999 resultados para Emendamento constitucional


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Tendo-nos proposto com este trabalho levantar e analisar, à luz da conceptualização elaborada a partir dos instrumentos teoréticos recebidos no curso de Mestrado de História Cultural e Política, os temas de alcance ideológico-político veículados pelo Correio Braziliense impõe-se uma explicação sobre a metodologia seguida na sua apresentação, Da profu3ão de material resultante do levantamento sistemático dos temas abarcados pelo âmbito do nosso estudo surgiu a necessidade de uma selecção. A escolha da problemática constitucional e do pensamento económico como núcleos de questões à volta dos quais se desenvolveu a temática proposta, resultou da convicção de que ambos constituem um campo propício à experimentação dos conceitos e métodos de trabalho de que nos consideramos devedores. A operação de escolha, se determina uma inclusão, obriga a uma concomitante exclusão. Temas havia, porventura igualmente signiificativos, cujo desenvolvimento se justificaria. Não foi possível fazê-lo dentro dos limites deste trabalho. Fica a consciência da lacuna e a afirmação das potencialidades da investigação a prosseguir nessa fonte privilegiada para a História das Ideias do princípio do séc. XIX, que á o C.B.

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A presente dissertação tem a intenção de conduzir um estudo acerca da representação política nos territórios americanos, tornados Estados Unidos da América, desde o período colonial até ao período da ratificação da Constituição de 1787. O trabalho desenvolvido pretende demonstrar a existência de uma tradição política Americana, prevalecente até 1787, e a redistribuição do poder ocorrida no interior do corpo político Americano como consequência da entrada em vigor do novo documento constitucional, saído da Convenção de Filadélfia

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The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

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CEDIS; FDUNL; FCT

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The personal legal status of native non catholic people of Portuguese colonial Empire during the nineteenth century, their position in what concerns Portuguese citizenship, is the main subject of this article. While discussing constitutional articles on religion, Portuguese deputies of the nineteenth century were confronted with a set of problems about that status which they find difficult to solve: should non catholic peoples who were born in Portuguese colonial territory be treated as plain Portuguese citizens or where they just “savage people”, “colonial subjects” or, in a more optimistic approach, “civilizing subjects”. The results were not conclusive, giving rise to an “uncertainty principle” which enabled central and local government to decide in an almost casuistic way about native people status and rights.

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Também publicado em DELGADO, José Pina (org.) e SILVA, Mário Ramos Pereira (org.) "Estudos em Comemoração do XXº Aniversário da Constituição da República de Cabo Verde", Praia: Edições do ISCJS, 2013, [9]-29 pp

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Technologic and socio-economic mutations have always determined challenges not only to lawyers, but to law itself. These phenomena have occurred specially when trying to deal with the hard task of finding solutions for the current increasing mismatch of social interests, for example, bank secrecy and money laundering. Usually occurring simultaneously, they are typical examples of outcomes generated by technological and socio-economic innovations that have become fashionable and captured international attention. At the same time, bank secrecy and money laundering support interests belonging to different dimensions, deserving to be balanced in the light of the heterogeneous mechanisms provided by the law to its practitioners and society as a hole. In order to achieve an outcome in accordance with the Rule of Law´s principles, lawyers´ tools are consequently subordinated to constitutional and social justice. Guided by this purpose, we performed the present study, aiming to analyse bank secrecy and money laundering in the light of the current stablished juridical procedures. We intended to develop a prudent point of view that is also in accordance with social reality. In sum, we demonstrate that bank secrecy should adopt a flexible character, embedding new settings and following the socio-economic path in a globalized world with constant innovations.

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Currently, Portugal assumes itself as a democratic rule of substantive law State, sustained by a legal system seeking the right balance between the guarantee of fundamental rights and freedoms constitutional foreseen in Portugal’s Fundamental Law and criminal persecution. The architecture of the penal code lies with, roughly speaking, a accusatory basic structure, “deliberately attached to one of the most remarkable achievements of the civilizational democratic progress, and by obedience to the constitutional commandment”, in balance with the official investigation principle, valid both for the purpose of prosecution and trial. Regarding the principle of non self-incrimination - nemo tenetur se ipsum accusare, briefly defined as the defendant’s right of not being obliged to contribute to the self-incrimination, it should be stressed that there isn’t an explicit consecration in the Portuguese Constitution, being commonly accepted in an implicit constitutional prediction and deriving from other constitutional rights and principles, first and foremost, the meaning and scope of the concept of democratic rule of Law State, embedded in the Fundamental Law, and in the guidelines of the constitutional principles of human person dignity, freedom of action and the presumption of innocence. In any case, about the (in) applicability of the principle of the prohibition of self-incrimination to the Criminal Police Bodies in the trial hearing in Court, and sharing an idea of Guedes Valente, the truth is that the exercise of criminal action must tread a transparent path and non-compliant with methods to obtain evidence that violate the law, the public order or in violation of democratic principles and loyalty (Guedes Valente, 2013, p. 484). Within the framework of the penal process relating to the trial, which is assumed as the true phase of the process, the witness represents a relevant figure for the administration of criminal justice, for the testimonial proof is, in the idea of Othmar Jauernig, the worst proof of evidence, but also being the most frequent (Jauernig, 1998, p. 289). As coadjutant of the Public Prosecutor and, in specific cases, the investigating judge, the Criminal Police Bodies are invested with high responsibility, being "the arms and eyes of Judicial Authorities in pursuing the criminal investigation..." which has as ultimate goal the fulfillment of the Law pursuing the defense of society" (Guedes Valente, 2013, p. 485). It is in this context and as a witness that, throughout operational career, the Criminal Police Bodies are required to be at the trial hearing and clarify the Court with its view about the facts relating to occurrences of criminal context, thus contributing very significantly and, in some cases, decisively for the proper administration of the portuguese criminal justice. With regards to the intervention of Criminal Police Bodies in the trial hearing in Court, it’s important that they pay attention to a set of standards concerning the preparation of the testimony, the very provision of the testimony and, also, to its conclusion. Be emphasized that these guidelines may become crucial for the quality of the police testimony at the trial hearing, thus leading to an improvement of the enforcement of justice system. In this vein, while preparing the testimony, the Criminal Police Bodies must present itself in court with proper clothing, to read before and carefully the case files, to debate the facts being judged with other Criminal Police Bodies and prepare potential questions. Later, while giving his testimony during the trial, the Criminal Police Bodies must, summing up, to take the oath in a convincing manner, to feel comfortable, to start well by convincingly answering the first question, keep an attitude of serenity, to adopt an attitude of collaboration, to avoid the reading of documents, to demonstrate deference and seriousness before the judicial operators, to use simple and objective language, to adopt a fluent speech, to use nonverbal language correctly, to avoid spontaneity responding only to what is asked, to report only the truth, to avoid hesitations and contradictions, to be impartial and to maintain eye contact with the judge. Finally, at the conclusion of the testimony, the Criminal Police Bodies should rise in a smooth manner, avoiding to show relief, resentment or satisfaction, leaving a credible and professional image and, without much formality, requesting the judge permission to leave the courtroom. As final note, it’s important to stress that "The intervention of the Police Criminal Bodies in the trial hearing in Court” encloses itself on a theme of crucial importance not only for members of the Police and Security Forces, who must welcome this subject with the utmost seriousness and professionalism, but also for the proper administration of the criminal justice system in Portugal.

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Separata da revista "Direito e Cidadania", Ano VIII, Nº 25/26 de 2006/2007

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This study examines the quantification of compensation for non-pecuniary damage, awarded by means of judicial decisions based on equity, and seeks to verify whether such calculation safeguards legal certainty and predictability when applying the law, as well as whether it observes the principles of proportionality and equality. Firstly, the limits for discretionary judgment permitted to the judge were determined, by evaluating the criteria established under the law. Then, by examining the grounds of the judicial decisions in cases that had been selected beforehand, this study sought to detect operation modes in concrete considerations of equity used by judges. The examination of the grounds on which these judicial decisions are based permitted the comprehension of the calculation method used in each case and the observation that the criteria of compensatory nature, such as the extent of the damage and the respective consequences, assumed a primary role. Despite discrepancies in viewpoints with regard to certain issues of law, the jurisprudence examined reveals that great care is taken to consider the solutions reached in similar cases, in an attempt to ensure that the different criteria applied in the quantification of compensation are given uniform relevance. The comparison of decisions, reported to cases with similar legal contours, did not reveal relevant discrepancies in the calculation criteria used, nor are they disproportionate regarding the amount of compensation awarded, which means that resorting to equity, in determining the compensation to be awarded due to nonpecuniary damage, does not jeopardize legal certainty or predictability when applying the law, and observes the principle of proportionality, which is anchored in the constitutional principle of equality. The study performed, led to the conclusion that the grounds on which judicial decisions are based, by itemising the elements which are taken into account and the criteria adopted by the judge, allow these to be taken into consideration in similar cases, contributing towards uniform interpretation and application of the law, ensuring legal certainty and predictability when resorting to equity while quantifying compensation.

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Tax evasion and fraud threaten the economic and social objectives of modern tax systems, precluding the state funding for the satisfaction of collective needs and the fair distribution of wealth, being a violation of basic principles and values of our society. In tax law, to give tax administration the necessary powers to supervise and control the information provided by taxpayers and combat tax evasion and fraud, over the last years the grounds for a derogation of bank secrecy without judicial authorization have been extended, which raises some constitutional compatibility issues. Similarly, this tendency of making this legal regime more flexible and increasing automatic exchange of information has been followed by the European Union and the international community. Banking secrecy, as a professional secrecy, is an instrument to protect the right to privacy but also appears as an anti-abuse and repressive mechanism of evasive and fraudulent behaviors. Because of the conflict of interests will always be necessary to make a practical agreement between them, ensuring the legality and the due guarantees of the taxpayers but also an effective way to combat tax evasion and fraud. Bank secrecy cannot be one method to, behind the right to privacy, taxpayers practice illegal activities. But the practice of these irregular conducts also does not justify a total annihilation of the right to banking secrecy, uncovering all documents and bank information’s. Although considering the legislative changes, the administrative derogation of bank secrecy will always be what the tax administration does of it.

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The Portuguese Intelligence Services have their operational skills limited due to the grievances caused by the Dictatorship and, in particular, by its political police. With the help of historical elements, and by analyzing current legislation, we demonstrate that such grievances are today unjustified and misplaced, mainly taking into account the Risk Society’s multifaceted threats. Also part of our analysis is the impugnment of the Constitutional Court’s decision nº 413/2015, which pronounced unconstitutional the norm contained in Decree nº 426/XII, of the Republic’s Assembly, article nº 78, nº2, which intended to allow Intelligence Services access to the so-called “metadata”, as well as to tax and banking information. It is our understanding, and we demonstrate it in our dissertation, that should be allowed the access of, not only the above mentioned information, but also the means known as communications interception and undercover operations to the Intelligence Services, as long as properly supervised and inspected.

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The present work aims to develop the theme "The summary procedure and the reform of 2013". The purpose of its analysis serves the interest to understand the virtues and disadvantages of the changes introduced by Act n.º 20/2013 to our Code of Criminal Procedure, and the main focus of the present reflection is to further the impact of the measures taken by the legislator to the summary proceedings. The opening of the most serious crimes to summary procedure is a reform measure duly highlighted because it is a true innovation in the Portuguese penal system. Therefore, it urges to analyse not only the consequences of this measure, as well as if the objectives of its introduction in the summary procedure system are met. It should be noted that the legislator intends to promote speedy trial, and at the same time, ensure compliance with the Constitutional rights associated to the accused. At this point it is important to realize if there is a restriction of the accused essential guarantees. On the other hand, it should be noted that the typical characteristics of summary proceedings might have been invariably modified, due to the innovative aspect of the reform. That said, the changes might have fostered a mischaracterization of the typical format of the summary procedure, both in terms of the nature of the proceedings and in terms of its space and objectives within the penal system. Reflecting on the above will provide a deeper understanding of the volatile balance between the Portuguese governing prosecution efficiency and the Constitution, as well as the future of the criminal policy in Portugal.

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This work has the purpose of presenting the current state of the debate concerning animal rights, both in the Portuguese legal system and in foreign systems. In order to do so, it starts with an analysis of the evolution of the legal status of animals through History, and the status they have achieved in today’s legal systems. The aim of this work is to reflect upon the challenges that would result from a change of position regarding this subject, from the current legal classification as things, to a complete personalization based on the Constitution, or through the creation of a tertium genus between Men and things, that would stress the fact that animals are sentient beings.