75 resultados para Upsala, Sweden. Universitet


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The 1980s and the early 1990s have proved to be an important turning point in the history of the Nordic welfare states. After this breaking point, the Nordic social order has been built upon a new foundation. This study shows that the new order is mainly built upon new hierarchies and control mechanisms that have been developed consistently through economic and labour market policy measures. During the post-war period Nordic welfare states to an increasing extent created equality of opportunity and scope for agency among people. Public social services were available for all and the tax-benefit system maintained a level income distribution. During this golden era of Nordic welfare state, the scope for agency was, however, limited by social structures. Public institutions and law tended to categorize people according to their life circumstances ascribing them a predefined role. In the 1980s and 1990s this collectivist social order began to mature and it became subject to political renegotiation. Signs of a new social order in the Nordic countries have included the liberation of the financial markets, the privatizing of public functions and redefining the role of the public sector. It is now possible to reassess the ideological foundations of this new order. As a contrast to widely used political rhetoric, the foundation of the new order has not been the ideas of individual freedom or choice. Instead, the most important aim appears to have been to control and direct people to act in accordance with the rules of the market. The various levels of government and the social security system have been redirected to serve this goal. Instead of being a mechanism for redistributing income, the Nordic social security system has been geared towards creating new hierarchies on the Nordic labour markets. During the past decades, conditions for receiving income support and unemployment benefit have been tightened in all Nordic countries. As a consequence, people have been forced to accept deteriorating terms and conditions on the labour market. Country-specific variations exist, however: in sum Sweden has been most conservative, Denmark most innovative and Finland most radical in reforming labour market policy. The new hierarchies on the labour market have co-incided with slow or non-existent growth of real wages and with a strong growth of the share of capital income. Slow growth of real wages has kept inflation low and thus secured the value of capital. Societal development has thus progressed from equality of opportunity during the age of the welfare states towards a hierarchical social order where the majority of people face increasing constraints and where a fortunate minority enjoys prosperity and security.

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Increased media exposure to layoffs and corporate quarterly financial reporting have created arguable a common perception – especially favored by the media itself – that the companies have been forced to improve their financial performance from quarter to quarter. Academically the relevant question is whether companies themselves feel that they are exposed to short-term pressure to perform even if it means that they have to compromise company’s long-term future. This paper studies this issue using results from a survey conducted among the 500 largest companies in Finland. The results show that companies in general feel moderate short-term pressure, with reasonable dispersion across firms. There seems to be a link between the degree of pressure felt, and the firm’s ownership structure, i.e. we find support for the existence of short-term versus long-term owners. We also find significant ownership related differences, in line with expectations, in how such short-term pressure is reflected in actual decision variables such as the investment criteria used.

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Jac. Ahrenberg and Patrimony Restoration Plans for Viipuri and Turku Castles at the End of the 19th Century This dissertation examines the unrealized restoration plans for two castles in the Grand Duchy of Finland one located at Viipuri (Vyborg, nowadays in Russia), the other at Turku (in Swedish, Åbo) during the last decades of the 19th century. Both castles were used as prisons, barracks and warehouses. From the middle of the 19th century on, their restoration and transformation into museums and "national monuments" were demanded in the newspapers. The prison reform in the 1860s stimulated the documentation and debate concerning their future, but it was only at the beginning of the 1880s when their restoration became an official state-run project. The undertaking was carried out by Johan Jacob (Jac.) Ahrenberg (1847 1914), architect of the National Board of Public Buildings. By combining written sources with drawings and photographs, this dissertation examines the restoration projects, the two castles' significance and the ways in which they were investigated by scholars. The plans are analyzed in connection with restoration practices in France and Sweden and in the context of contemporary discussions concerning national art and patrimony. The thesis argues that these former castles of the Swedish crown were used to manifest the western roots of Finnish law and order, the lineage of power and the capacity of the nation to defend itself. However, because of their symbolism, their restoration became a politically delicate question concerning the role of the Swedish heritage in Finland's nation-building process. According to Jac. Ahrenberg's plans, the two castles were to be restored to their assumed appearance at the time of the Vasa dynasty. Consequently, the structures would have resembled castles in Sweden. It is suggested that one aim of the restoration plans was to transform the two buildings into monuments testifying to the common history of Sweden and Finland. They were meant to consolidate the Swedish basis of Finnish culture and autonomy and thus to secure them against the threatening implications of Russian imperialism. It seems that along with the changing ideals of architectural restoration and the need for an original Finnish architectural heritage, the political connotations associated with the castles were one reason why Jac. Ahrenberg's restoration plans were never realized.

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The dissertation discusses the history of the book and the Enlightenment in Finland by studying the reception and diffusion of eighteenth-century books and by approaching the discourse on the Enlightenment in Finnish source material. The methods used relate to historian Robert Darnton s studies on eighteenth-century print culture and his analyses of the relations between print culture and society. The study is based on diverse eighteenth-century sources: books, pamphlets and dissertations, bibliographies, book auction protocols, parliamentary documents, estate inventory deeds, newspapers, letters, lectures, memoirs and commonplace books. By the end of the eighteenth century, book production had increased and secular literature had begun to challenge the dominance of religious literature. The books of the Enlightenment belonged to the new literature that found its way into Finnish book collections previously dominated by religious literature. Enlightenment literature is not a set selection of books but rather diverse works from different genres. Thus the study introduces a variety of printed material, from philosophical tracts and textbooks to novels and pornography. In the case of books of the Enlightenment, the works of French Voltaire and German Christian Wolff were among the most widely read and circulated books in Finland. First and foremost, the Enlightenment was an era of intellectual debate. These debates carried strong criticism of the prevailing systems of thought. Enlightenment ideas challenged the Lutheran society of Sweden and especially its sense of conformity. Contemporaries saw many of the books of the Enlightenment as vessels of new ideas and criticism. Furthermore, this kind of print material was interpreted as being dangerous for uneducated readers. Belonging to a certain estate and social class had a major impact on individuals reading habits and their acquisition of books. One specific social group stands out in the Finnish source material: the officers at the Sveaborg naval fortress possessed and distributed Enlightenment books more than the members of any other social class. Other essential social groups were scholars, the nobility and the clergy, who took part in debates concerning the ideas and benefits of the Enlightenment. In the Finnish debates at the time, the concept of Enlightenment involved three primary notions. Firstly, it referred to the French philosophers, les philosophes, and to their works as well as to the social changes that took place during the French revolution. It also carried the idea of philosophical light or the light of reason, in a sense similar to Immanuel Kant s writings. Most importantly, it referred to a belief in progress and to a trust in true knowledge that would supercede ignorance and fanaticism. Hence, it is impossible to speak about the Enlightenment era in the Swedish realm without such concepts as reason, benefit or progress. These concepts likewise marked the books of the Enlightenment in eighteenth-century Finland.

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The dissertation examines the foreign policies of the United States through the prism of science and technology. In the focal point of scrutiny is the policy establishing the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA) and the development of the multilateral part of bridge building in American foreign policy during the 1960s and early 1970s. After a long and arduous negotiation process, the institute was finally established by twelve national member organizations from the following countries: Bulgaria, Canada, Czechoslovakia, Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), France, German Democratic Republic (GDR), Great Britain, Italy, Japan, Poland, Soviet Union and United States; a few years later Sweden, Finland and the Netherlands also joined. It is said that the goal of the institute was to bring together researchers from East and West to solve pertinent problems caused by the modernization process experienced in industrialized world. It originates from President Lyndon B. Johnson s bridge building policies that were launched in 1964, and was set in a well-contested and crowded domain of other international organizations of environmental and social planning. Since the distinct need for yet another organization was not evident, the process of negotiations in this multinational environment enlightens the foreign policy ambitions of the United States on the road to the Cold War détente. The study places this project within its political era, and juxtaposes it with other international organizations, especially that of the OECD, ECE and NATO. Conventionally, Lyndon Johnson s bridge building policies have been seen as a means to normalize its international relations bilaterally with different East European countries, and the multilateral dimension of the policy has been ignored. This is why IIASA s establishment process in this multilateral environment brings forth new information on US foreign policy goals, the means to achieve these goals, as well as its relations to other advanced industrialized societies before the time of détente, during the 1960s and early 1970s. Furthermore, the substance of the institute applied systems analysis illuminates the differences between European and American methodological thinking in social planning. Systems analysis is closely associated with (American) science and technology policies of the 1960s, especially in its military administrative applications, thus analysis within the foreign policy environment of the United States proved particularly fruitful. In the 1960s the institutional structures of European continent with faltering, and the growing tendencies of integration were in flux. One example of this was the long, drawn-out process of British membership in the EEC, another is de Gaulle s withdrawal from NATO s military-political cooperation. On the other hand, however, economic cooperation in Europe between East and West, and especially with the Soviet Union was expanding rapidly. This American initiative to form a new institutional actor has to be seen in that structural context, showing that bridge building was needed not only to the East, but also to the West. The narrative amounts to an analysis of how the United States managed both cooperation and conflict in its hegemonic aspirations in the emerging modern world, and how it used its special relationship with the United Kingdom to achieve its goals. The research is based on the archives of the United States, Great Britain, Sweden, Finland, and IIASA. The primary sources have been complemented with both contemporary and present day research literature, periodicals, and interviews.

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War children were sent away to shelter without their parents to other Nordic countries, mainly to Sweden. The phenomenon was remarkable. During the Second World War nearly 80,000 children were sent from their homes by trains or boats. These children travelled to foster homes where they were placed with new parents looking after them. After the conclusion of the peace, for some months or sometimes years later, orders were given to send the children back to their families in Finland. Returning back to Finland and to their biological parents and families was not always easy. Deep bonds between the children and their foster families were created and leaving caused grief to those small travellers once again. In some cases, distances were created in the relations between Mothers and their daughters. Many had forgotten their Finnish, and returning to school proved difficult. Some of the war children felt rootlessness, a result of being torn away from their family and culture. The aim of this study is to describe how former war children became mothers by themselves, and later on grandmothers. The study also explores how they describe the meaning of the war and their childhood in their own parenthood and what were their experiences of time in foster homes. Seven former war children and three daughters were interviewed for this study. Interviews were biographical. A narrative approach and thematic reading (by Riessman 2008) has guided the analysis of the texts. According to the results of this study, the importance of having your own home , family and security in childhood relationships is significant. Caring and having responsibility for disadvantaged others was important for former war children. What come from the detailed experiences of the 'war childhood' most of all were the difficulties they found on returning to Finland. Some of them had become very attached to their foster parents. There were varying degrees of language problems among the returnees. Some of the interviewees had completely forgotten their native language. Given that, starting the school at home was difficult. They also remembered continuous travelling.When asked on the outcome of their relationship with their biological mother, most interviewees were happy, with a few experiencing some distance in this relationship. Security and being available to protect their children were important in their own motherhood and grand motherhood. In difficult family situations like divorce, they wanted to give their time and support for helping with grandchildren. Another important aspect in family life is interaction between all its members. Talking things through in families and also in War Child Associations was highly valued. However, talking of war childhood had been silenced in some families. In conclusion, the experiences of former war children should take in consideration when difficult situations between parents and children or children s positions in war zones are resolved. War children also have a lot to give for further educational study.

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This dissertation investigates the atomic power solution in Finland between 1955 - 1970. During these years a national arrangement for atomic energy technology evolved. The foundations of the Finnish atomic energy policy; the creation of basic legislation and the first governmental bodies, were laid between 1955 - 1965. In the late 1960's, the necessary technological and political decisions were made in order to purchase the first commercial nuclear reactor. A historical narration of this process is seen in the international context of "atoms for peace" policies and Cold War history in general. The geopolitical position of Finland made it necessary to become involved in the balanced participation in international scientific-technical exchange and assistive nuclear programs. The Paris Peace Treaty of 1947 categorically denied Finland acquisition of nuclear weapons. Accordingly, from the "Geneva year" of 1955, the emphasis was placed on peaceful purposes for atomic energy as well as on the education of national professionals in Finland. An initiative for the governmental atomic energy commission came from academia but the ultimate motive behind it was an anticipated structural change in the supply of national energy. Economically exploitable hydro power resources were expected to be built within ten years and atomic power was seen as a promising and complementing new energy technology. While importing fuels like coal was out of the question, because of scarce foreign currency, domestic uranium mineral deposits were considered as a potential source of nuclear fuel. Nevertheless, even then nuclear energy was regarded as just one of the possible future energy options. In the mid-1960 s a bandwagon effect of light water reactor orders was witnessed in the United States and soon elsewhere in the world. In Finland, two separate invitations for bids for nuclear reactors were initiated. This study explores at length both their preceding grounds and later phases. An explanation is given that the parallel, independent and nearly identical tenders reflected a post-war ideological rivalry between the state-owned utility Imatran Voima and private energy utilities. A private sector nuclear power association Voimayhdistys Ydin represented energy intensive paper and pulp industries and wanted to have free choice instead of being associated themselves with "the state monopoly" in energy pricing. As a background to this, a decisive change had started to happen within Finnish energy policy: private and municipal big thermal power plants became incorporated into the national hydro power production system. A characteristic phenomenon in the later history is the Soviet Union s effort to bid for the tender of Imatran Voima. A nuclear superpower was willing to take part in competition but not on a turnkey basis as Imatran Voima had presumed. As a result of many political turns and four years of negotiations the first Finnish commercial light water reactor was ordered from the East. Soon after this the private nuclear power group ordered its reactors from Sweden. This work interprets this as a reasonable geopolitical balance in choosing politically sensitive technology. Conceptually, social and political dimensions of new technology are emphasised. Negotiations on the Finnish atomic energy program are viewed as a cooperation and a struggle, where state-oriented and private-oriented regimes pose their own macro level views and goals (technopolitical imaginaries) and defend and advance their plans and practical modes of action (schemata). Here, not only technologists but even political actors are seen to contribute to technopolitical realisations.

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The aim of this study was to discover how current chemistry syllabi in the frame curricula for up- per secondary education in three Nordic countries (Finland, Norway, and Sweden) take into account topics related to the nature of chemistry. By qualitative content analysis, the statements related to the nature of chemistry were divided into categories. Conclusions and implications for improving the frame curricula under study were made by comparing results with research into the nature of science. Chemistry syllabi from the Nordic frame curricula analyzed take into account the aims related to the nature of chemistry in a very similar manner. The ideas that should be made more explicit in all of the analyzed curricula are: i) the limits of the chemical models and theories, ii) the relationship between chemistry and other natural sciences, iii) the importance of creativity in chemical research, iv) the concepts of evidence in science texts, v) the social nature of chemical research, and vi) chemistry as a technological practice.

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Lipeä on vahva emäs, jonka on havaittu lisäävän hemiselluloosan ja ligniinin hydrolyysiä pötsissä. Näin ollen lipeäkäsittelyllä on mahdollista korvata viljan mekaaninen litistys ja jauhatus. Seosrehuruokinnalla, jonka osana on lipeäkäsitelty vilja, on mahdollista vähentää liiallisesta tärkkelyksestä aiheutuvia metabolisia ongelmia pötsissä. Tämän tutkielman tarkoituksena oli selvittää lipeäkäsitellyn vehnän vaikutusta lypsylehmien syöntiin ja tuotokseen ad libitum seosrehuruokinnoilla. Ruokinnoissa korvattiin kuivaa murskattua vehnää asteittain kokonaisella lipeäkäsitellyllä vehnällä. Kontrollina oli perinteisesti käytetty kuiva, murskattu ohra-kaura seos. Koe tehtiin Ruotsin maatalousyliopiston (SLU) maataloustieteiden laitoksella Uumajassa. Koe alkoi syyskuussa ja päättyi joulukuussa 2010. Kokeessa oli 17 useamman kerran poikinutta lehmää ja 6 ensikkoa (Ruotsin punainen -rotu). Lehmät olivat lämpimässä pihattonavetassa, jossa seosrehun syöntiä mitattiin vaakakuppien avulla. Koekäsittelyt olivat murskattu ohra-kaura seos (1:1), murskattu kuiva vehnä (1:0), murskatun kuivan vehnän ja kokonaisen lipeävehnän seos (1:1) ja kokonainen lipeävehnä (1:0). Ruokintojen kuiva-ainepitoisuudeksi asetettiin 370 g/kg ja raakavalkuaispitoisuudeksi 180 g/kg kuiva-ainetta. Näennäinen ravintoaineen sulavuus määritettiin happoon liukenemattoman tuhkan avulla. Typen hyväksikäyttöä arvioitiin laskennallisen typpitaseen avulla. Koe toteutettiin 4x4 latinalaisen neliön koemallin mukaisesti ja käsittelyjen väliset tilastolliset erot testattiin kontrastien avulla. Kuiva-aineen (PQ=0,02) ja orgaanisen aineen (PQ=0,02) syönnit lisääntyivät, samalla kun niiden sulavuudet paranivat korvattaessa puolet kuivasta vehnästä lipeävehnällä. Ruokintojen välillä ei ollut tilastollisesti merkitsevää eroa maitotuotoksessa eikä energiakorjatussa maitotuotoksessa. Maidon rasvatuotos lisääntyi vähän (PQ=0,04) ja rasvapitoisuus selvästi (PQ=0,004), kun kuivasta vehnästä korvattiin puolet lipeävehnällä. Kun kaikki kuiva vehnä korvattiin lipeävehnällä, maidon valkuaispitoisuus väheni (PL<0,001). Samoin kävi maidon ureapitoisuudelle (PL=0,002). Lipeäkäsittely ei tuottanut tässä kokeessa taloudellisesti kannattavaa tulosta, sillä maidon valkuaispitoisuus väheni ja syönti lisääntyi maitotuotoksen pysyessä samana. Vehnäruokinnoista paras tuotosvaste saatiin kuivan vehnän ja lipeävehnän seoksella.

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Suomen maatalousmaihin kertynyttä fosforia hyödynnetään tehottomasti, ja samalla muokkauskerroksen suuri fosforimäärä on alttiina huuhtoutumiselle. Arbuskelimykorritsaa (AM) hyödyntämällä on mahdollista tehostaa viljelykasvin fosforinottoa ja kasvua, ja siten vähentää fosforin huuhtoutumista. Tämän tutkielman tavoitteena oli selvittää mykorritsan vaikutus kasvin kasvuun ja fosforinottoon karjanlantalannoituksella mineraalilannoitukseen verrattuna sekä näiden lannoitusten pitkäaikaisvaikutusta AM-sieniyhteisöihin. Jotta lannoituskäytäntöjen vaikutus mykorritsaan voitiin suhteuttaa muihin maan laatutekijöihin, näiden käytäntöjen vaikutus myös satomääriin sekä muihin maan laatumittareihin arvioitiin. Pitkäaikainen kenttäkoe perustettiin kolmelle paikkakunnalle Pohjois-Ruotsissa vuosina 1965–66. Kuusivuotinen viljelykierto koostui joko viisivuotisesta nurmesta ja ohrasta tai ohramonokulttuurista. Lannoituskäsittelyt 32-vuoden ajan olivat suositusten mukainen (NPK) ja edelliseen nähden kaksinkertainen (2NPK) mineraalilannoitus sekä karjanlantalannoitus (KL), jonka ravinnemäärä vastasi NPK -käsittelyä. Kolmen lannoituskäsittelyn vaikutusta mykorritsan tehokkuuteen kasvin kasvun ja fosforiravitsemuksen näkökulmasta tutkittiin astiakokeissa. Mykorritsasieniyhteisöjen toiminnallisten erojen selvittämiseksi tehtiin takaisin- ja ristiinsiirrostuskoe. (5 v-%) steriloitua maanäytettä NPK- ja KL -käsittelyistä siirrostettiin käsittelemättömiin maanäytteisiin, jotka olivat samoista lannoituskäsittelyistä. Mykorritsan positiivinen vaikutus kasvin kasvuun ja fosforiravitsemukseen oli suurin kun käytettiin karjanlantaa. NPK ja 2NPK -käsittelyiden välillä ei havaittu eroja. Takaisin- ja ristiinsiirrostuskokeessa ei ollut tilastollisesti merkitseviä eroja. Nurmi- ja ohrasadot olivat suurimmat kun mineraalilannoitetta annettiin suosituksiin nähden kaksinkertainen määrä. Satomäärät olivat yhtä suuret tai suuremmat kun käytettiin karjanlantaa NPK –lannoituksen sijaan. Karjanlantakäsittely lisäsi maaperän kokonaishiili- ja kokonaistyppipitoisuutta verrattuna NPK -käsittelyyn, joka sisälsi saman määrän ravinteita. Samalla huuhtoutumiselle altis liukoisen fosforin pitoisuus säilyi alhaisella tasolla. Karjanlanta edisti mykorritsan toimintaedellytyksiä, ja siksi mykorritsasta saatua hyötyä fosforinotossa ja kasvuvaikutuksena mineraalilannoitteisiin verrattuna, mutta se ei vaikuttanut mykorritsasieniyhteisön toiminnallisiin ominaisuuksiin. Karjanlantalannoitus paransi mitattuja maan ominaisuuksia kokonaisuudessaan, eikä se vähentänyt satoja.

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The aim of the study is to investigate the use of finlandisms in an historical perspective, how they have been viewed from the mid-19th century to this day, and the effect of language planning on their use. A finlandism is a word, a phrase, or a structure that is used only in the Swedish varieties used in Finland (i.e. in Finland Swedish), or used in these varieties in a different meaning than in the Swedish used in Sweden. Various aspects of Finland-Swedish language planning are discussed in relation to language planning generally; in addition, the relation of Finland Swedish to Standard Swedish and standard regional varieties is discussed, and various types of finlandisms are analysed in detail. A comprehensive picture is provided of the emergence and evolution of the ideology of language planning from the mid-19th century up until today. A theoretical model of corpus planning is presented and its effect on linguistic praxis described. One result of the study is that the belief among Finland-Swedish language planners that the Swedish language in Finland must not be allowed to become distanced from Standard Swedish, has been widely adopted by the average Finland Swede, particularly during the interwar period, following the publication of Hugo Bergroth s work Finlandssvenska in 1917. Criticism of this language-planning ideology started to appear in the 1950s, and intensified in the 1970s. However, language planning and the basis for this conception of language continue to enjoy strong support among Swedish-speaking Finns. I show that the editing of Finnish literary texts written in Swedish has often been somewhat amateurish and the results not always linguistically appropriate, and that Swedish publishers have in fact adopted a rather liberal attitude towards finlandisms. My conclusion is that language planning has achieved rather modest results in its resistance to finlandisms. Most of the finlandisms used in 1915 were still in use in 2005. Finlandisms occur among speakers of all ages, and even among academically educated people despite their more elevated style. The most common finlandisms were used by informants of all ages. The ones that are firmly rooted are the most established, in other words those that are stylistically neutral, seemingly genuinely Swedish, but which are nevertheless strongly supported by Finnish, and display a shift in meaning as compared with Standard Swedish.

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The voluntary associations dealt with in this dissertation were ethnic clubs and societies promoting the interests of German immigrants in Finland and Sweden. The associations were founded at the end of the 19th century as well as at the beginning of the 20th century during a time in which migration was high, the civil society grew rapidly and nationalism flourished. The work includes over 70 different associations in Finland and Sweden with a number of members ranging from ten to at most 2, 500. The largest and most important associations were situated in Helsinki and Stockholm where also most of the German immigrants lived. The main aim of this work is to explore to what extent and how the changes in government in Germany during 1910 to 1950 were reflected in the structures and participants, financial resources and meeting places, networks and activities of the German associations in Finland and Sweden. The study also deals with how a collective German national identity was created within the German associations. The period between 1910 and 1950 has been described by Hobsbawm as the apogee of nationalism. Nationalism and transnationalism are therefore key elements in the work. Additionally the research deals with theories about associations, networking and identity. The analysis is mostly based on minutes of meetings, descriptions of festivities, annual reports and historical outlines about the associations. Archival sources from the German legations, the German Foreign Office, and Finnish and Swedish officials such as the police and the Foreign Offices are also used. The study shows that the collective national identity in the associations during the Weimar Republic mostly went back to the time of the Wilhelmine Empire. It is argued that this fact, the cultural propaganda and the aims of the Weimar Republic to strengthen the contacts between Germany and the German associations abroad, and the role of the German legations and envoys finally helped the small groups of NSDAP to infiltrate, systematically coordinate and finally centralize the German associational life in Finland and Sweden. The Gleichschaltung did not go as smoothly as the party wanted, though. There was a small but consistent opposition that continued to exist in Finland until 1941 and in Sweden until 1945. The collective national identity was displayed much more in Sweden than in Finland, where the associations kept a lower profile. The reasons for the profile differences can be found in the smaller number of German immigrants in Finland and the greater German propaganda in Sweden, but also in the Finnish association act from 1919 and the changes in it during the 1920s and 1930s. Finally, the research shows how the loss of two world wars influenced the associations. It argues that 1918 made the German associations more vulnerable to influence from Germany, whereas 1945 brought the associational life back to where it once started as welfare, recreational and school associations.

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This study examines young people s political participation in transnational meetings. Methodologically the study aims to shed light on multi-sited global ethnography. Young people are viewed here as a social age group sensitive to critical, alternative and even radical political participation. The diversity of the young actors and their actions is captured by using several different methods. What is more, the study spurs us coming from the Global North to develop social science research towards methodological cosmopolitanism and to consider our research practices from a moral cosmopolitan perspective. The research sites are the EU Presidency Youth Event (2006 Hyvinkää, Finland), the Global Young Greens Founding Conference (2007 Nairobi, Kenya), the European Social Forum (2008 Malmö, Sweden) and three World Social Forums (2006 Bamako, Mali; 2007 Nairobi Kenya and 2009 Belém, Brazil). The data consists of participant observation, documents and media articles of the meetings, interviews, photos, video, and internet data. This multidisciplinary study combines youth research, development studies, performative social science and political sociology. In this research the diverse field of youth political participation in transnational agoras is studied by using a cross-table of cosmopolitan resources (or the lack of them) and everydaymakers expert citizen dichotomy. First, the young participants of the EU Presidency youth event are studied as an example of expert citizens with cosmopolitan resources (these resources include, for example, language skills, higher education and international social network). Second, the study analyses those everyday-makers who use performative politics to demonstrate their political missions here and now. But in order to make the social movement global they need cosmopolitan resources to be able to use the social media tools and work globally. Third, the study reflects upon the difficulties of reaching those actors who lack cosmopolitan resources, either everyday-makers or expert citizens. The go-along method and the use of the interpreters are shown as ways to reach these young people s political missions. Fourth, the research underlines the importance of contact zones (i.e. spaces or situations where the aforementioned orientations and their differences temporarily disappear or weaken) for deeper democracy and for boosted dialogue between different kinds of participants. Keywords: political participation, young people, multi-sited ethnography, youth research, political sociology, development studies, performative social science