Erwin Gruen Collection 1945-1995

Various clippings and articles about the work of Erwin Gruen and his Jewish-German background (1965-1993); Letter by Gruen describing his experiences during the Nazi period.

The fabric of transcultural collaboration: Interweaving the traditional Korean vocal form of p'ansori and the contemporary Japanese dance form of butoh in a transculturally Australian context

This practice-led research investigated the negotiation processes informing effective models of transcultural collaboration. In a creative project interweaving the image-based physicality of the Japanese dance form of butoh with the traditional Korean vocal style of p'ansori, a series of creative development cycles were undertaken with a team of artists from Australia and Korea, culminating in Deluge, a work of physical theatre. The development of interventions at 'sites of transcultural potential' resulted in improvements to the negotiation of interpersonal relationships and assisted in the emergence of a productive working environment in transculturally collaborative artistic practice.

Book Review: "The Interface: IBM and the Transformation of Corporate Design, 1945-1975", John Harwood, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2011

Within the history of twentieth-century design, there are a number of well-known objects and stories that are invoked time and time again to capture a pivotal moment or summarize a much broader historical transition. For example, Marcel Breuer���s Model B3 chair is frequently used as a stand-in for the radical investigations of form and new industrial materials occurring at the Bauhaus in the mid-1920s. Similarly, Raymond Loewy���s streamlined pencil sharpener has become historical shorthand for the emergence of modern industrial design in the 1930s. And any discussion of the development of American postwar ���organic design��� seems incomplete without reference to Charles and Ray Eames���s molded plywood leg splint of 1942. Such objects and narratives are dear to historians of modern design. They are tangible, photogenic subjects that slot nicely into exhibitions, historical surveys, and coffee-table best sellers...

Domestic violence on #qanda: The ���Man��� question in live Twitter discussion on the Australian Broadcasting Corporation's Q&A

Domestic violence is currently undergoing a period of heightened visibility in Australia. This article uses social media to analyze public discussions about this violence with respect to a specific theoretical frame, which Adrian Howe has called the ���Man��� question: where and how are men visible or invisible in narratives about their violence against women? The article presents a qualitative study of the Twitter conversation surrounding a special episode of the Australian Broadcasting Corporation's television program Q&A, themed around family violence, which aired in February 2015. We found that the place of men in this conversation was contested. Some tweets privileged men's voices and concerns, as did the organization and production of the program. However, feminist voices were also highly visible via presenting facts, legitimating survivor voices, and recuperating anti-feminist memes to challenge hegemonic patriarchal discourses on men's violence against women. La violence conjugale connait actuellement une visibilit�� accrue en Australie. Les auteures du pr��sent article utilisent les r��seaux sociaux pour analyser les d��bats publics sur cette violence selon un cadre th��orique pr��cis, qu'Adrian Howe a appel�� la question de �� l'homme �� : o�� et comment les hommes sont-ils visibles ou invisibles dans les r��cits de leur violence envers les femmes? L'article pr��sente une ��tude qualitative d'une conversation sur Twitter au sujet d'un ��pisode ax�� sur la famille diffus�� en f��vrier 2015 dans le cadre de l'��mission Q & A, �� la t��l��vision nationale d'Australie. Nous avons remarqu�� que dans cette conversation la place des hommes ��tait remise en question. Certains tweets privil��giaient les voix et les craintes des hommes, comme l'ont fait les organisateurs et les producteurs de l'��mission. Cependant, il y avait une forte pr��sence de voix f��ministes dans la pr��sentation des faits, l��gitimant le point de vue des survivantes et relevant des ��l��ments culturels antif��ministes afin de d��fier les discours h��g��moniques et patriarcaux sur la violence des hommes envers les femmes.

Kaupungin savut ja k��ryt : Helsingin ilmansuojelu 1945-1982

The smoke and fumes of the city: Air protection in Helsinki from 1945 to 1982 This dissertation examines air pollution and air protection in post-war Helsinki. The period studied ends in 1982 when the Air Protection Act entered into force, thus institutionalising air protection in Finland as a socially governed environmental matter. The dissertation is based on the research traditions of environmental politics and urban environmental history. The development of air protection is approached from the perspectives of politicisation and institutionalisation. The dissertation also investigates how air pollution grew into a social issue and presents various discursive ways of analysing air pollution and protection. The primary research material consists of municipal documents and newspapers, while supplementary material includes journal articles and interviews. The event history of air protection is described through an analysis of the material, including source criticism. The social ways of dealing with air pollution and the emergence of air protection are analysed in the light of case-specific air quality disputes from both factual and discursive perspectives. This approach enables the contextualisation of the development of air protection as part of the local history of post-war Helsinki. The dissertation presents the major sources of air pollution in Helsinki and describes the deterioration of air quality in a society which emphasised the primacy of economic prosperity. The air issue emerged during the 1950s in neighbourhood disputes and was exacerbated into a larger problem in the late 1960s. Concurrent to the formation of the field of environmental protection in Finland, an air protection organisation was established in the 1970s in Helsinki. As a result, air protection became a regular part of municipal government. Air protection in Helsinki developed from small-scale policies focused on individual cases into a large, institutionalised air protection system managed by experts. The dissertation research material gave rise to the following major research themes: the economic dimension of the air issue, the role of science in the formation of the environmental problem, and the establishment of norms for acceptable air quality and reasonable limits to air pollution in the urban environment. The paper also discusses the inequitable distribution of the negative effects of air pollution between the residents of different districts. The dissertation concludes that air protection in Helsinki became a local success story although it was long marred by inefficiency and partial failure.

Humanitaarisuuden varjossa : Poliittiset tekij��t lastensiirroissa Ruotsiin sotiemme aikana ja niiden j��lkeen

The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by R��sen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosensch��ld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland��s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden��s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country��s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Bl��cher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany��s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland��s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud��s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in R��sen��s all-inclusive historical approach.

K��mp��n kotihenget��r vai hyv�� j��tk��? : Pohjois-Suomen k��mpp��em��nn��t ja sukupuolen merkitys k��mpp��el��m��ss�� 1945-1975

Tutkielmassa tarkastellaan Pohjois-Suomen savottak��mpill�� vuosien 1945 1975 v��lill�� ty��skennelleit�� k��mpp��em��nti��. K��mpp��em��nn��t toimivat mets��ty��ntekij��iden yhteisasunnoissa ruuanlaittajina ja siivoojina. Savottak��mpille alettiin palkata kokkeja 1900-luvun alussa ja 1930-luvulta eteenp��in puutavarayhti��t alkoivat huolehtia heid��n palkkaamisestaan. Yhti��iden palkkaamien ruuanlaittajien ammattinimikkeesi vakiintui k��mpp��em��nt��. K��mpp��majoitus v��heni 1970-luvun my��t�� kun mets��ty��ss�� siirryttiin ty��ntekij��iden kotikuljetuksiin. Pohjois-Suomessa k��mpp��ty��maita ja k��mpp��em��nti�� oli kuitenkin 1980-luvun lopulle asti. K��mpp��em��nn��t ty��skenteliv��t maskuliinisella mets��alalla k��mpp��yhteis��jen ainoina naisina. Tutkielmassa kysyt����nkin, mink��laisia k��sityksi�� ja m����ritelmi�� k��mpp��em��nnyyteen yhdistettiin ja miten k��mpp��em��nn��n sukupuoli n��kyy n��iss�� m����ritelmiss��. Lis��ksi kysyt����n, mink��laisina k��mp��n sis��iset sukupuolten v��liset suhteet n��ytt��ytyiv��t. Tarkastelussa hy��dynnet����n Yvonne Hirdmanin sukupuolij��rjestelm��n k��sitett��. Tutkimuskysymyksi�� l��hestyt����n kolmesta n��k��kulmasta: Ensin tarkastellaan, miten k��mpp��em��nnyytt�� m����ritell����n aikalaiskirjallisuudessa. T��ss�� tarkastelussa t��rkeimp��n�� l��hdeaineistona toimivat k��mpp��em��nnille suunnatut oppaat. Toiseksi tarkastellaan, miten k��mpp��em��ntin�� toimineet naiset vastasivat n��ihin m����ritelmiin ja mink��laiseksi he kokivat k��mpill�� vallinneet sukupuolten v��liset suhteet. Kolmanneksi kuvataan, mit�� savottak��mpill�� majoittuneet mets��alalla toimineet miehet n��kiv��t hyv��n k��mpp��em��nn��n ominaisuuksiksi ja mink��laisiksi he kokivat em��nn��n aseman k��mpp��yhteis��ss��. Kahden viimeisen n��k��kulman l��hdeaineistona toimii muistitietoaineisto. K��mpp��em��nn��t toimivat savottak��mpill�� erilaisten odotusten ristipaineessa. K��mpp��em��nn��n oppaat m����rittelev��t heid��n roolinsa feminiiniseksi ja ��idilliseksi. Ne luovat k��mpp��em��nn��n ty��st�� naisten yhteiskunnallisen roolin mukaista m����rittelem��ll�� k��mp��n kodiksi ja em��nn��n sen hengett��reksi, joka huolehtii miesten hyvinvoinnista. K��mpill�� majoittuneet miehet sen sijaan arvostavat k��mpp��em��nt����, joka on rempse�� ja huumorintajuinen. K��mpp��em��nn��n kuului sopeutua k��mp��n maskuliiniseen kulttuuriin, mik�� onnistui parhaiten osallistumalla sen huumoriin. K��mp��n sukupuolij��rjestelm�� perustui sukupuolitettuun ty��njakoon ja k��mpp��tilan sukupuolenmukaiseen jakamiseen. K��mp��n keitti�� ja em��nn��n huone olivat naisille kuuluvaa yksityisaluetta, josta oltiin yhteydess�� miesten puolelle vain tarjoiluluukun v��lityksell��. Sukupuolten erill����n pit��mist�� perusteltiin k��mpp��em��nn��n suojelemisella, mutta sen tavoitteena oli my��s est���� sukupuolisuhteiden syntyminen k��mp��n miesten ja k��mpp��em��nn��n v��lille. K��mpp��em��nt�� olikin virallisesti rauhoitettu ja em��nn��n koskemattomuudesta huolehtiminen oli k��mpp��yhteis��n vastuulla. K��mpp��el��m��ss�� syntyi kuitenkin seurustelusuhteita ja mahdollisesti my��s sukupuolisuhteita. N��ist�� ei kuitenkaan mielell����n kerrota haastatteluissa. My��s seksuaalista h��irint���� esiintyi. K��mpp��em��nn��t kuitenkin korostavat miesten kunnioittavaa suhtautumista heihin. He korostavat, etteiv��t sukupuolten v��liset suhteet olleet ongelmallisia ja painottavat omaa sukupuolimoraaliaan. K��mpp��em��nn��t n��kev��t itsens�� k��mpp��yhteis��n j��senen��, eiv��tk�� halua puhua pahaa muusta yhteis��st��. Vaikeita tilanteita kuvatessaan he korostavat omaa aktiivisuuttaan ja selviytymist����n. K��mpp��em��nn��t luovat itsest����n kuvaa selviytyjin�� ja vahvoina naisina.

Fra jungledyr og cykelmyg til frysepunkt og l��ngsel efter k��rlighed Et strejftog gennem dansk litteratur p�� finsk efter 1945

Abstract (A journey through Danish literature translated into Finnish after 1945): Nearly 80 per cent of all literary translations from Danish into Finnish are done after the Second World War. These translations are obviously only a small selection of the Danish national literature, but nevertheless capture important trends and currents in it. Based on a selection of translated works, the article allows a broad introduction to Danish literature available in Finnish. It focuses on children's and youth literature, feminist literature and realistic, magic and civilization critical novels.

Lippu, uhri, kansakunta : Ryhm��kokemukset ja -rajat Suomessa 1917 1945

This dissertation deals with the notions of sacrifice and violence in connection with the Fin��nish flag struggles between 1917 and 1945. The study begins with the basic idea that sacrificial thinking is a key element in nationalism and the social cohesion of large groups. The method used in the study combines anthropological notions of totemism with psychoanalytical object relation theory. The aim is to explore the social and psychological elements of the Finnish national flag and the workers flags during the times of crisis and nation building. The phenomena and concepts addressed include self-sacrifice, scapegoating, remembrance of war, inclusion, and exclusion. The research is located at the intersection of nationalism studies and the cultural history of war. The analysis is based primarily on the press debates, public speeches and archival sources of the civic organizations that promoted the Finnish flag. The study is empirically divided into three sections: 1) the years of the Revolution and the Civil War (1917 1918), 2) the interwar period (1919 1938), and 3) the Second World War (1939 1945). The research demonstrates that the modern national flags and workers flags in Finland maintain certain characteristics of primitive totems. When referred to as a totem the flag means an emotionally charged symbol, a reservoir of the collective ideals of a large group. Thus the flag issue offers a path to explore the perceptions and memory of sacrifice and violence in the making of the First Republic . Any given large group, for example a nation, must conceptually pursue a consensus on its past sacrifices. Without productive interpretation sacrifice represents only meaningless violence. By looking at the passions associated with the flag the study also illuminates various group identities, boundaries and crossings of borders within the Finnish society at the same time. The study shows further that the divisive violence of the Civil War was first overcome in the late 1930s when the social democrats adopted a new perception of the Red victims of 1918 they were seen as part of the birth pains of the nation, and not only the martyrs of class struggle. At the same time the radical Right became marginalized. The study also illuminates how this development made the Spirit of the Winter War possible, a genuine albeit brief experience of horizontal brother and sisterhood, and how this spirit was reflected in the popular adoption of the Finnish flag. The experience was not based only on the external and unifying threat posed by the Soviet Union: it was grounded in a sense of unifying sacrifice which reflected a novel way of understanding the nation and its past sacrifices. Paradoxically, the newly forged consensus over the necessity and the rewards of the common sacrifices of the Winter War (1939 1940) made new sacrifices possible during the Continuation War (1941 1944). In spite of political discord and war weariness, the concept of a unified nation under the national flag survived even the absurdity of the stationary war phase. It can be said that the conflict between the idea of a national community and parliamentary party politics dissolved as a result of the collective experience of the Second World War.

Hiippakunta diakoniaty��n tekij��n�� ja tukijana : Diakoniaty��n kehitys Mikkelin hiippakunnassa 1945-1991

ABSTRACT The diocese as the agent and advocate of diaconial work. The development of diaconial work in the Mikkeli diocese 1945���1991. The roots of Finnish diacony are in the individual devotional life of Pietism. An acting faith had to be evident in acts of love. Following German institutional diacony, diaconial institutions were established in Finland until congregational diacony emerged alongside these institutions in the 1890s. Pastor Otto Aarnisalo acted as a pathfinder in this. He aimed to unite diacony with the Church and the life of the congregation. Diacony had been based on the idea of volunteering to separate it from statutory social work. In 1944 the church law was amended, which made diacony the concern of every member of the congregation. In the years immediately following the Second World War, discussion took place in the Church of Finland about the direction that diacony should take. In the consequential debate, caritative services overcame social diacony. The diocese administration moved to Mikkeli in 1945, when the majority of the Vyborg diocese became part of the USSR in the armistice negotiations. The Mikkeli diocese acted in its diaconial work with the same objectives as the diaconial solutions of the whole church. The acting principle of the diocese diacony became a form of helping which emphasised assistance of the individual. Especially from the 1960s onwards, the country's industrialisation and the reduction of agricultural trade had an effect on the Mikkeli diocese. The diocese administration, specifically Bishop Martti Simojoki and his successor Osmo Alaja, aimed to open up connections to the political left and people working in industry. At least indirectly this helped the diaconial work in industrial localities. In the Mikkeli diocese, a diaconial committee was established in 1971, and its work was overseen by the diocesan chapter of the bishop's office. This enabled the work of the diocese to be organised for the different areas of diacony. Previously, the diaconial work of the Finnish church had primarily been in nursing. The Health Insurance Law of 1972 brought a change to this when the responsibility for health services was transferred to the municipalities. Diacony began to move towards a psychological and spiritual emphasis. Beginning in the 1970s, the diocese started holding diaconial themed days at prescribed intervals. Although these did not result in great realignments, they did help clarify the direction that diacony would take. Large international collections were also carried out, especially in the 1980s. At the same time, socio-ethical activity vitalised and diversified Christian services. The idea that every member of the congregation should practice diacony was a strong factor in the Mikkeli diocese as well. The diocese's vision for diacony was holistic; Christian service was the responsibility of every member of the congregation. During the period of study (1945���1991), the theology of diacony was rather tenuous. Bishop Kalevi Toiviainen, however, brought forth the viewpoint of church doctrine and officially sanctioned theology. Diacony was part of the complete faith of the Church.

The prevention of workplace bullying as a question of human resource management: measures adopted and underlying organizational factors

The aim of this study has been to analyze measures adopted to counteract workplace bullying from the perspective of human resource management. First, the kind of measures that are adopted to prevent bullying were examined. Second, factors affecting the extent of such measures were explored. The introduction of written anti-bullying policies and the provision of information were found to be the most common measures adopted. The policies strongly emphasized the role of supervisors and the immediate superior. Measures to counteract bullying were positively related to the adoption of ���sophisticated��� human resource practices, previous negative publicity concerning bullying and the presence of a young human resource manager. The results, however, also indicated that imitation seemed to provide an important impetus behind anti-bullying efforts.

The Far Eastern Question at the Washington Conference (1921-1922) with an outline of its implications for internal politics in China

This dissertation is a narrative account of the negotiations concerning the question of the Far East and the Shandong issue at the Washington Conference, leading to treaties, agreements and resolutions. In this dissertation, a certain stress is laid on the interaction between the Conference and the internal situation in China, particularly concerning the question of the implications of the Conference for Cabinet politics in Peking. Through the narrative account of the Conference, the general aim is an attempt to reassess the achievements of the Washington Conference. Too often the Washington Conference has been viewed negatively. The political aim behind the legal framework was to open the door to China as a sovereign State member of the international community whose territorial integrity was internationally recognized, despite its chaotic internal situation. It is undeniable that the Washington Conference opened a new chapter in modern Chinese history. The violations of the agreements concerning China that occurred in the 1930s should not lead to the belief that these agreements were of no value. Peace may not be lasting and evolves according to circumstances; agreements are transitory, and new situations need new arrangements. This dissertation tries to demonstrate that the agreements in themselves were not the cause of their failure, but the failure was due to the lack of determination on the part of the Signatories Powers to defend them.

The Man Question

What happens when sexuality is banned from IAT public discourse? This book shows how everyday sexual behaviour and morality were ��� or were not ��� affected by the Soviet censorship on sexuality. Based on autobiographies written by ordinary people from St. Petersburg, it presents the loves and lives of three generations. It describes perceptions of love, the life course of the Russian family, transmissions of sexual knowledge, informal and illegal practices and contrasting subcultures. By posing the 'man question', Anna Rotkirch argues that the postsocialist transformation has centred on the Russian man. By contrast, one of the strongest continuities in the Russian gender system concerns the ways of mothering.