80 resultados para syrjäytyminen - nuoret
Resumo:
Your money or your life? A qualitative follow-up study of the young unemployed from an actor perspective is a qualitative and longitudinal study following 36 unemployed young people in Helsinki over a span of ten years. The purpose of the study is to shed light on how a few young people view employment/unemployment and their lives and future, how they as unemployed perceive their encounters with society, and how society supports them. Four so-called key informants were followed at a finer level of empirical detail. They were chosen for the thematic interviews because of their different personalities, starting points and preferences. Although some differences were expected, what the results show is quite striking. The individual stories raise a number of questions about differences between young people, about society s view of the young unemployed, and about the principles behind the so-called activation policy and how society s support is distributed. The key informants descriptions underline that the group young unemployed does not consist of individuals who are alike but that life is complex, that paid work and unemployment can be perceived very differently, and that background and unofficial support can have consequences for self-perception and for ways of looking at the future, vocational choices, paid work and activation policy. Margaret S. Archer s theory of Morphogenesis and Barbara Cruikshank s theory of constructing democracies compose the study s theoretical framework. The key informants stories give a picture of a formal support system that, even though it puts part of the responsibility for unemployment on the individuals themselves, in the name of fairness and equality, treats them in an impersonal way, not giving their personal situation and wishes much weight. As a consequence, those who share the dominant values of society do well, while others who do not are faced with difficulties. The bigger the gap between society s and the individual s values, the bigger the risk to be met by little understanding and by penalties. And vice versa: Those who initially have the right values and know how to deal with authorities get heard and their opinions get accepted. The informants ask for a more personal encounter, which could improve both the atmosphere and the clients experiences of being heard. Still the risk of having a more individualistic system should be addressed, as a new system might generate new winners, but just as well give new losers. Finally, we have to ask if the so-called activation policy is looking for answers primarily to a macro-level problem on the micro-level. If it does not produce more jobs, its support for the unemployed will be insignificant. It is not enough to think about what to do at the grassroots level to make the system more functional and support job-seeking. If the current rate of unemployment endures, the quality of life of the unemployed should be addressed. A first step could be taken by placing less guilt on the unemployed. Instead of talking about activating the unemployed, discussion should be targeted at removing structural impediments to employment. If we want to have less polarisation between the those with paid work and those without, who often struggle with low incomes, we need to include the macro-level in the discussion. What does high unemployment mean in a work-based society, where the individual s self-perception and important social forms of support are linked to labour income? And what can be done at the macro-level to change this undesirable condition at the micro-level? Keywords: Unemployment, Youth, Public interventions, Activation policy, Individual actors, Qualitative, Longitudinal, Holistic, Helsinki, Finland
Resumo:
The study examines the term "low threshold" from the point of view of the most marginalized drug users. While using illicit drugs is criminalised and morally judged in Finland, users have special barriers to seek for care. Low threshold services aim at reaching drug users who themselves don t seek for help. "Low threshold" is a metaphor describing easy access to services. The theoretical frame of reference of the study consists of processing the term analytically and critically. The research work sets out to test the rhetoric of low threshold by making use of a qualitative multi-case study to find out, if the threshold of so called low threshold services always appears low for the most marginalized drug users. The cases are: the mobile unite offering health counselling, the day service centre for marginalized substance abusers and the low threshold project of the outpatient clinic for drug users in Helsinki and the health counselling service trial in Vyborg, Russia. The case study answer following questions: 1) How do the method of low threshold work out in the studied cases from the point of view of the most marginalized drug users? 2) How do potential thresholds appear and how did they develop? 3) How do the most marginalized drug users get into the care system through low threshold? The data consists of interviews of drug users, workers and other specialists having been accomplished in the years 2001 - 2006, patient documents and customer registers. The dissertation includes four articles published in the years 2006 - 2008 and the summary article. The study manifests that even low threshold is not always low enough for the most marginalized drug users. That expresses a highly multiproblematised and underpriviledged group of drug users, whose life and utilization of services are framed by deep marginalisation, homelessness, multi-substance use, mental and somatic illnesses and being repeatedly imprisoned. Using services is rendered difficult by many factors arising from the care system, drug users themselves and the action environment. In Finland thresholds are generally due to the execution of practical services and procedures not considering the fear of control and labelling as a drug user. When striving for further rehabilitating substance abuse care by means of low threshold services the marginalized drug users meet the biggest difficulties. They are due to inelastic structures, procedures and division of labour in the established care system and also to poor chances of drug users to be in action in the way expected by the care system. Multiproblematic multisubstance users become "wrong" customers by high expectations of care motivation and specializing in the care system. In Russia the thresholds are primarily caused by rigid control politics directed to drug users by the society and by the scantiness of care system. The ideology of reducing drug related harm is not approved and the care system is unwilling to commit to it. Low threshold turnes out to be relative as a term. The rhetoric of the care system is not enough to unilaterally define lowness of the threshold. The experiences of drug users and the actual activity to search for care determine the threshold. It does not appear the same for everybody either. Access of certain customer group to a service unit may even raise the threshold for some other group. The low threshold system also is surprisingly realized: you could not always tell in advance, what kind of customers and how many of them could be reached. Keywords: low threshold, marginalized drug users, harm reduction, barriers to services, outreach
Resumo:
Evaluation of entrepreneurship in the speech of academic students and newly qualified young academics a summary of a qualitative attitude study. In Finland very few university students plan to become entrepreneurs. The aim of this research was to examine entrepreneurial attitudes expressed in speech. The material was gathered from interviews with university students and newly qualified young academic adults. The interviewees commented on twelve different sentences with claims formulated using research literature and views that have appeared in public discussions. The interviewees were divided into three different groups based on their self-expressed entrepreneurial intentions. The method of qualitative attitude research (Vesala & Rantanen 1999, 2007) was used in the interviews. The research material was studied using two interpretative theories: (1) The planned behaviour theory (Ajzen 1985, 1991a, b), which makes it possible to focus on the separate elements (attitude towards an act, subjective norms and perceived feasibility) necessary for intentions to develop; and (2) The theory of the two images of entrepreneurship (Vesala 1996), where individualism and relationism can be seen as resources for evaluating entrepreneurship. The subject of the research was how university students and newly qualified young adults viewed entrepreneurship as a general phenomen and in relation to the academic world. A second focus was on the attitudes expressed toward entrepreneurial university education and the possibility of combining entrepreneurship and academic knowledge. Of interest were also questions such as whether academic studies, knowledge and the university itself are resources or barriers to entrepreneurial intentions and entrepreneurship whether university students received any support for their entrepreneurial ambitions from the university and their fellow academic students. The problems tackled by this research were thus the following: How was entrepreneurship seen, both as a general phenomen and in an academic context, when it was evaluated positively, negatively or neutrally by the interviewees? In what way was entrepreneurship constructed in the interviewees attitudes? How were entrepreneurship and the academic world related in the interviewees attitudes? What kind of role did the university as an academic context play in the interviewees attitudes for example were university education and academic knowledge seen as resources or barriers to their entrepreneurial intentions. Traditional attitude studies claim that attitudes are a stable property of an individual. In contrast, rhetorical social psychological and qualitative attitude studies emphasize the contextual and linguistic aspects of attitude, and they offered an alternative viewpoint for this research. The study was based on two general assumptions: attitudes have objects and are evaluative. Here attitude was defined as an evaluative interpresentation made towards an object; adopting an attitude is a contextual process in the sense that attitudes are always concerned with the action context of the persons presenting them. Entrepreneurship, both as a general phenomen and in an academic context, was specified as the object to which an attitude was taken. From a theoretical point of view, qualitative methods suited the general structure of this research well. In a particular, qualitative approach which emphasized contextual elements proved to be both empirically valid and useful for avoiding the problematic assumptions associated with traditional attitude study. The subject of the analysis was the argumentative speech produced by the interviewees. The results of the study show the subjects responses to three main ways of viewing entrepreneurships. The first was an individualistic, ideal image of entrepreneurship. This was mostly evaluated positively and gained wide approval especially among interviewees who included entrepreneurship among their employment choices. Entrepreneurship was seen as the decision to earn one s living independently. In this individualistic image of entrepreneurship, the social context was hardly ever mentioned. Elements which were seen to threaten this ideal image were evaluated negatively. When entrepreneurship was evaluated negatively using the individualistic image of entrepreneurship, it was mentioned that it forced one into a never ending cycle of work and uninterested duties. The relationistic image of entrepreneurship was used as a speech resource when the social context was constructed as an economic resource or a threat to the ideal image of entrepreneurship. In the second view, entrepreneurship was characteristically seen as being based on economics, which was seen as a threat to the ideal individualistic image of entrepreneurship. The risk of economic failure was seen as a limiting factor to entrepreneurial ambitions as it forced entrepreneurs to work around the clock. The third view concerned the relationship between entrepreneurship and the academic world. Entrepreneurship as an employment choice for university educated persons was evaluated as relevant, and thus positively, when university education was constructed as a resource for entrepreneurship - and irrelevant and thus negatively when it was construed as an obstacle, too wide, or when successful entrepreneurship was seen as being mostly based on an individual s personal characteristics. The interviewees with no entrepreneurial intentions expressed the view that academic education didn t provide the proper skills and knowledge for entrepreneurship. The interviewees also expressed interest in university entrepreneurship education, although none had experience on this. The interviewees emphasized the fact that the University didn t encourage them to consider entrepreneurship as a relevant employment choice. The assumption made by this study was that becoming an entrepreneur is a conscious decision, the environment may influence an individual s decisions on how to make a living as it tends to socialise people to act in accordance with cultural traditions. Keywords: Entrepreneurship, Attitudes towards entrepreneurship, Intentional behaviour, Entrepreneurial intention, University entrepreneurship education, Qualitative attitude research (Vesala & Rantanen 1999, 2007), Rhetorical social psychology (Billig 1986), The theory of entrepreneuship s two images: individualism and relationism (Vesala 1996 ), The planned behaviour theory (Ajzen 1985, 1991a, b)
Resumo:
In this research I ask what is interpreted as sex-based harassment by 15-16-year old girls and boys. By sex-based harassment I refer to one-sided, unwanted attention that is based on gender and that makes the target feel embarrassed, frightened, hurt or angry. My focus is not on the most overt cases of harassment but rather on everyday encounters. While young people differentiate between harassing and non-harassing attention, at the same time they define, assign value to and construct differences and power relations on the basis of gender, age and ethnicity, for example. My main data consists of essays (N 104, 54 girls, 54 boys) and thematic interviews (N 14; 20 girls, 3 boys) of ninth graders of a secondary school in Helsinki. In the essays and interviews, students construe the border between pleasant and unpleasant, tolerable and intolerable attention as clear in principle, but, they suggest that in practice this border is ambivalent, negotiable and contextual. The interpretations of incidents are justified by referring to features of the target, the scene or the perpetrator. Targets of harassment are most often construed as being girls who are characterized as thin-skinned, but at the same time they are expected to be understanding toward any sex-based attention they may get, particularly when it is not physical. On the other hand, girls are regarded as equal and even active participants in incidents of harassment. Such statements include considerations of how girls either reject or invite particular kinds of attention by their actions and outward appearance. Forms of harassment, ways of understanding it as well as overcoming it vary according to spatial context. By situating incidents in different spaces and places, young people contrast their experiences with ordinary and predictable non-harassment that takes place e.g. in discos and unusual and unexpected harassment that takes place e.g. in the city streets in the daytime. The behaviour of boys harassing a girls is naturalized by appealing to young masculinity and the childishness but also strong sexual drive which is seen as characteristic of teenage boys. On the other hand, sex-based harassment is racialized and pathologized in ways that separate the phenomenon from young, Finnish, normal masculinity. Both the material experiences of the young people and the definitions of the parties involved in harassing incidents are gendered. Girls encounter and deal with sexualized commenting and unwanted approaches much more often and in a more intensive way than boys. Furthermore, there is a vast cultural repertoire of acceptable accounts that can be mobilised in order to excuse male harassers, to critically evaluate the appearance or action of the female targets and to divide the responsibility between the female target and the male perpetrator.
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In Finland, the suicide mortality trend has been decreasing during the last decade and a half, yet suicide was the fourth most common cause of death among both Finnish men and women aged 15 64 years in 2006. However, suicide does not occur equally among population sub-groups. Two notable social factors that position people at different risk of suicide are socioeconomic and employment status: those with low education, employed in manual occupations, having low income and those who are unemployed have been found to have an elevated suicide risk. The purpose of this study was to provide a systematic analysis of these social differences in suicide mortality in Finland. Besides studying socioeconomic trends and differences in suicide according to age and sex, different indicators for socioeconomic status were used simultaneously, taking account of their pathways and mutual associations while also paying attention to confounding and mediatory effects of living arrangements and employment status. Register data obtained from Statistics Finland were used in this study. In some analyses suicides were divided into two groups according to contributory causes of death: the first group consisted of suicide deaths that had alcohol intoxication as one of the contributory causes, and the other group is comprised of all other suicide deaths. Methods included Poisson and Cox regression models. Despite the decrease in suicide mortality trend, social differences still exist. Low occupation-based social class proved to be an important determinant of suicide risk among both men and women, but the strong independent effect of education on alcohol-associated suicide indicates that the roots of these differences are probably established in early adulthood when educational qualifications are obtained and health-behavioural patterns set. High relative suicide mortality among the unemployed during times of economic boom suggests that selective processes may be responsible for some of the employment status differences in suicide. However, long-term unemployment seems to have causal effects on suicide, which, especially among men, partly stem from low income. In conclusion, the results in this study suggest that education, occupation-based social class and employment status have causal effects on suicide risk, but to some extent selection into low education and unemployment are also involved in the explanations for excess suicide mortality among the socially deprived. It is also conceivable that alcohol use is to some extent behind social differences in suicide. In addition to those with low education, manual workers and the unemployed, young people, whose health-related behaviour is still to be adopted, would most probably benefit from suicide prevention programmes.
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Since the 1990s, European policy strategies have stressed the mutual responsibility and joint action of all societal branches in preventing social problems. Network policy is an integral part of the new governance that generates a new kind of dependency between the state and civil society in formulating and adhering to policy goals. Using empirical group interview data collected in Helsinki, the capital of Finland, this case study explores local multi-agency groups and their efforts to prevent the exclusion of children and young people. These groups consist mainly of professionals from the social office, youth clubs and schools. The study shows that these multi-agency groups serve as forums for professional negotiation where the intervention dilemma of liberal society can be addressed: the question of when it is justified and necessary for an authority or network to intervene in the life of children and their families, and how this is to be done. An element of tension in multi-agency prevention is introduced by the fact that its objectives and means are anchored both in the old tradition of the welfare state and in communitarian rhetoric. Thus multi-agency groups mend deficiencies in wellbeing and normalcy while at the same time try to co-ordinate the creation of the new community, which will hopefully reduce the burden on the public sector. Some of the professionals interviewed were keen to see new and even forceful interventions to guide the youth or to compel parents to assume their responsibilities. In group discussions, this approach often met resistance. The deeper the social problems that the professionals worked with, the more solidarity they showed for the families or the young people in need. Nothing seems to assure professionals and to legitimise their professional position better than advocating the under-privileged against the uncertainties of life and the structural inequalities of society. The groups that grappled with the clear, specific needs of certain children and families were the most capable of co-operation. This requires the approval of different powers and the expertise of distinct professions as well as a forum to negotiate case-specific actions in professional confidentiality. The ideals of primary prevention for everyone and value discussions alone fail to inspire sufficient multiagency co-operation. The ideal of a network seems to give word and shape to those societal goals that are difficult or even impossible to reach, but are nevertheless yearned for: mutual understanding of the good life, close social relationships, mutual trust and active agency for all citizens. Individualisation, the multiplicity of life styles and the possibility to choose have come true in such a way that the very idea of a mutual and binding network can be attained only momentarily and between restricted participants. In conclusion, uniting professional networks that negotiate intervention dilemmas with citizen networks based on changing compassions and feelings of moral superiority seems impossible. Rather, one should encourage openness to scrutiny among tangential or contradicting groups, networks and communities. Key words: network policy, prevention of exclusion, multi-agency groups, young people
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Transition to adulthood of severely disabled adolescents. Diversity in individual life courses. The focus of this study is to examine the transition to adulthood of severely disabled adolescents as part of their life course. The data for this study were gathered through interviews with nine severely disabled adolescents, who were interviewed several times over a period of eight years. At the beginning of the study the adolescents were between 18 and 24 years old. The informants had severe disabilities manifesting themselves as physical incapacity, cerebral palsy, vision or hearing impairment, neurological disease, or developmental disability. One of the adolescents communicated with symbols. All except one used a wheelchair. As severely disabled adolescents, they received benefits from Kela for persons with severe disabilities, such as the higher-rate or special disability allowance or disability pension, the higher-rate or special pensioners' care allowance, or medical rehabilitation services. The interviews focused on a number of selected themes such as relationships, family, education, work, leisure-time activities, dating, decision-making, independence, happiness, and one s self-image and identity. Data were also derived from interviews with five experts. Two of the experts interviewed were severely disabled themselves. The theoritical foundation of the study lies in perviuos research on the severly disabled, the transition to adulthood and the life course. The method of analysis and interpretation is qualitative and based on interviews with the adolescents. In terms of the analytical process, the focus is on recognizing individual events in the transition process to adulthood and identifying the meanings assigned to them by the adolescents. The narratives also provide a method to shed light on the individuality of the transition. The individual situations of severely disabled adolescents vary, and their disability impacts the range of options available to them as they plan their life course. The medical and social models of disability also have an effect on life courses. Although severely disabled adolescents are able to attain some goals, they remain outsiders in many respects. Key words: Disabled person, severely disabled person, adolescent, transition to adulthood, identity, life course.
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The study in its entirety focused on factors related to adolescents decisions concerning drug use. The term drug use is taken here to include the use of tobacco products, alcohol, narcotics, and other addictive substances. First, the reasons given for drug use (attributions) were investigated. Secondly, the influence of personal goals, the beliefs involved in decision making, psychosocial adjustment including body image and involvement with peers, and parental relationships on drug use were studied. Two cohorts participated in the study. In 1984, a questionnaire on reasons for drug use was administered to a sample of adolescents aged 14-16 (N=396). A further questionnaire was administered to another sample of adolescents aged 14-16 (N=488) in 1999. The results for both cohorts were analyzed in Articles I and II. In Articles III and IV further analysis was carried out on the second cohort (N=488). The research report presented here provides a synthesis of all four articles, together with material from a further analysis. In a comparison of the two cohorts it was found that the attributions for drug use had changed considerably over the intervening fifteen-year period. In relation to alcohol and narcotics use an increase was found in reasons involving inner subjective experiences, with mention of the good feeling and fun resulting from alcohol and narcotics use. In addition, the goals of alcohol consumption were increasingly perceived as drinking to get drunk, and for its own sake. The attributions for the adolescents own smoking behavior were quite different from the attributions for smoking by others. The attributions were only weakly influenced by the participants gender or by their smoking habits, either in 1984 or 1999. In relation to participants own smoking, the later questionnaire elicited more mention of inner subjective experiences involving "good feeling. In relation to the perceived reasons for other people s smoking, it elicited more responses connected with the notion of "belonging. In the second sample, the results indicated that the levels of body satisfaction among adolescent girls are lower than those among adolescent boys. Overall, dissatisfaction with one's physical appearance seemed to relate to drug use. Girls were also found to engage in more discussions than boys; this applied to (i) discussion with peers (concerning both intimate and general matters), and (ii) discussion with parents (concerning general matters). However, more than a quarter of the boys (out of the entire population) reported only low intimacy with both parents and peers. If both drinking and smoking were considered, it seemed that girls in particular who reported drinking and smoking also reported high intimacy with parents and peers. Boys who reported drinking and smoking reported only medium intimacy with parents and peers. In addition, having an intimate relationship with one's peers was associated with a greater tendency to drink purely in order to get drunk. Overall, the results seemed to suggest that drug use is connected with a close relationship with peers and (surprisingly) with a close relationship with parents. Nevertheless, there were also indications that to some extent peer relationships can also protect adolescents from smoking and alcohol use. The results, which underline the complexity of adolescent drug use, are taken up in the Discussion section. It may be that body image and/or other identity factors play a more prominent role in all drug use than has previously been acknowledged. It does appear that in the course of planning support campaigns for adolescents at risk of drug use, we should focus more closely on individuals and their inner world. More research on this field is clearly needed, and therefore some ideas for future research are also presented.
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National identity is a general, more or less shared meaning structure. Those who share it, identify with a nation according to their beliefs of what national identity consists of. The present study examined the Finnish national identity in relation to other spatial identities, such as local or European identity. Data were drawn from a sample of 179 respondents who represented the adult population in the year 1993. The focus was on the representation of the Finnish national identity, the limits and components of this identity, and on the position of national identification among all human identifications. Categorization, the basic process in the construction of national identity, consists of inclusion and exclusion. Different forms of identification could be distinguished along with different contents. Discrimination and derogation of outgroups were associated with identification that emphasized inter-nation comparison and framed identity in an essentialistic and thus exclusionary way. The contents of national identity were examined using a quantitative word-assessment method, and related to different forms of identification. With regard to Finnish identification, few differences between age, educational or SES groups were found. Despite the lack of differences in the strength of Finnish identification, those with more education to a greater extent relativized their Finnishness. Those who held positive attitudes to immigrants associated Finnishness with both positive and negative traits. Pro-immigrant attitude was related to an emphasis on cultural Finnishness and a de-emphasis on comparative and status-oriented Finnishness. Among the respondents with lower level of education, the emphasis on cultural Finnishness clearly predicted pro-immigrant attitudes. Those who did not produce any spontaneous response to a request to define Finnishness were more likely to be anti-immigrant. Thus, reflexive self-understanding implies openness towards other nationalities. Changes in the representation of Finnishness are suggested by differential weights given by respondents to different aspects of the national identity. Older respondents regarded the moral-anthropomorphic aspects of identity as more important. The younger respondents felt relatively more Finnish in the company of foreigners than did the older generations, to whom being with friends and in other close relationships stood out as contexts of national identification. The aspect of identity which is based on categorization and comparison could be called identity for others. The other aspect of the national identity is identity for ourselves, which emphasizes self and cultural self-understanding. A modern marketing oriented “image-of-Finland” identity represents identity for others.
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The goal of the study is to build an image of deafness and of the lives of the deaf from their own per-spectives. The lives of deaf sign language users are analysed through the concept of identity. The start-ing point for the study is the idea that identities are moulded and structured in action and interaction and are, therefore, continuous processes. The terminology and ideas used in the present study are mostly based on Erving Goffman s (1971, 1986) work in which he sees identity as a representation of self. Via our language and our actions we build and present an image of ourselves to others and to ourselves alike. The research aims at answering the following questions concerning the lives of deaf sign language users: how do deaf people build an image of themselves as deaf people, what kind of meanings does deafness acquire in their lives, and what opportunities do they have to be perceived by others as they feel they are, i.e. to present their true self . In order to answer these questions, the narratives provided by eighteen deaf young adults, aged 25 35, in narrative interviews carried out in sign language, have been analysed. The methodology used is that of a data-based, qualitative analysis and narrative analy-sis. The study follows the lines of prior qualitative research carried out in the field of sociology of health and in the study of everyday life. The subjects are divided into three groups according to the linguistic environment dominant in the family: 1) a deaf child in a deaf family, 2) a deaf child in a hearing family using sign language, and 3) a deaf child in a hearing family where sign language was not used. The childhood family has great significance in the way a child constructs his or her identity as a deaf person. The process of construct-ing an identity in the first group can be defined as being automatic or inherited, in the second group the process can be described as being a collective/joint identity-building process, whereas in the third group the process is ambivalent and delayed. The opportunities the deaf have in building their identi-ties as deaf people have been examined through the concept of a collective story reservoir. Research shows that the deaf have, at least partly, a different collective story reservoir that they can rely on from the one the hearing have. Interaction with other deaf people and access to the collective story reservoir is important, because it enables the deaf to form an idea of their own deafness and the life of a deaf person. Three different ways of understanding deafness can be conceptualized from the narratives of the inter-viewed deaf people. In the outdated counter-narrative and the reductive narrative of deafness as an abnormality, the subjects are not capable of seeing themselves as forming part of the narratives or identifying themselves with the ways the deaf are depicted. Yet, the characterizations prevalent in them are the ones that the deaf constantly come across in their day-to-day lives. The narrative through which the subjects depict themselves and their lives can be defined as a pluralistic narrative. The plu-ralistic narrative consists of three elements: the coexistence of the world of the deaf and that of the hearing, the orientation to sign language, and the replacement of local networks with global networks. Although modern Finnish society and its varied social services and subsidy systems enable the realiza-tion of the kind of life described in the pluralistic narrative, the issues of power and inequality still frequently emerge in the narratives in which the deaf young adults described themselves and their lives. Two kinds of power mechanisms can be perceived in the descriptions: belittling and excluding power. These considerably diminish the opportunities of sign language users to create the kind of life that would reflect their personalities while limiting the chances for presenting the self to others.
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There is increasing evidence that the origins of poor adult health and health inequalities can be traced back to circumstances preceding current socioeconomic position and living conditions. The life-course approach to examining the determinants of health has emphasised that exposure to adverse social and economic circumstances in earlier life or concurrent adverse circumstances due to unfavourable living conditions in earlier life may lead to poor health, health-damaging behaviour, disease or even premature death in adulthood. There is, however, still a lack of knowledge about the contribution of social and economic circumstances in childhood and youth to adult health and health inequalities, and even less is known about how environmental and behavioural factors in adulthood mediate the effects of earlier adverse experiences. The main purpose of this study was to deepen our understanding of the development of poor health, health-damaging behaviours and health inequalities during the life-course. Its aim was to find out which factors in earlier and current circumstances determine health, the most detrimental indicators of health behaviour (smoking, heavy drinking and obesity as a proxy for the balance between nutrition and exercise), and educational health differences in young adults in Finland. Following the ideas of the social pathway theory, it was assumed that childhood environment affects adult health and its proximal determinants via different pathways, including educational, work and family careers. Early adulthood was studied as a significant phase of life when many behavioural patterns and living conditions relevant to health are established. In addition, socioeconomic health inequalities seem to emerge rapidly when moving into adulthood; they are very small or non-existent in childhood and adolescence, but very marked by early middle age. The data of this study were collected in 2000 2001 as part of the Health 2000 Survey (N = 9,922), a cross-sectional and nationally representative health interview and examination survey. The main subset of data used in this thesis was the one comprising the age group 18 29 years (N = 1,894), which included information collected by standardised structured computer-aided interviews and self-administered questionnaires. The survey had a very high participation rate at almost 90% for the core questions. According to the results of this study, childhood circumstances predict the health of young adults. Almost all the childhood adversities studied were found to be associated with poor self-rated health and psychological distress in early adulthood, although fewer associations were found with the somatic morbidity typical of young adults. These effects seemed to be more or less independent of the young adult s own education. Childhood circumstances also had a strong effect on smoking and heavy drinking, although current circumstances and education in particular, played a role in mediating this effect. Parental smoking and alcohol abuse had an influence on the corresponding behaviours of offspring. Childhood circumstances had a role in the development of obesity and, to a lesser extent, overweight, particularly in women. The findings support the notion that parental education has a strong effect on early adult obesity, even independently of the young adult s own educational level. There were marked educational differences in self-rated health in early adulthood: those in the lowest educational category were most likely to have average or poorer health. Childhood social circumstances seemed to explain a substantial part of these educational differences. In addition, daily smoking and heavy drinking contributed substantially to educational health differences. However, the contribution of childhood circumstances was largely shared with health behaviours adopted by early adulthood. Employment also shared the effects of childhood circumstances on educational health differences. The results indicate that childhood circumstances are important in determining health, health behaviour and health inequalities in early adulthood. Early recognition of childhood adversities followed by relevant support measures may play an important role in preventing the unfortunate pathways leading to the development of poor health, health-damaging behaviour and health inequalities. It is crucially important to recognise the needs of children living in adverse circumstances as well as children of substance abusing parents. In addition, single-parent families would benefit from support. Differences in health and health behaviours between different sub-groups of the population mean that we can expect to see ever greater health differences when today s generation of young adults grows older. This presents a formidable challenge to national health and social policy as well as health promotion. Young adults with no more than primary level education are at greatest risk of poor health. Preventive policies should emphasise the role of low educational level as a key determinant of health-damaging behaviours and poor health. Keywords: health, health behaviour, health inequalities, life-course, socioeconomic position, education, childhood circumstances, self-rated health, psychological distress, somatic morbidity, smoking, heavy drinking, BMI, early adulthood
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Tämä tutkielma keskittyy julkisen kaupunkitilan kontrollin eri muotoihin. Ihmiset käyttävät kaupunkitilaa eri tavoin ja eri tarkoituksiin. Tilan sallitut ja kielletyt käyttömuodot ovat aina erilaisten toiveiden yhteensovittamista: yhteisen neuvottelun tulos. Tilaa myös kontrolloidaan vastaamaan erilaisia toiveita ja odotuksia. Tutkielmassa julkisen tilan kontrollin muodot on jaettu kolmeen: tilan fyysinen muokkaaminen, tilan valvonta ja asenteisiin vaikuttaminen esimerkiksi politiikkaohjelmilla. Tärkeimpänä kiinnostuksen kohteena on tilanne, jossa jokin toiminta kielletään kokonaisuudessaan. Tutkielmassa käytetään konkreettisena esimerkkinä yrityksestä kontrolloida tilaa Helsingin kaupungin Stop Töhryille -projektia: kyseessä on tapaustutkimus em. projektista. Projekti toteutettiin vuosina 1998–2008 Helsingin kaupungin rakennusviraston sekä yleisten töiden lautakunnan alaisuudessa. Projektin tavoitteena oli vähentää ja poistaa kaupunkitilassa näkyviä graffiteja. Keinoina tähän oli tekninen siivous, valvonta ja viestintä. Graffitit voidaan nähdä yhtenä keinona vallata tilaa itselle. Tutkimuksen ongelmanasettelun taustalla on pohdinta siitä, kohdistuuko julkisen tilan kontrolli jonkin tietyn toiminnon ei-toivottavuuteen vai kohdistuuko kontrolli tiettyjen toimijoiden ei-toivottavuuteen. Tavoitteena on selvittää, minkälainen tilan kontrolliin tähtäävä ohjelma Stop Töhryille -projekti oli. Tutkimuskysymykset liittyvät siihen, miksi projekti toteutettiin, mihin projektin toimenpiteet kohdistuivat ja miten nollatoleranssi määriteltiin projektissa. Tutkielman teoreettinen viitekehys pohjautuu Jock Youngin määritelmälle nollatoleranssista, nollatoleranssin kritiikille sekä Henri Lefebvren, Don Mitchellin, Andrea Sharkeyn ja Rob Shieldsin kirjoituksiin oikeudesta tilaan. Aineistona käytetään yleisten töiden lautakunnan kokousten esityslista- ja pöytäkirjamateriaalia sekä haastatteluja projektissa mukana olleille tai projektiin vaikuttaneille tahoille (N=4). Analyysin menetelmänä sovelletaan diskurssianalyysiä. Aineiston perusteella voidaan todeta, että projektissa hyödynnettiin laajasti erilaisia kontrollin keinoja. Projektin toimenpiteet keskittyivät alussa enemmän toimintoon (graffitien puhdistamiseen ja ehkäisyyn), mutta viimeisinä vuosina painopiste siirtyi enemmän toimijaan (graffitintekijään). Aineiston analyysissä yhtenä olennaisena toimijaryhmänä esille nousivat nuoret ja nuoriso, jotka mainittiin useaan otteeseen graffitintekijöinä. Tutkielmassa tätä ilmiötä pohditaan Mike Presdeen nuoruuden kriminalisointi -käsitteen sekä Zygmunt Baumanin ulossulkemisen paradigman kautta. Nollatoleranssiretoriikka on löydettävissä projektista kolmella tasolla: ideologisella, toiminnallisella sekä viestinnällisellä. Nollatoleranssia perusteltiin ideologisella tasolla rikottujen ikkunoiden teesillä: pieniä sosiaalisia häiriöitä poistamalla voidaan ehkäistä suuria rikoksia. Tämä perustelu vietiin toiminnalliselle tasolle, jossa häiriökäyttäytyjiä valvottiin ja heille vaadittiin kovia rangaistuksia. Viestinnällä pyrittiin madaltamaan kansalaisten sietokykyä graffiti-ilmiöön ja edesautettiin mahdollisimman laajan kansalais- ja asukasyhteistyön syntymistä. Lisäksi projektissa luotiin aktiivisesti tiedon ja kielen politiikkaa, joissa tuotetaan käsitystä siitä että graffitit lisäävät turvattomuutta ja konstruoidaan sellainen kieli, jossa graffitit nähdään ongelmana.
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Tutkin Pro Gradu -työssäni nuorten osallisuutta ja osallistumista suhteessa maaseutukehitykseen Argentiinan maaseudulla. Vaikka nuorison tärkeä strateginen asema maaseudun kehityksen kannalta mainitaan usein sekä akateemisessa että poliittisessa diskurssissa, on nuoriso jäänyt vähälle huomiolle tutkijoiden, yhteiskunnallisten päättäjien, ja muiden toimijoiden silmissä Latinalaisessa Amerikassa. Maaseudun nuorten ”näkymättömyys” on johtanut siihen, että heidän asemansa erillisenä sosiaalisena toimijana on jäänyt heikoksi. Oman tutkimukseni ensisijaisena tavoitteena on siis saada paljon kaivattua lisätietoa argentiinalaisista maaseudun nuorista. Lähestyn maaseudun kehitysproblematiikkaa osallisuuden ja osallistumisen käsitteiden kautta tutkimalla nuorten osallisuutta ja osallistumista maaseutuympäristössä yleisesti sekä muutamissa maaseudun yhteisötaloudellisissa instituutioissa erityisesti. Tutkimiani instituutioita ovat maatalousosuuskunnat ja pientuottajien verovapaat torit eli Feria Francat. Kutsun kyseisiä instituutioita kehitysstrategioiksi. Suhteutan aineistoani territoriaaliseen maaseudun kehitysnäkemykseen (desarrollo territorial rural) ja erityisesti argentiinalaisen Mabel Manzanalin paikallisväestön järjestäytyneen osallistumisen roolia korostavaan versioon siitä. Tutkimukseni perustuu pääasiassa vuoden 2009 syksyllä Koillis-Argentiinassa toteutetun kenttätyön antiin. Tutkimusotteeni oli melko etnografinen ja aineisto sisältää osallistuvan havainnoinnin kautta hankittua informaatiota, haastatteluja, keskusteluja sekä kirjallista materiaalia. Tutkimukseni tärkeimpänä tuloksena voidaan todeta, että Koillis-Argentiinan maaseudulla nuorilla ei juurikaan ole tilaa osallistua ja heidän asemansa erillisenä sosiaalisen toimijana on erittäin heikko. Vaikka tilanne näyttää huolestuttavalta, onneksi jotkut osuuskunnat ja erityisesti Feria Francat ovat pystyneet tarjoamaan uudenlaisia mahdollisuuksia maaseudun nuorille ja niillä on muutenkin potentiaalia toimia järjestäytyneen osallistumisen areenoina sekä kokonaisvaltaisen territoriaalisen maaseutukehityksen edistäjinä. Maaseudun kehityksen kannalta olisi erittäin tärkeää, että nuorten sosiaalista pääomaa vahvistettaisiin, he tuntisivat itsensä osallisiksi ja pääsisivät oikeasti osallistumaan ja vaikuttamaan. Nuoret nimittäin usein omaavat sellaista tietotaitoa ja ideoita, joita vanhemmilta sukupuolilta ei välttämättä löydy. Mutta jos nuoret kokevat, että heitä ei arvosteta eikä heille tarjota mahdollisuuksia, he lähtevät etsimään onneaan yhä suuremmiksi paisuvista kaupungeista ja samalla maaseudun tulevaisuus vaarantuu kun se menettää kehityksensä kannalta tärkeitä voimavaroja ja sosiaalista pääomaa.
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The purpose of this research was to study the bilingual class students attitudes toward schoolwork, studying in English and their attitudes toward ethnic diversity. Bilingualism has been shown to promote a person s cultural knowledge and to increase one s cultural tolerance. Also, it has been proven that young people are among the most receptive toward ethnic diversity. Students in bilingual classes have often lived abroad, travelled extensively, or have had contacts with different cultures through their parents work. This thesis seeks to clarify whether bilingualism has an effect on lower and upper graders intercultural competence. Also, it seeks to determine what the students think about their English language skills and what their abilities are to tolerate cultural differences. The research was carried out in one of Espoo Finland schools grades 4 to 9 in December 2008. One hundred fourteen (114) students participated in the research. Students answered the questions on a form where they were asked to submit their background information and answer which language they prefer in studying the school subjects. Students were also asked to choose from 18 pictures with ethnically different persons, telling which ones could be their friends and which ones they wished not to meet, as well as stating the reasons why. Also, the students answered to Likert-scale questions concerning their English studies and interculturalism. The data has been processed with qualitative and quantitative methods. The results show that the study language is not significant. Most of the students experienced studying in a bilingual class as a positive thing, and thought highly about their English skills. The students positive attitudes toward ethnic diversity and intercultural sensitivity were present in their answers. Tolerance and intercultural competence was especially noticeable in the written explanations by the older students.
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The present study focused on the associations between the personal experiences of intergroup contact, perceived social norms and the outgroup attitudes of Finnish majority and Russian-speaking minority youth living in Finland. The theoretical background of the study was derived from Allport s (1954) theory of intergroup contact (i.e., the contact hypothesis), social psychological research on normative influences on outgroup attitudes (e.g., Rutland, 2004; Stangor and Leary, 2006) and developmental psychological research on the formation of explicit (deliberate) and implicit (automatically activated) outgroup attitudes in adolescence (e.g., Barrett, 2007; Killen, McGlothlin and Henning, 2008). The main objective of the study was to shed light on the role of perceived social norms in the formation of outgroup attitudes among adolescents. First, the study showed that perceived normative pressure to hold positive attitudes towards immigrants regulated the relationship between the explicit and implicit expression of outgroup attitudes among majority youth. Second, perceived social norms concerning outgroup attitudes (i.e., the perceived outgroup attitudes of parents and peers) affected the relationship between intergroup contact and explicit outgroup attitudes depending on gender and group status. Positive social norms seem to be especially important for majority boys, who need both pleasant contact experiences and normative support to develop outgroup attitudes that are as positive as girls attitudes. The role of social norms is accentuated also among minority youth, who, contrary to majority youth with their more powerful and independent status position, need to reflect upon their attitudes and experiences of negative intergroup encounters in relation to the experiences and attitudes of their ingroup members. Third, the results are indicative of the independent effects of social norms and intergroup anxiety on outgroup attitudes: the effect of perceived social norms on the outgroup attitudes of youth seems to be at least as strong as the effect of intergroup anxiety. Finally, it was shown that youth evaluate intergroup contact from the viewpoint of their ingroup and society as a whole, not just based on their own experiences. In conclusion, the outgroup attitudes of youth are formed in a close relationship with their social environment. On the basis of this study, the importance of perceived social norms for research on intergroup contact effects among youth cannot be overlooked. Positive normative influences have the potential to break the strong link between rare and/or negative personal contact experiences and negative outgroup attitudes, and norms also influence the relationship between implicit and explicit attitude expression.