Deus vult: Images of crusader violence c. 1095-1100.

This study sets out to provide new information about the interaction between abstract religious ideas and actual acts of violence in the early crusading movement. The sources are asked, whether such a concept as religious violence can be sorted out as an independent or distinguishable source of aggression at the moment of actual bloodshed. The analysis concentrates on the practitioners of sacred violence, crusaders and their mental processing of the use of violence, the concept of the violent act, and the set of values and attitudes defining this concept. The scope of the study, the early crusade movement, covers the period from late 1080 s to the crusader conquest of Jerusalem in 15 July 1099. The research has been carried out by contextual reading of relevant sources. Eyewitness reports will be compared with texts that were produced by ecclesiastics in Europe. Critical reading of the texts reveals both connecting ideas and interesting differences between them. The sources share a positive attitude towards crusading, and have principally been written to propagate the crusade institution and find new recruits. The emphasis of the study is on the interpretation of images: the sources are not asked what really happened in chronological order, but what the crusader understanding of the reality was like. Fictional material can be even more crucial for the understanding of the crusading mentality. Crusader sources from around the turn of the twelfth century accept violent encounters with non-Christians on the grounds of external hostility directed towards the Christian community. The enemies of Christendom can be identified with either non-Christians living outside the Christian society (Muslims), non-Christians living within the Christian society (Jews) or Christian heretics. Western Christians are described as both victims and avengers of the surrounding forces of diabolical evil. Although the ideal of universal Christianity and gradual eradication of the non-Christian is present, the practical means of achieving a united Christendom are not discussed. The objective of crusader violence was thus entirely Christian: the punishment of the wicked and the restoration of Christian morals and the divine order. Meanwhile, the means used to achieve these objectives were not. Given the scarcity of written regulations concerning the use of force in bello, perceptions concerning the practical use of violence were drawn from a multitude of notions comprising an adaptable network of secular and ecclesiastical, pre-Christian and Christian traditions. Though essentially ideological and often religious in character, the early crusader concept of the practise of violence was not exclusively rooted in Christian thought. The main conclusion of the study is that there existed a definable crusader ideology of the use of force by 1100. The crusader image of violence involved several levels of thought. Predominantly, violence indicates a means of achieving higher spiritual rewards; eternal salvation and immortal glory.

Self-love and self-liking in the moral and political philosophy of Bernard Mandeville and David Hume

This work offers a novel interpretation of David Hume’s (1711–1776) conception of the conjectural development of civil society and artificial moral institutions. It focuses on the social elements of Hume’s Treatise of human nature (1739–40) and the necessary connection between science of man and politeness, civilised monarchies, social distance and hierarchical structure of civil society. The study incorporates aspects of intellectual history, history of philosophy and book history. In order to understand David Hume’s thinking, the intellectual development of Bernard Mandeville (1670–1733) needs to be accounted for. When put into a historical perspective, the moral, political and social components of Treatise of human nature can be read in the context of a philosophical tradition, in which Mandeville plays a pivotal role. A distinctive character of Mandeville and Hume’s account of human nature and moral institutions was the introduction of a simple distinction between self-love and self-liking. The symmetric passions of self-interest and pride can only be controlled by the corresponding moral institutions. This is also the way in which we can say that moral institutions are drawn from human nature. In the case of self-love or self-interest, the corresponding moral institution is justice. Respectively, concerning self-liking or pride the moral institution is politeness. There is an explicit analogy between these moral institutions. If we do not understand this analogy, we do not understand the nature of either justice or politeness. The present work is divided into two parts. In the first part, ‘Intellectual development of Bernard Mandeville’, it is argued that the relevance of the paradigmatic change in Mandeville’s thinking has been missed. It draws a picture of Mandeville turning from the Hobbism of The Fable of the Bees to an original theory of civil society put forward in his later works. In order to make this change more apparent, Mandeville’s career and the publishing history of The Fable of the Bees are examined comprehensively. This interpretation, based partly on previously unknown sources, challenges F. B. Kaye’s influential decision to publish the two parts of The Fable of the Bees as a uniform work of two volumes. The main relevance, however, of the ‘Intellectual development of Mandeville’ is to function as the context for the young Hume. The second part of the work, ‘David Hume and Greatness of mind’, explores in philosophical detail the social theory of the Treatise and politics and the science of man in his Essays. This part will also reveal the relevance of Greatness of mind as a general concept for David Hume’s moral and political philosophy.

Kulttuurisia kohtaamisia : Suomalaiset kuvataiteilijat ja Rooma 1800-luvulla

Dozens of Finnish artists, practically all the professional sculptors and painters, travelled to and stayed in Rome during the 19th century. The study at hand concentrates for the first time on the Finnish artists in Rome in corpore, and analyses their way of life based on a broad variety of previously unknown and unexplored sources from a number of archives in both Scandinavia and Rome. The extensive corpus of source material is scrutinized with microhistorical precision from the point of view of cultural history. The new information thus achieved adds to the previous knowledge of Rome s often overlooked importance as a source of inspiration in Scandinavian culture in general and significantly clarifies our understanding of the development of Finnish artistic life and cultural identity in the 19th century. The study proves that in Finland, like in all of Europe, the stay in Rome was considered to be a necessary part of becoming a true artist. Already the journey was an integral part of the encounter with Rome, corresponding with the civilized ideal of the period. The stay in Rome provided a northern artist with overwhelming opportunities that were incomparable to the unestablished and modest forms of artistic life Finland could offer. Without domestic artistic institutions or traditions, the professional status of Finnish painters and sculptors took shape abroad, firstly through the encounter with Rome and the different networks the Finnish artists belonged to during and after their stay in the eternal city. The Finnish artists were an integral part of the international artistic community in the cultural capital of Europe, which gave a totally new impetus to their work and contributed to their cosmopolitan identification. For these early masters of Finnish art, the Scandinavian communality and universal artistic identity seemed to be more significant than their nationality. In all, the scrutiny of Finnish artists in their wide social, ideological and international framework gives an interesting aspect to the cultural ambiance of the 19th century, in both Rome and Finland. The study highlights many long-forgotten artists who were influential in shaping Finnish art, culture and identity in their time.

Strike Hard, Strike Sure - Operation Musketeer : British Military Planning during the Suez Crisis, 1956

This study analyses British military planning and actions during the Suez Crisis in 1956. It seeks to find military reasons for the change of concepts during the planning and compares these reasons with the tactical doctrines of the time. The thesis takes extensive advantage of military documents preserved in the National Archives, London. In order to expand the understanding of the exchange of views during the planning process, the private papers of high ranking military officials have also been consulted. French military documents preserved in the Service Historique de la Defence, Paris, have provided an important point of comparison. The Suez Crisis caught the British armed forces in the middle of a transition phase. The main objective of the armed forces was to establish a credible deterrence against the Soviet Union. However, due to overseas commitments the Middle East playing a paramount role because of its economic importance the armed forces were compelled to also prepare for Limited War and the Cold War. The armed forces were not fully prepared to meet this demand. The Middle Eastern garrison was being re-organised after the withdrawal from the Canal Base and the concept for a strategic reserve was unimplemented. The tactical doctrines of the time were based on experiences from the Second World War. As a result, the British view of amphibious operations and the subsequent campaigns emphasised careful planning, mastery of the sea and the air, sufficient superiority in numbers and firepower, centralised command and extensive administrative preparations. The British military had realized that Nasser could nationalise the Suez Canal and prepared an outline plan to meet this contingency. Although the plan was nothing more than a concept, it was accepted as a basis for further planning when the Canal was nationalised at the end of July. This plan was short-lived. The nominated Task Force Commanders shifted the landing site from Port Said to Alexandria because it enabled faster expansion of the bridgehead. In addition, further operations towards Cairo the hub of Nasser s power would be easier to conduct. The operational concept can be described as being traditional and was in accordance with the amphibious warfare doctrine. This plan was completely changed at the beginning of September. Apparently, General Charles Keightley, the Commander-in-Chief, and the Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff Committee developed the idea of prolonged aerial operations. The essence of the concept was to break the Egyptian will to resist by attacking the oil facilities, the transportation system and the armed forces. This victory through air concept would be supported by carefully planned psychological operations. This concept was in accordance with the Royal Air Force doctrine, which promoted a bomber offensive against selected target categories. General Keightley s plan was accepted despite suspicions at every planning level. The Joint Planning Staff and the Task Force Commanders opposed the concept from the beginning to the end because of its unpredictability. There was no information that suggested the bombing would persuade the Egyptians to submit. This problem was worsened by the fact that British intelligence was unable to provide reliable strategic information. The Task Force Commanders, who were responsible for the tactical plans, were not able to change Keightley s mind, but the concept was expanded to include a traditional amphibious assault on Port Said due to their resistance. The bombing campaign was never tested as the Royal Air Force was denied authorisation to destroy the transportation and oil targets. The Chiefs of Staff and General Keightley were too slow to realise that the execution of the plan depended on the determination of the Prime Minister. However, poor health, a lack of American and domestic support and the indecisiveness of the military had ruined Eden s resolve. In the end, a very traditional amphibious assault, which was bound to succeed at the tactical level but fail at the strategic level, was launched against Port Said.

Across the Oceans : Development of Overseas Business Information Transmission, 1815-1875

Earlier studies have shown that the speed of information transmission developed radically during the 19th century. The fast development was mainly due to the change from sailing ships and horse-driven coaches to steamers and railways, as well as the telegraph. Speed of information transmission has normally been measured by calculating the duration between writing and receiving a letter, or between an important event and the time when the news was published elsewhere. As overseas mail was generally carried by ships, the history of communications and maritime history are closely related. This study also brings a postal historical aspect to the academic discussion. Additionally, there is another new aspect included. In business enterprises, information flows generally consisted of multiple transactions. Although fast one-way information was often crucial, e.g. news of a changing market situation, at least equally important was that there was a possibility to react rapidly. To examine the development of business information transmission, the duration of mail transport has been measured by a systematic and commensurable method, using consecutive information circles per year as the principal tool for measurement. The study covers a period of six decades, several of the world's most important trade routes and different mail-carrying systems operated by merchant ships, sailing packets and several nations' steamship services. The main sources have been the sailing data of mail-carrying ships and correspondence of several merchant houses in England. As the world's main trade routes had their specific historical backgrounds with different businesses, interests and needs, the systems for information transmission did not develop similarly or simultaneously. It was a process lasting several decades, initiated by the idea of organizing sailings in a regular line system. The evolution proceeded generally as follows: originally there was a more or less irregular system, then a regular system and finally a more frequent regular system of mail services. The trend was from sail to steam, but both these means of communication improved following the same scheme. Faster sailings alone did not radically improve the number of consecutive information circles per year, if the communication was not frequent enough. Neither did improved frequency advance the information circulation if the trip was very long or if the sailings were overlapping instead of complementing each other. The speed of information transmission could be improved by speeding up the voyage itself (technological improvements, minimizing the waiting time at ports of call, etc.) but especially by organizing sailings so that the recipients had the possibility to reply to arriving mails without unnecessary delay. It took two to three decades before the mail-carrying shipping companies were able to organize their sailings in an optimal way. Strategic shortcuts over isthmuses (e.g. Panama, Suez) together with the cooperation between steamships and railways enabled the most effective improvements in global communications before the introduction of the telegraph.

Meillä ei ole ikuisia ystäviä eikä ikuisia vihollisia. Ikuisia ovat meidän omat etumme. : Suomen suhteet Kiinan kansantasavaltaan 1949 - 1989

"We have neither Eternal Friends nor Eternal Enemies. We have only Eternal Interests .Finland's Relations with China 1949-1989 The study focuses on the relations between Finland and the People s Republic of China from 1949-1989 and examines how a small country became embroiled in international politics, and how, at the same time, international politics affected Finnish-Chinese relations and Finland s China policy formulation. The study can be divided into three sections: relations during the early years, 1949-1960, before the Chinese and Soviet rift became public; the relations during the passive period during the 1960s and 1970s; and the impact of China s Open Door policy on Finland s China policy from 1978-1989. The diplomatically challenging events around Tiananmen Square and the reactions which followed in Finland bring the study to a close. Finland was among the first Western countries to recognise the People s Republic and to establish diplomatic relations with her, thereby giving Finland an excellent position from which to further develop good relations. Finland was also the first Western country to sign a trade agreement with China. These two factors meant that Finland was able to enjoy a special status with China during the 1950s. The special status was further strengthened by the systematic support of the government of Finland for China's UN membership. The solid reputation earned in the 1950s had to carry Finland all the way through to the 1980s. For the two decades in between, during the passive policy period of the 1960s and 1970s, relations between Finland and the Soviet Union also determined the state of foreign relations with China. Interestingly, however, it appeared that President Urho Kekkonen was encouraged by Ambassador Joel Toivola to envisage a more proactive policy towards China, but the Cultural Revolution cut short any such plan for nearly twenty years. Because of the Soviet Union, Finland held on to her passive China policy, even though no such message was ever received from the Soviet Union. In fact, closer relationships between Finland and China were encouraged through diplomatic channels. It was not until the presidency of Mauno Koivisto that the first high-level ministerial visit was made to China when, in 1984, Foreign Minister Paavo Väyrynen visited the People s Republic. Finnish-Chinese relations were lifted to a new level. Foreign Minister Väyrynen, however, was forced to remove the prejudices of the Chinese. In 1985, when the Speaker of the Finnish Parliament, Erkki Pystynen visited China he also discovered that Finland s passive China policy had caused misunderstandings amongst the Chinese politicians. The number of exchanges escalated in the wake of the ground-breaking visit by Foreign Minister Väyrynen: Prime Minister Kalevi Sorsa visited China in 1986 and President Koivisto did so in 1988. President Koivisto stuck to practical, China-friendly policies: his correspondence with Li Peng, the attitude taken by the Finnish government after the Tiananmen Square events and the subsequent choices made by his administration all pointed to a new era in relations with China.

The Reorganisation of Provincial Territories in Light of the Imperial Decision-Making Process : Later Roman Arabia and Tres Palaestinae as Case Studies

The dissertation examines Roman provincial administration and the phenomenon of territorial reorganisations of provinces during the Imperial period with special emphasis on the provinces of Arabia and Palaestina during the Later Roman period, i.e., from Diocletian (r. 284 305) to the accession of Phocas (602), in the light of imperial decision-making. Provinces were the basic unit of Roman rule, for centuries the only level of administration that existed between the emperor and the cities of the Empire. The significance of the territorial reorganisations that the provinces were subjected to during the Imperial period is thus of special interest. The approach to the phenomenon is threefold: firstly, attention is paid to the nature and constraints of the Roman system of provincial administration. Secondly, the phenomenon of territorial reorganisations is analysed on the macro-scale, and thirdly, a case study concerning the reorganisations of the provinces of Arabia and Palaestina is conducted. The study of the mechanisms of decision-making provides a foundation through which the collected data of all known major territorial reorganisations is interpreted. The data concerning reorganisations is also subjected to qualitative comparative analysis that provides a new perspective to the data in the form of statistical analysis that is sensitive to the complexities of individual cases. This analysis of imperial decision-making is based on a timeframe stretching from Augustus (r. 30 BC AD 14) to the accession of Phocas (602). The study identifies five distinct phases in the use of territorial reorganisations of the provinces. From Diocletian s reign there is a clear normative change that made territorial reorganisations a regular tool of administration for the decision-making elite for addressing a wide variety of qualitatively different concerns. From the beginning of the fifth century the use of territorial reorganisations rapidly diminishes. The two primary reasons for the decline in the use of reorganisations were the solidification of ecclesiastical power and interests connected to the extent of provinces, and the decline of the dioceses. The case study of Palaestina and Arabia identifies seven different territorial reorganisations from Diocletian to Phocas. Their existence not only testifies to wider imperial policies, but also shows sensitivity to local conditions and corresponds with the general picture of provincial reorganisations. The territorial reorganisations of the provinces reflect the proactive control of the Roman decision-making elite. The importance of reorganisations should be recognised more clearly as part of the normal imperial administration of the provinces and especially reflecting the functioning of dioceses.

Community, Power, and Colonialism: The U.S. Army in Southern Arizona and New Mexico, 1866-1886

Empire is central to U.S. history. When we see the U.S. projecting its influence on a global scale in today s world it is important to understand that U.S. empire has a long history. This dissertation offers a case study of colonialism and U.S. empire by discussing the social worlds, labor regimes, and culture of the U.S. Army during the conquest of southern Arizona and New Mexico (1866-1886). It highlights some of the defining principles, mentalities, and characteristics of U.S. imperialism and shows how U.S. forces have in years past constructed their power and represented themselves, their missions, and the places and peoples that faced U.S. imperialism/colonialism. Using insights from postcolonial studies and whiteness studies, this work balances its attention between discursive representations (army stories) and social experience (army actions), pays attention to silences in the process of historical production, and focuses on collective group mentalities and identities. In the end the army experience reveals an empire in denial constructed on the rule of difference and marked by frustration. White officers, their wives, and the white enlisted men not only wanted the monopoly of violence for the U.S. regime but also colonial (mental/cultural) authority and power, and constructed their identity, authority, and power in discourse and in the social contexts of the everyday through difference. Engaged in warfare against the Apaches, they did not recognize their actions as harmful or acknowledge the U.S. invasion as the bloody colonial conquest it was. White army personnel painted themselves and the army as liberators, represented colonial peoples as racial inferiors, approached colonial terrain in terms of struggle, and claimed that the region was a terrible periphery with little value before the arrival of white civilization. Officers and wives also wanted to place themselves at the top of colonial hierarchies as the refined and respectable class who led the regeneration of the colony by example: they tried to turn army villages into islands of civilization and made journeys, leisure, and domestic life to showcase their class sensibilities and level of sophistication. Often, however, their efforts failed, resulting in frustration and bitterness. Many blamed the colony and its peoples for their failures. The army itself was divided by race and class. All soldiers were treated as laborers unfit for self-government. White enlisted men, frustrated by their failures in colonial warfare and by constant manual labor, constructed worlds of resistance, whereas indigenous soldiers sought to negotiate the effects of colonialism by working in the army. As colonized labor their position was defined by tension between integration and exclusion and between freedom and colonial control.

Maaseutuopistoista Yliopistoon : Maatalous- ja metsätieteiden tutkimus- ja opetustoiminnan akatemisoitumisprosessi Helsingin Yliopistossa vuoteen 1945

From Provincial Institutes to the University. The Academisation Process of the Research and Teaching of Agricultural and Forest Sciences at the University of Helsinki before 1945. This study focuses on the teaching and research conducted in the Faculty of Agriculture and Forestry at the University of Helsinki, as well as in its predecessor, the Section of Agriculture and Economics before 1945. The study falls into the field of university history. Its key research question is the academisation process, an example of which is the academisation process of the teaching and research of agricultural and forest sciences in Finland. From a perspective of university history, the study looks at academisation as the beginning of university-level teaching and research in these fields, or their relocation to a university or another institute of university standing. In addition to the above, the academisation process also includes the establishment of the position of the subjects and their acceptance as part of university activity. Academic closure, on the other hand, prevents the academisation of new subjects. In Finland, the preliminary stage of the academisation of the research and teaching of the agriculture and forestry was the Age of Utility, when questions concerning the subjects became part of clerical and civil service training at the Royal Academy of Turku in the mid-18th century. In the mid-19th century, as a result of social and economic development, agricultural and forestry professionals needed more theoretical professional training. At that time, the Imperial Alexander University was focused on traditional professional training and theoretical education, so, because of this academic closure, practical training for agronomists and foresters was organised at first outside the University at the Mustiala Agricultural Institute and the Evo Forest Institute. In the late 19th century, discussion began on the reform of higher agricultural and forestry education. This led, from the 1890s, to the academisation of higher agricultural and forestry education and research at the Alexander University. Academisation was followed by a transitional stage, during which the work of the Section of Agriculture and Economics, which had begun in 1902, became more established in about 1910. The position of the agricultural and forest sciences was, however, largely temporary, because of the planned Agricultural University. A sign of this establishment and of the rise in scientific status of the subjects was the commencement of operations of the Faculty of Agriculture and Forestry in 1924. Furthermore, as a consequence of the development of the subjects and the collapse of the Agricultural University project, agricultural and forest sciences gradually began to be accepted at the University of Helsinki from the end of the 1920s. This led to the allocation of sites for the faculty buildings and research farms, and to the building of ‘Metsätalo’ before the Second World War. Key words: academisation, academisation process, academic closure, university history, University of Helsinki, Faculty of Agriculture and Forestry, agricultural sciences, forest sciences, agronomy training, forestry training

Kauppa, verkosto ja kaapparisota : Turkulaisen kirkonmiehen Paavali Scheelin ja Danzigin porvarin Hans Chonnertin kauppayhteydet 1509–1516

Työ on tapaustutkimus turkulaisen arkkidiakonin ja tuomiorovastin Paavali Scheelin ja Danzigin porvarin Hans Chonnertin sekä tämän pojan Hans Chonnert nuoremman kaupankäynnistä ja kaupan organisaatiosta. Työn pääasiallisena lähdeaineistona on käytetty Paavali Scheelin kirjekokoelmaa vuosilta 1509–1516. Suomen keskiajan lähteiden joukossa ainutlaatuinen kirjekokoelma mahdollistaa henkilötasolle ulottuvan tarkastelun sekä kaupassa ja henkilöverkostossa ilmenevien muutosten seuraamisen. Kirjekokoelman ohella on käytetty laajasti muita Itämeren piirin editoituja aikalaislähteitä. Aineiston lähiluvulla on hahmoteltu Scheelin ja Chonnertin kauppaverkosto: kaupan kannalta keskeiset henkilösuhteet ja henkilösuhteiden merkitys kaupassa. Verkoston kannalta olennaista on henkilöiden erilaisten roolien erottelu sekä kauppiaan, laivurin, lähetin ja velallisen roolien merkitys kauppaverkostossa. Scheelin ja Chonnertin kauppakontaktit osuvat osittain samalle ajalle Itämerellä 1500-luvun alussa käytyjen sotien kanssa. Tanskan ja Ruotsin unionikiistat sekä Tanskan ja Lyypekin (hansan) väliset kauppakiistat johtivat 1500-luvun alussa monivuotisiin sotiin, joiden yhteisenä piirteenä oli kaapparitoiminta vastustajan rannikoilla ja Itämeren keskeisillä kauppareiteillä. Itämeren kaapparisota muodostaa Scheelin ja Chonnertin kauppaverkoston kontekstin vuosina 1509–1512. Kaapparisodan loppuminen vuonna 1512 mahdollistaa Scheelin ja Chonnertin kauppaverkoston sodan- ja rauhanajan organisaation ja toiminnan vertailun. Scheelin ja Chonnertin kauppaverkoston ytimen muodosti pieni kauppiaiden ydinjoukko, johon kuului Turussa sekä kirkonmiehiä että porvareita. Ydinjoukon toiminta perustui luottamukseen, luottoihin, henkilökohtaisiin ystävyyssuhteisiin ja tiiviiseen informaation vaihtoon kirjeitse tai lähettien välityksellä. Vaikka purjehdus oli kaupankäynnin elinehto, laivureiden rooli kauppaverkostossa oli toissijainen. Sodan loppuminen Itämerellä johti laivureiden täydelliseen vaihtumiseen vuosien 1512–1513 aikana. Kauppaverkoston ydinryhmä sen sijaan säilyi samana, ja sen yhteistoiminta tiivistyi. Laajemmassa kontekstissa tapaustutkimus johtaa kolmeen päätelmään: 1) Paavali Scheelin omissa nimissään käymä kauppa oli normaali osa Turun tuomiokapitulin toimintaa; 2) turkulaiset kirkonmiehet ja porvarit tekivät kaupan saralla pitkälle menevää yhteistyötä, ja heidän kauppaverkostonsa olivat kytköksissä toisiinsa; 3) tanskalaisten monivuotinen kaapparitoiminta ei estänyt kaupankäyntiä Turun ja Danzigin välillä.

Eläinruumis - seuraeläin : Erittävä ruumis englantilaisessa lääketieteessä ja kohteliaisuuskulttuurissa 1700-1780

Tutkielmani tarkastelee käsityksiä ruumiista englantilaisessa kulttuurissa n. 1700-1780. Ruumiin historia on varsin uusi historiantutkimuksen ala ja sitä on leimannut feministinen tutkimusote, joka on keskittynyt diskurssiin naisen ruumiista ja seksuaalisuudesta. Itse kuitenkin lähestyn ruumista sen sivuutetun ulottuvuuden, ruumiineritteiden, kautta ja yhdistän käsitykset myös toiminnan tasolle. Tarkastelen erittävää ruumiista kulttuurihistoriallisesti sijoittamalla sen kahteen 1700-luvulla merkittävään kontekstiin: lääketieteeseen ja kohteliaisuuskulttuuriin. Tällä pyrin paitsi avaamaan ruumiiseen ja ruumiineritteisiin liittyvien käsitysten kirjoa myös osoittamaan näiden kahden kontekstin väliset vuorovaikutussuhteet. Lääketieteen ja kohteliaisuuskulttuurin puitteissa käsittelen erittävää ruumista mahdollisimman kokonaisvaltaisesti niin fysiologian, terveydenhoidon, hajujen, hy­gienian, aineellisen kulttuurin kuin sosiaalisten suhteiden kannalta, käyttäen lähteinäni mm. lääketieteellisiä tekstejä, kaunokirjallisuutta, matkakertomuksia, päiväkirjoja, kirjeitä, lehtiä ja muuta kohteliasta kirjallisuutta. Käsitykset erittävästä ruumiista osoittautuvat moninaisiksi, jopa ristiriitaisiksi. Toi­saalta lääketiede korostaa ruumiin avoimuutta ja eritteiden vapautta, toisaalta kohteliaisuus vaatii ruumiintoimintojen suhteen pidättyväisyyttä. Tämän moninai­suuden pohjalta kritisoin mm. Norbert Eliaksen sivilisaatioteoriaa ja osoitan näiden vastakkaisten käsitysten tilannesidonnaisuuden, joka mahdollistaa nii­den samanaikaisen olemassaolon. Kohteliaat herrasmiehet ja -naiset ovatkin kovin kiinnostuneita erittävistä ruumiistaan: ihmiset tarkkailevat eritteitään saadakseen tietoa ruumiin sisältä sekä toisten eritteitä karsiakseen kaiken eläimellisen ympäriltään ja kaunokirjallisuudessa ne ovat naurun ja huvituksen lähde. Vuorovai­kutus lääketieteellisen ja kohteliaan kulttuurin välillä osoittautuukin varsin tiiviiksi: kohteliaisuuden takana vaikuttavat periaatteet näkyvät myös lääketieteessä ja toisaalta lääketiede tunkeutuu mm. kohteliaaseen kieleen, hämärtäen näin kontekstien välistä rajaa.

Kohti täydellistä hengellisyyttä : Pyhiinvaellus imitaatioperformanssina kolmen keskiaikaisen mystikkonaisen hagiografiassa

Pro gradu -tutkielmassa tarkastellaan kolmen keskiaikaisen mystikkonaisen – Angela Folignolaisen (1248–1309), Dorothea Montaulaisen (1347–1394) ja Margery Kempen (1373–1440) – pyhiinvaelluksilla suorittamien ruumiillisten ja henkisten imitaatioperformanssien suhdetta julkiseen tilaan. Imitaatioperformansseilla viitataan kyseisten naisten harjoittamaan Kristuksen, Neitsyt Marian ja Maria Magdaleenan seuraamiseen. Tutkimuksessa pohditaan kirjallisten representaatioiden valossa performansseja seuranneiden aikalaisten mahdollisia reaktioita ja sitä, vakuuttivatko mystikkojen performanssit yleisönsä. Tutkimuskysymysten kautta valotetaan myös keskiaikaisia käsityksiä sukupuolesta ja sukupuolirooleista. Tutkimuksen pääasiallisena lähdeaineistona käytetään kyseisten naisen pyhimyselämäkertoja. Niiden lisäksi tukeudutaan myös sellaiseen 1200–1400-luvuilla tuotettuun englannin-, ranskan- ja galician-portugalinkieliseen kaunokirjallisuuteen, josta löytyy kuvauksia naispyhiinvaeltajista. Teoreettisena lähtökohtana tutkimuksessa sovelletaan antropologista teoriaa pyhiinvaelluksesta julkisena performanssina, jonka tarkoituksena on rakentaa ja vahvistaa esittäjän identiteettiä. Mystikkonaisten performansseja analysoidaan lisäksi tilan teorioiden valossa. Pääasiallisesti kyseiset teoriat ovat sosiologisia ja antropologisia, joskin tutkimuksessa käytetään myös tutkijan omia julkista tilaa jäsentäviä termejä. Yhtä lailla hyödynnetään folkloristista teoriaa siirtymäriiteistä. Kirjallisten representaatioiden kohdalla analyysin työkaluina käytetään puolestaan kirjallisuustieteilijöiden satiirisen ironian mekanismeja ja funktioita käsitteleviä teorioita. Pro gradu -tutkielmassa päädytään kolmenlaisiin johtopäätelmiin. Ensinnäkin lähdeaineistosta käy ilmi, että Angela Folignolaisen, Dorothea Montaulaisen ja Margery Kempen performanssien suhde julkiseen tilaan oli looginen. Ulospäin näkyvät ruumiilliset performanssit suoritettiin usein sellaisessa julkisessa tilassa, jossa potentiaalista yleisöä oli tarjolla eniten. Ulospäin vain vähän näkyvät henkiset performanssit puolestaan tapahtuivat usein tilassa, jossa yleisön vähyyttä kompensoi vahva pyhyyden tuntu. Pyhiinvaellus tarjosikin naisille mahdollisuuden toteuttaa mystiikan nk. toista vaihetta, osittain myös kolmatta, ja vahvistaa siten täydelliseen hengellisyyteen pyrkivän hengellisen maallikkonaisen identiteettiä. Lähdeaineistosta käy toiseksi ilmi se, että nykytutkimuksessa on painotettu liian vähän ruumiillisuuden merkitystä naishengellisyydessä. Etenkin Dorothea Montaulainen seurasi Kristuksen ja Maria Magdaleenan esimerkkiä huomattavan usein kehossa asti tuntuvien performanssien avulla. Kolmas lähdeaineiston paljastama seikka liittyy yleisöön. On mahdollista, että mystikoiden ei onnistunut vakuuttaa performansseja seurannutta oppinutta, ”porvarillista” miesyleisöä. Kirjallisten representaatioiden valossa näyttää siltä, että se ei välttämättä hyväksynyt maskuliiniseksi koetussa julkisessa tilassa liikkunutta, sukupuolisia rajoja ylittänyttä naista. Mystikot saattoivat myös edustaa seksuaalista uhkaa, sillä yleisö yhdisti julkisessa tilassa liikkuneen naisen ruumiillisuuteen ja aistillisuuteen.

Bysanttilaisten ja Akhaian ruhtinaskunnan väliset sotatoimet vuosina 1259-83 : Tapaustutkimus myöhäis-bysanttilaisesta sodankäynnistä

In my master thesis I analyse Byzantine warfare in the late period of the empire. I use military operations between Byzantines and crusader Principality of Achaia (1259–83) as a case study. Byzantine strategy was based (in “oriental manner”) on using ambushes, diplomacy, surprise attacks, deception etc. Open field battles that were risky in comparison with their benefits were usually avoided, but the Byzantines were sometimes forced to seek open encounter because their limited ability to keep strong armies in field for long periods of time. Foreign mercenaries had important place in Byzantine armies and they could simply change sides if their paymasters ran out of resources. The use of mercenaries with short contracts made it possible that the composition of an army was flexible but on the other hand heterogeneous – in result Byzantine armies were sometimes ineffective and prone to confusion. In open field battles Byzantines used formation that was made out from several lines placed one after another. This formation was especially suitable for cavalry battles. Byzantines might have also used other kinds of formations. The Byzantines were not considered equal to Latins in close combat. West-Europeans saw mainly horse archers and Latin mercenaries on Byzantine service as threats to themselves in battle. The legitimacy of rulers surrounding the Aegean sea was weak and in many cases political intrigues and personal relationships can have resolved the battles. Especially in sieges the loyalty of population was decisive. In sieges the Byzantines used plenty of siege machines and archers. This made fast conquests possible, but it was expensive. The Byzantines protected their frontiers by building castles. Military operations against the Principality of Achaia were mostly small scale raids following an intensive beginning. Byzantine raids were mostly made by privateers and mountaineers. This does not fit to the traditional picture that warfare belonged to the imperial professional army. It’s unlikely that military operations in war against the Principality of Achaia caused great demographic or economic catastrophe and some regions in the warzone might even have flourished. On the other hand people started to concentrate into villages which (with growing risks for trade) probably caused disturbance in economic development and in result birth rates might have decreased. Both sides of war sought to exchange their prisoners of war. These were treated according to conventional manners that were accepted by both sides. It was possible to sell prisoners, especially women and children, to slavery, but the scale of this trade does not seem to be great in military operations treated in this theses.

Ranskan rooli ja asema läntisessä liittoutumassa neljännen ja viidennen tasavallan vaihtumakohdassa 1956-1958

The study discusses the position of France as the United States’ ally in NATO in 1956-1958. The concrete position of France and the role that it was envisioned to have are being treated from the point of view of three participants of the Cold War: France, the United States and the Soviet Union. How did these different parties perceive the question and did these views change when the French Fourth Republic turned into the Fifth in 1958? The study is based on published French and American documents of Foreign Affairs. Because of problems with accessibility to the Soviet archival sources, the study uses reports on France-NATO relations of Pravda newspaper, the official organ of the Communist Party of the USSR, to provide information about how the Soviet side saw the question. Due to the nature and use of source material, and the chronological structure of the work, the study belongs methodologically to the research field of History of International Relations. As distinct from political scientists’ field of research, more prone to theorize, the study is characteristically a historical research, a work based on qualitative method and original sources that aims at creating a coherent narrative of the views expressed during the period covered by the study. France’s road to a full membership of NATO is being treated on the basis of research literature, after which discussions about France’s position in the Western Alliance are being chronologically traced for the period of last years of the Fourth Republic and the immediate months of coming back to power of Charles de Gaulle. Right from the spring of 1956 there can be seen aspirations of France, on one hand, to maintain her freedom of action inside the Western Alliance and, on the other, to widen the dialogue between the allies. The decision on France’s own nuclear deterrent was made already during the Fourth Republic, when it was thought to become part of NATO’s common defence. This was to change with de Gaulle. The USA felt that France still fancied herself as a great power and that she could not participate in full in NATO’s common defence because of her colonies. The Soviet Union saw the concrete position of France in the Alliance as in complete dependence on the USA, but her desired role was expressed largely in “Gaullist” terms. The expressions used by the General and the Soviet propaganda were close to each other, but the Soviet Union could not support de Gaulle without endangering the position of the French Communist Party. Between the Fourth and Fifth Republics no great rupture in content took place concerning the views of France’s role and position in the Western Alliance. The questions posed by de Gaulle had been expressed during the whole period of Fourth Republic’s existence. Instead, along with the General the weight and rhetoric of these questions saw a great change. Already in the early phase the Americans saw it possible that with de Gaulle, France would try to change her role. The rupture took place in the form of expression, rather than in its content.

Lähteiden lumoamat : Henry Biaudet, Liisi Karttunen ja suomalainen historiantutkimus Roomassa 1900-luvun alussa

Enchanted by Sources. Henry Biaudet, Liisi Karttunen and Finnish Historical Research in Rome in the Early Twentieth Century This study traces the scholarly endeavours of Henry Biaudet (1870 1915) and Liisi Karttunen (1880 1957) and "La mission historique finlandaise à Rome" which they founded in 1909. They are forgotten in Finnish historiography, but remain internationally renowned for their contribution to the nunciature studies. By investigating their historical work on the Counter- Reformation era, their roles in the scientific communities of Helsinki and Rome as well as the intersection of politics and science in their scholarly practices the study explores the nature of historical research in general at the turn of the twentieth century. The work covers fields such as historiography, university history and the political use of history. Methodologically the research is based on the analysis and contextualization of published and unpublished sources (e.g. correspondences, university records, scholarly publications and reviews in academic journals). Henry Biaudet criticized the previous research on the Nordic Counter-Reformation for its narrow national scope and sources. He sought out a new approach, including the use of sources in archives all over Europe and the inclusion of the Catholic viewpoint. Accordingly, Biaudet and Karttunen searched for records in archives in Southern Europe. Their unorthodox interpretations were denounced in Finland since the picture they gave of late sixteenth-century Sweden was too different from the national narrative. Moreover, Finnish national identity was firmly rooted in Protestantism, and questioning the benevolence of the Reformation and its main actors was considered as an attack not only against historical truth but also national values. The comparison between Biaudet s and Karttunen s arguments and the accepted narrative in Finland shows how traditional interpretations of the Nordic Reformation were influenced by the Lutheran ethos and European anticlerical rhetoric. Historians have recently paid substantial attention to the political use of history, usually focusing on politicized constructions of the national past. This study shows how research that met the criteria of modern historiography also served political purposes. Conducting research in an international community of historians and publishing ambitious scholarly studies that interested an international audience were ways to create a positive image of Finland abroad. These were not uniquely Finnish ideas but rather ideas shared by the international community of historians in Rome. In this context, scientific pursuits were given a clear political meaning. This enhances our understanding of nineteenth-century historiography being firmly rooted between science and politics.