martin Luther s sermons; in other words to investigate how Luther interprets and applies Jesus teaching of the better righteousness and the law in Mt 5. The study applies the reception-historical approach and contributes to the history of effects and the history of interpretation in New Testament exegesis. The study shows that Luther understands the better righteousness of Mt 5 as good works and fulfillment of the law. Luther s interpretation coheres with the intention of the Evangelist, even if Luther s overall concept of righteousness is foreign to Matthew. In Luther s view righteousness is twofold: The greater righteousness of Mt 5 is the second and the actual righteousness (iustitia activa), which follows the first and the foreign righteousness (iustitia passiva). The first righteousness (faith) is for Luther the work of God, while the second righteousness (good works) is co-operation between a Christian and God. In this co-operation the law, as it is taught by Jesus, is not the opposite of the gospel, but the gospel itself in the sense of Christ as an example . The task of the law is to show the dependence of a Christian on God and to help one to love and to serve one s neighbour (brothers as well as enemies) properly. The study underlines a feature in Luther s thinking that has received little attention in Lutheran theology: Luther insists on preaching the law to Christians. In his view Mt 5 is directed to all Christians and particularly to pastors, for whom Jesus here gives an example of how to preach the law. Luther believes similarly to Matthew that Jesus reveals the real meaning of Mosaic Law and confirms its validity for Christians in Mt 5. Like Matthew, Luther insists on the practicability of the commandments of Mt 5 in his view Christians fulfil the law also with joy yet his interpretation of Mt 5 attenuates the radical nature of its commandments. Luther s reception of the individual pericopes of Mt 5 is considerably generative and occasionally contradictory, which is explained by the following factors, among others: Luther receives many ideas from tradition and reads them and his own theological concepts into Matthew s Gospel. He interprets Mt 5 through his understanding of some Old Testament passages as well as Paul. Most of all, Luther s reception of Mt 5 is shaped by his own experience as a preacher, by his relation to his religious enemies, rulers and to the congregation of Wittenberg. Here Luther shares with Matthew the experience of being opposed and concern about the upright living of the believers, which in both cases also explains the polemical tone of the paraenesis.

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Titled "An Essay on Antimetaphoric Resistance", the dissertation investigates what is here being called "Counter-figures": a term which has in this context a certain variety of applications. Any other-than-image or other-than-figure, anything that cannot be exhausted by figuration (and that is, more or less, anything at all, except perhaps the reproducible images and figures themselves) can be considered "counter-figurative" with regard to the formation of images and figures, ideas and schemas, "any graven image, or any likeness of any thing". Singularity and radical alterity, as well as temporality and its peculiar mode of uniqueness are key issues here, and an ethical dimension is implied by, or intertwined with, the aesthetic. In terms borrowed from Paul Celan's "Meridian" speech, poetry may "allow the most idiosyncratic quality of the Other, its time, to participate in the dialogue". This connection between singularity, alterity and temporality is one of the reasons why Celan so strongly objects to the application of the traditional concept of metaphor to poetry. As Celan says, "carrying over [übertragen]" by metaphor may imply an unwillingness to "bear with [mittragen]" and to "endure [ertragen]" the poem. The thesis is divided into two main parts. The first consists of five distinct prolegomena which all address the mentioned variety of applications of the term "counter-figures", and especially the rejection or critique of either metaphor (by Aristotle, for instance) or the concept of metaphor (defined by Aristotle, and sometimes deemed "anti-poetic" by both theorists and poets). Even if we restrict ourselves to the traditional rhetorico-poetical terms, we may see how, for instance, metonymy can be a counter-figure for metaphor, allegory for symbol, and irony for any single trope or for any piece of discourse at all. The limits of figurality may indeed be located at these points of intersection between different types of tropes or figures, and even between figures or tropes and the "non-figurative trope" or "pseudo-figure" called catachresis. The second part, following on from the open-ended prolegomena, concentrates on Paul Celan's poetry and poetics. According to Celan, true poetry is "essentially anti-metaphoric". I argue that inasmuch as we are willing to pay attention to the "will" of the poetic images themselves (the tropes and metaphors in a poem) to be "carried ad absurdum", as Celan invites us to do, we may find alternative ways of reading poetry and approaching its "secret of the encounter", precisely when the traditional rhetorical instruments, and especially the notion of metaphor, become inapplicable or suspicious — and even where they still seem to impose themselves.

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I examine the portrayal of Jesus as a friend of toll collectors and sinners in the Third Gospel. I aim at a comprehensive view on the Lukan sinner texts, combining questions of the origin and development of these texts with the questions of Luke s theological message, of how the text functions as literature, and of the social-historical setting(s) behind the texts. Within New Testament scholarship researchers on the historical Jesus mostly still hold that a special mission to toll collectors and sinners was central in Jesus public activity. Within Lukan studies, M. Goulder, J. Kiilunen and D. Neale have claimed that this picture is due to Luke s theological vision and the liberties he took as an author. Their view is disputed by other Lukan scholars. I discuss methods which scholars have used to isolate the typical language of Luke s alleged written sources, or to argue for the source-free creation by Luke himself. I claim that the analysis of Luke s language does not help us to the origin of the Lukan pericopes. I examine the possibility of free creativity on Luke s part in the light of the invention technique used in ancient historiography. Invention was an essential part of all ancient historical writing and therefore quite probably Luke used it, too. Possibly Luke had access to special traditions, but the nature of oral tradition does not allow reconstruction. I analyze Luke 5:1-11; 5:27-32; 7:36-50; 15:1-32; 18:9-14; 19:1-10; 23:39-43. In most of these some underlying special tradition is possible though far from certain. It becomes evident that Luke s reshaping was so thorough that the pericopes as they now stand are decidedly Lukan creations. This is indicated by the characteristic Lukan story-telling style as well as by the strongly unified Lukan theology of the pericopes. Luke s sinners and Pharisees do not fit in the social-historical context of Jesus day. The story-world is one of polarized right and wrong. That Jesus is the Christ, representative of God, is an intrinsic part of the story-world. Luke wrote a theological drama inspired by tradition. He persuaded his audience to identify as (repenting) sinners. Luke's motive was that he saw the sinners in Jesus' company as forerunners of Gentile Christianity.

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This thesis examines the mythology in and social reality behind a group of texts from the Nag Hammadi and related literature, to which certain leaders of the early church attached the label, Ophite, i.e., snake people. In the mythology, which essentially draws upon and rewrites the Genesis paradise story, the snake's advice to eat from the tree of knowledge is positive, the creator and his angels are demonic beasts and the true godhead is depicted as an androgynous heavenly projection of Adam and Eve. It will be argued that this unique mythology is attested in certain Coptic texts from the Nag Hammadi and Berlin 8502 Codices (On the Origin of the World, Hypostasis of the Archons, Apocryphon of John, Eugnostos, Sophia of Jesus Christ), as well as in reports by Irenaeus (Adversus Haereses 1.30), Origen (Contra Celsum 6.24-38) and Epiphanius (Panarion 26). It will also be argued that this so-called Ophite evidence is essential for a proper understanding of Sethian Gnosticism, often today considered one of the earliest forms of Gnosticism; there seems to have occurred a Sethianization of Ophite mythology. I propose that we replace the current Sethian Gnostic category by a new one that not only adds texts that draw upon the Ophite mythology alongside these Sethian texts, but also arranges the material in smaller typological units. I also propose we rename this remodelled and expanded Sethian corpus "Classic Gnostic." I have divided the thesis into four parts: (I) Introduction; (II) Myth and Innovation; (III) Ritual; and (IV) Conclusion. In Part I, the sources and previous research on Ophites and Sethians will be examined, and the new Classic Gnostic category will be introduced to provide a framework for the study of the Ophite evidence. Chapters in Part II explore key themes in the mythology of our texts, first by text comparison (to show that certain texts represent the Ophite mythology and that this mythology is different from Sethianism), and then by attempting to unveil social circumstances that may have given rise to such myths. Part III assesses heresiological claims of Ophite rituals, and Part IV is the conclusion.

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Previous scholarship has often maintained that the Gospel of Philip is a collection of Valentinian teachings. In the present study, however, the text is read as a whole and placed into a broader context by searching for parallels from other early Christian texts. Although the Valentinian Christian identity of the Gospel of Philip is not questioned, it is read alongside those texts traditionally labelled as "mainstream Christian". It is obvious from the account of Irenaeus that the boundaries between the Valentinians and other Christians were not as clear or fixed as he probably would have hoped. This study analyzes the Valentinian Christian Gospel of Philip from two points of view: how the text constructs the Christian identity and what kind of Christianity it exemplifies. Firstly, it is observed how the author of the Gospel of Philip places himself and his Christian readers among the early Christianities of the period by emphasizing the common history and Christian features but building especially on particular texts and traditions. Secondly, it is noted how the Christian nature of an individual develops according to the Gospel of Philip. The identity of an individual is built and strengthened through rituals, experiences and teaching. Thirdly, the categorizations, attributes, beliefs and behaviour associated on the one hand with the "insiders", the true Christians, and, on the other, with outsiders in the Gospel of Philip, are analyzed using social identity theory the insiders and outsiders are described through stereotyping in the text. Overall, the study implies that the Gospel of Philip strongly emphasizes spiritual progress and transformation. Rather than depicting the Valentinians as the perfect Christians, it underlines their need for constant change and improvement. Although the author seeks to clearly distinguish the insiders from the outsiders, the boundaries of the categories are in fact fluid in the Gospel of Philip. Outsiders can become insiders and the insiders are also in danger of falling out again.

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Tässä tutkielmassa tutkitaan Saarnaajan kirjan ja Sirakin kirjan mieskuvaa. Tutkimuksessa nämä kirjat ajoitetaan 200-luvulle eKr. Ptolemaiosten valtakunnan aikaan ja etsitään vastausta siihen, millaiseen miehuuteen Juudean eliittiin kuuluneet viisaudenopettajat Saarnaaja ja Ben Sira opastivat virkauralle pyrkiviä niin ikään eliittiin lukeutuneita oppilaitaan. Metodina on tutkia lukijalähtöisesti tekstin sisältöä ja etsiä siinä piileviä ideologioita, tässä tapauksessa siis miehenä olemiseen liittyviä oletuksia, joista nämä tekstit eivät puhu suorasanaisesti vaan joita on tulkittava rivien välistä. Tavoitteeseen pääsemiseksi Saarnaajan kirjan ja Sirakin kirjan tekstiä peilataan antiikin ajan mieskäsitystä ja toisaalta Vanhan testamentin maskuliinista ihannetta vasten. Samalla pyritään myös vertailemaan Saarnaajan kirjan ja Sirakin kirjan yhtäläisyyksiä ja eroja. Lähteinä ovat Saarnaajan kirjan masoreettinen teksti sekä pääasiassa Sirakin kirjan hepreankieliset ja niiden puuttuessa kreikankieliset käsikirjoitukset. Tutkimuksessa todetaan, että antiikin ajan juutalaisen yhteisön suurin miehelle asettama odotus oli se, että miehen oli aina, kaikkialla ja kaikissa tilanteissa hallittava itsensä. Tämä tarkoitti sekä oman käytöksenä että omien tunteittensa hallitsemista mutta myös elämän olosuhteiden ja siihen liittyvien ihmisten hallitsemista. Elämän oli siis oltava järjestyksessä ollakseen kunniallista. Eliittiin kuuluva juutalaismies saattoi myös epäonnistua eikä silloin täyttänytkään miehelle asetettua mittaa. Yhteisön kunnioituksen menettänyt mies oli pahassa tilanteessa. Juuri tilanteessa, missä häpeä astuu miehen elämään, käy parhaiten selväksi Saarnaajan ja Ben Siran ajattelun perimmäinen ero. Ben Sira perustelee miesihannettaan kunnian ja häpeän käsitteillä. Saarnaajalle kunnian ja häpeän käsitteillä ei ole merkitystä. Todellinen ongelma on Saarnaajan mielestä kuolema. On parempi elää vaikka häpeässä kuin olla kuollut, ja vaikka viisaus tuokin miehelle menestystä, sen olennaisin tehtävä on pitää mies hengissä ja elossa vaikka elämä ei niin kovin kunniakasta olisikaan. Lisäksi tutkimuksessa päädytään toteamaan, että mieheen kohdistui paljon vaatimuksia mutta hänellä oli myös voimavaroja, jotka tukivat hänen suoritustaan. Toinen näistä tukevista elementeistä oli miespuolinen ystävä ja uskottu. Saarnaajasta ja Ben Sirasta muistetaan usein heidän hyvin negatiiviset toteamuksensa naisen pahuudesta. Silti kummankin teksteistä juuri nainen paljastuu yhdeksi miehen voimavaroista.

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Tämän tutkielman aiheena on Psalmien kirjan meri ja sen suhde muinaisen Ugaritin teksteistä tunnettuun merenjumalaan tai antropomorfiseen mereen, Jammuun. Tutkielman tarkoitus on selvittää, voiko Vanhan testamentin psalmiteksteissä esiintyvän meren yhteydestä löytää jäänteitä Ugaritista tunnetusta Baal-jumalan länsiseemiläisestä vastustajasta, usein hirviömäiseksi kuvatusta Jammusta. Tutkimusmetodina on käytetty muotohistoriallista muoto- ja traditiokritiikkiä sekä ugaritinkielisen eeppisen runouden ja hepreankielisen psalmirunouden vertailevaa tutkimusta. Tutkielma jakaantuu kolmeen pääosaan. Ensimmäisessä osassa tarkastellaan meren antropomorfista esittämistä psalmeissa. Monet meri-sanaan liitetyt verbit vaikuttavat inhimillistävän luonnonilmiötä, mutta monet antropomorfismit toimivat myös yksinkertaisesti kielikuvina. Joillakin tämän kategorian psalmeista saattaa olla temaattisia yhteyksiä Ugaritin teksteihin, mutta paralleelisia tekstikohtia ei löydy. Toisessa pääosassa tarkastellaan sitä, miten psalmien meri liittyy muinaisitämaiseen konfliktimyyttiin. Tässä yhteydessä käsitellään S?fin meren eli Kaislameren, meren halkaisemisen sekä mahdollisesti myyttisten suurten vetten tematiikkaa. Samassa pääkohdassa on käsitelty myös muita meri-sanan yhteydessä esiintyviä merihirviötä, kuten syvyys, Leviathan, Rahab, lohikäärme Tannin, käärme ja joki. Näistä osa vaikuttaa liittyvän myrskynjumalan ja antropomorfisen meren kamppailuun, osa puolestaan luojajumalan ja kaaoshirviön taisteluun. Traditiot ovat kuitenkin vaikeasti erotettavissa toisistaan, sillä luultavasti ne sekoittuivat jo ennen päätymistään hepreankielisten psalmien teksteihin. Selkeimmältä vaikuttavin yhtymäkohta Ugaritin teksteihin löytyy psalmeista, joissa meri mainitaan Leviatan-hirviön yhteydessä. Tekstuaalinen parallelismi Ugaritin Jammun ja Lotanin mainitseviin Ugaritin Baal-syklin kohtiin ei kuitenkaan ole täydellinen. Viimeisessä pääkohdassa käsitellään sitä, miten meren ja joen esiintyminen paralleelisissa psalmisäkeissä mahdollisesti liittyy muinaisseemiläiseen kuningasideologiaan. Ugaritin teksteissä Jammu esiintyy usein epiteettien “valtias meri, tuomari joki” muodossa. Konstruktio ei esiinny heprealaisissa psalmeissa, mutta Ugaritin tekstien tarjoama vertailumateriaali on usein huomioitu tarkasteltaessa psalmeja, joissa meri ja joki esiintyvät yhdessä. Varsinaisia tekstiparalleeleja ugaritinkieliseen myyttisuskonnolliseen runouteen ei näidenkään psalmien yhteydestä kuitenkaan löydy. Vaikka Ugaritin tekstien Jammun ja psalmien meren välillä on havaittu monenlaisia samankaltaisuuksia ja yhtäläisyyksiä, Psalmienkirjan meren yhteyttä länsiseemiläisen konfliktimyytin antropomorfiseen mereen ei kuitenkaan ole aukottomasti osoitettu toteen. Psalmien varhaiset sepittäjät ovat hyvinkin saattaneet käyttää tai lainata muinaista länsiseemiläistä myyttistä perinnettä, muokaten sitä oman yhteisönsä tarpeisiin sopivaksi. Heidän toimintansa on kuitenkin erotettava psalmien myöhempien välittäjien ja vakiinnuttajien toiminnasta, sillä näiden suhde mytologiseen perinteeseen on luultavasti ollut toisenlainen.

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The Lucianic text of the Septuagint of the Historical Books witnessed primarily by the manuscript group L (19, 82, 93, 108, and 127) consists of at least two strata: the recensional elements, which date back to about 300 C.E., and the substratum under these recensional elements, the proto-Lucianic text. Some distinctive readings in L seem to be supported by witnesses that antedate the supposed time of the recension. These witnesses include the biblical quotations of Josephus, Hippolytus, Irenaeus, Tertullian, and Cyprian, and the Old Latin translation of the Septuagint. It has also been posited that some Lucianic readings might go back to Hebrew readings that are not found in the Masoretic text but appear in the Qumran biblical texts. This phenomenon constitutes the proto-Lucianic problem. In chapter 1 the proto-Lucianic problem and its research history are introduced. Josephus references to 1 Samuel are analyzed in chapter 2. His agreements with L are few and are mostly only apparent or, at best, coincidental. In chapters 3 6 the quotations by four early Church Fathers are analyzed. Hippolytus Septuagint text is extremely hard to establish since his quotations from 1 Samuel have only been preserved in Armenian and Georgian translations. Most of the suggested agreements between Hippolytus and L are only apparent or coincidental. Irenaeus is the most trustworthy textual witness of the four early Church Fathers. His quotations from 1 Samuel agree with L several times against codex Vaticanus (B) and all or most of the other witnesses in preserving the original text. Tertullian and Cyprian agree with L in attesting some Hebraizing approximations that do not seem to be of Hexaplaric origin. The question is more likely of early Hebraizing readings of the same tradition as the kaige recension. In chapter 7 it is noted that Origen, although a pre-Lucianic Father, does not qualify as a proto-Lucianic witness. General observations about the Old Latin witnesses as well as an analysis of the manuscript La115 are given in chapter 8. In chapter 9 the theory of the proto-Lucianic recension is discussed. In order to demonstrate the existence of the proto-Lucianic recension one should find instances of indisputable agreement between the Qumran biblical manuscripts and L in readings that are secondary in Greek. No such case can be found in the Qumran material in 1 Samuel. In the text-historical conclusions (chapter 10) it is noted that of all the suggested proto-Lucianic agreements in 1 Samuel (about 75 plus 70 in La115) more than half are only apparent or, at best, coincidental. Of the indisputable agreements, however, 26 are agreements in the original reading. In about 20 instances the agreement is in a secondary reading. These agreements are early variants; mostly minor changes that happen all the time in the course of transmission. Four of the agreements, however, are in a pre-Hexaplaric Hebraizing approximation that has found its way independently into the pre-Lucianic witnesses and the Lucianic recension. The study aims at demonstrating the value of the Lucianic text as a textual witness: under the recensional layer(s) there is an ancient text that preserves very old, even original readings which have not been preserved in B and most of the other witnesses. The study also confirms the value of the early Church Fathers as textual witnesses.

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Late twentieth century Jesus-novels search after a completely new picture of Jesus. Novels written for instance by Norman Mailer, José Saramago, Michèle Roberts, Marianne Fredriksson, and Ki Longfellow provide an inversive revision of the canonic Gospels. They read the New Testament in terms of the present age. In their adaptation the story turns often into a critique of the whole Christian history. The investigated contrast-novels end up with an appropriation that is based on prototypical rewriting. They aim at the rehabilitation of Judas, and some of them make Mary Magdalane the key figure of Christianity. Saramago describes God as a blood thirsty tyrant, and Mailer makes God combat with the Devil in a manichean sense as with an equal. Such ideas are familiar both from poststructuralist philosophy and post-metaphysical death-of-God theology. The main result of the intertextual analysis is that these scholars have adopted Nietzschean ideas in their writing. Quite unlike earlier Jesus-novels, these more recent novels present a revision that produces discontinuity with the original source text, the New Testament. The intertextual strategy is based on contradiction. The reader wittnesses contesting and challenging, the authors attack Biblical beliefs and attempt to dissolve Christian doctrines. An attack on Biblical slave morality and violent concept of God deprives Jesus of his Jewish Messianic identity, makes Old Testament law a contradiction of life, calls sacrificial soteriology a violent pattern supporting oppression, and presents God as a cruel monster who enslaves people under his commandments and wishes their death. The new Jesus-figure contests Mosaic Law, despises orthodox Judaism, abandons Jewish customs and even questions Old Testament monotheism. In result, the novels intentionally transfer Jesus out of Judaism. Furthermore, Jewish faith appears in a negative light. Such an intertextual move is not open anti-Semitism but it cannot avoid attacking Jewish worship. Why? One reason that explains these attitudes is that Western culture still carries anti-Judaic attitudes beneath the surface covered with sentiments of equality and tolerance. Despite the evident post-holocaust consciousness present in the novels, they actually adopt an arrogant and ironical refutation of Jewish beliefs and Old Testament faith. In these novels, Jesus is made a complete opposite and antithesis to Judaism. Key words: Jesus-novel, intertextuality, adaptation, slave morality, Nietzsche, theodicy, patriarchy.

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In the course of my research for my thesis The Q Gospel and Psychohistory, I moved on from the accounts of the Cynics ideals to psychohistorical explanations. Studying the texts dealing with the Cynics and the Q Gospel, I was amazed by the fact that these texts actually portrayed people living in greater poverty than they had to. I paid particular attention to the fact that the Q Gospel was born in traumatising, warlike circumstances. Psychiatric traumatology helped me understand the Q Gospel and other ancient documents using historical approaches in a way that would comply with modern behavioural science. Even though I found some answers to the questions I had posed in my research, the main result of my research work is the justification of the question: Is it important to ask whether there is a connection between the ethos expressed by means of the religious language of the Q Gospel and the predominantly war-related life experiences typical to Palestine at the time. As has been convincingly revealed by a number of studies, traumatic events contribute to the development of psychotic experiences. I approached the problematic nature, significance and complexity of the ideal of poverty and this warlike environment by clarifying the history of psychohistorical literary research and the interpretative contexts associated with Sigmund Freud, Jacques Lacan and Melanie Klein. It is justifiable to question abnormal mentality, but there is no reliable return from the abnormal mentality described in any particular text to the only affecting factor. The popular research tendency based on the Oedipus complex is just as controversial as the Oedipus complex itself. The sociological frameworks concerning moral panics and political paranoia of an outer and inner danger fit quite well with the construction of the Q Gospel. Jerrold M. Post, M.D., Professor of Psychiatry, Political Psychology and Interna-tional Affairs at George Washington University, and founder and director of the Center for the Analysis of Personality and Political Behavior for the Central Intelligence Agency, has focused on the role played by charisma in the attracting of followers and detailed the psychological styles of a "charismatic" leader. He wrote the books Political Paranoia and Leaders and Their Followers in a Dangerous World: the Psychology of Political Behavior among others. His psychoanalytic vocabulary was useful for my understanding of the minds and motivations involved in the Q Gospel s formation. The Q sect began to live in a predestined future, with the reality and safety of this world having collapsed in both their experience and their fantasies. The deep and clear-cut divisions into good and evil that are expressed in the Q Gospel reveal the powerful nature of destructive impulses, envy and overwhelming anxiety. Responsible people who influenced the Q Gospel's origination tried to mount an ascetic defense against anxiety, denying their own needs, focusing their efforts on another objective (God s Kingdom) and a regressive, submissive earlier phase of development (a child s carelessness). This spiritual process was primarily an ecclesiastic or group-dynamical tactic to give support to the power of group leaders.

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Tutkimukseni tarkoituksena on tutkia kaikkein varhaisimpia Uuden testamentin kanonisia ja apokryfisia käsikirjoituksia sekä niiden kirjureita. Huomion keskipisteenä ovat kyseisten käsikirjoitusten ulkoiset piirteet, kuten esimerkiksi kirjoitusmateriaali, muoto, koko ja käsiala. Näiden avulla vertaan kanonisia käsikirjoituksia apokryfisiin ja pyrin selvittämään, erosivatko näiden kopiointimenetelmät toisistaan. Yksi keskeisimmistä kysymyksistä on se, voidaanko ulkoisten piirteiden avulla päätellä jotain käsikirjoitusten asemasta ja arvostuksesta. Tutkimuksen aluksi esittelen tutkimusaineistoni käsikirjoitukset ja tekstit. Päädyin vertaamaan kanonisia evankeliumeita kaikkiin 100- ja 200-luvuilta löydettyihin apokryfisiin käsikirjoituksiin, joihin sisältyy esimerkiksi Tuomaan ja Pietarin evankeliumit sekä Hermaan paimen. Kaikki tämän ajanjakson kristilliset käsikirjoitukset ovat löytyneet Egyptistä, minkä vuoksi tutkimukseni keskittyy Egyptiin ja sen kirjureihin. Ennen varsinaista käsikirjoitusten analyysiä käsittelen käsikirjoitusten löytöpaikkoja, kaanonin sekä antiikin kirjureiden historiaa. Ensimmäiseksi käsittelen käsikirjoitusten materiaalia, eli papyrusta ja pergamenttia. Tässä suhteessa kanoniset käsikirjoitukset eivät eroa apokryfisista, vaan aineistot ovat tämän suhteen identtisiä. Tämän jälkeen huomio kiinnittyy käsikirjoitusten muotoon, eli siihen kirjoitettiinko käsikirjoitukset koodeksiin vai kääröön. Analyysin edetessä paljastuu, että apokryfisissa käsikirjoituksissa käytettiin useammin käärömuoto kuin kanonisissa käsikirjoituksissa. Voidaan esittää, että kristityt kirjoittivat koodeksiin kaikkein arvostetuimmat tekstit, joten käärömuoto voi kertoa käsikirjoituksen sisältävän tekstin alemmasta arvostuksesta. Tutkimuksen seuraavissa osioissa käsitellään koodeksien kokoa, marginaaleja, palstoja sekä käsialan kokoa. Lukujen perusteella voidaan sanoa, että kanoniset koodeksit muodostavat hieman yhtenäisemmän linjan kuin apokryfiset koodeksit. Kanonisten koodeksien kirjureiden toimintatavat ovat siis olleet hieman yhtenäisempiä. Käsikirjoitusten käsialan tarkempi analyysi paljastaa kuitenkin, että niin kanoniset kuin apokryfiset käsikirjoitukset kirjoitettiin suhteellisen hyvällä käsialalla. Tutkimuksen viimeisessä luvussa käy ilmi, että apokryfisten koodeksien epäyhtenäisyys johtuu osittain niiden erilaisista käyttötarkoituksista. Apokryfisia koodekseja valmistettiin enemmän kristittyjen henkilökohtaiseen käyttöön verrattuna kanonisiin koodekseihin. Tästä huolimatta suurin osa käsikirjoituksista oli seurakuntien liturgisessa käytössä. Toisin sanoen niin kanonisia evankeliumeita kuin apokryfisia tekstejä luettiin ääneen seurakuntien kokoontumisissa, mikä kertoo niiden arvosta.

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The object of this study is Jacopo Bassano (c. 1510 1592) as a fresco painter and the significance of frescoes in his late production. The research focuses on the only surviving cycle of frescoes of his later years in the Cartigliano parish church, bearing the date 1575. The other cycle studied here was painted for the 16th century parish church of Enego. It contained one of the most extensive fresco decorations executed by Jacopo Bassano together with his eldest son Francesco. However, nothing has survived of the fresco cycle and the ceiling paintings of the church, nor is any visual documentation of them left. Only the small altarpiece attributed to Jacopo Bassano and depicting Saints Justine, Sebastian, Anthony Abbott, and Roch (dated to c. 1555/1560) has been preserved. I have suggested that the frescoes of the Cartigliano parish church should be examined in the interpretational context of the spirituality of the post-Tridentine period. This period frames the historical context for the frescoes and functions as a basis for the iconographical interpretation that I have proposed. I have shown that the iconographic programme of the frescoes in the choir of the Cartigliano parish church has obvious points of contact with the Catholic doctrines reconfirmed by the Council of Trent (1545 1563). I also argue that the fresco cycle and the ceiling paintings of the Enego church should be placed in the same interpretational context as the frescoes of Cartigliano. I present a reconstruction of the frescoes in the choir attributed to Jacopo Bassano and of those on the walls of the nave attributed to his son Francesco Bassano. According to my reconstruction, the frescoes in the choir and nave walls formed a coherent cycle with a unitary iconographic programme which included the 28 paintings with Old Testament subjects in the nave ceiling. The reconstruction includes the dating and the iconography of the fresco programme and its interpretative basis. The reconstruction is based on visitation records and inventories from the 16th and 17th centuries as well as on the oldest relevant literature, namely the descriptions offered by Carlo Ridolfi (1648) and G. B. Verci (1775). I also consider the relationship of the large compositional sketches attributed to Jacopo Bassano and depicting Christological subjects to the lost frescoes in Enego. These studies have been executed with coloured chalks, and many of them are also dated 1568 or 1569 by the painter. I suggest in this study that these large studies in coloured chalks were preparatory drawings for the fresco cycle in Enego, depicting scenes from the life and suffering of Christ. All the subjects of the aforesaid drawings were included in the Enego cycle.