992 resultados para frança


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This paper examines two aspects. First, the symbolic dimension of politics and some of the elements that make up this universe, as the scenario, the representation, the myth, the spectacle, the media and the political and electoral marketing. We assume that the policy brings together a set of traits related to both reason and the human subjectivity, and can not be summed up in just a few calculations based on rationality. In the case of elections, in a process (ritual, according Irlys Barrier) of choice, there is a meeting of two systems of representations: to that transmitted by a political actor, in a scene from a particular context, based on a life trajectory unique, and the other from the public, crossed by social relations, situations own wishes, desires, expectations and unique perspectives. Between them there are the means of mass media (especially television), and with them the advent of language media and advertising applied to politics, changing the layout of public visibility and inaugurating what Rejane Accioly Carvalho will call the "aesthetics of mostrabilidade". This does not necessarily mean a preponderance of media on politics as a whole but only its adaptation to that with regard to contact with the public, the ad extra portion of the policy, according to Wilson Gomes. In a second aspect, try to apply these elements to a specific study to verify them in building an effective public image, in this case, the current governor of Rio Grande do Norte, Wilma de Faria. The concept of public image is from the book of Wilson Gomes The transformation was visible in the mass media, and relates to a conceptual image to fix "personality traits" through political history, personal conduct, action of image makers and the public reception. For this we will review some videos aired on Free Time for political propaganda in the years 2002 and 2006.

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La présente étude sur la modernisation économique qui s est opérée dans le Rio Grande do Norte, constitue un débat concernant les tentatives de faire aboutir un projet de développement industriel fondé sur l exploitation des matières premières locales telles que le sel, le calcaire, les eaux mères et le pétrole, entre les années 70 et 90 du XXe siècle. Elle cherche à montrer, à partir de l observation de l action planifiée de l État national et régional, soutenu par le capital international et par les groupes économiques et politiques locaux, comment on a tenté d implanter, dans des conjonctures économiques distinctes, une industrie d intrants de base moyennant la création de deux pôles de développement : le Pólo Químico Industrial (1974) et le Pólo Gás Sal (1996). Elle est centrée sur l analyse des actions orientées vers la concrétisation de ces pôles, et prendra pour objet les politiques de développement émanant de l État national, en particulier celles qui relevaient du II PND et qui visaient, au cours des années 70, à l implantation d une industrie décentralisée dans la région Nordeste ; les règles fixées par le Plano Nacional de Desestatizações, destinées à promouvoir les privatisations des entreprises publiques brésiliennes, lesquelles ont rendu possible la vente d Alcanorte au groupe industriel commandé par Fragoso Pires, et les politiques définies par l État national et régional, rassemblées sous le titre de « guerre fiscale » afin d attirer des capitaux internationaux susceptibles de rendre viable le Pólo Gás Sal. Il y est démontré que l État a coordonné un ensemble d actions dans les domaines de l infrastructure et des exonérations fiscales et financières, dans le but d accélérer la transition d une économie primaire et exportatrice vers une économie moderne, industrialisée. Et que le concours simultané de forces économiques et sociales particulièrement expressives le capital national et international, les élites locales n a pas suffi pour promouvoir la modernisation industrielle escomptée des secteurs chimique et pétrochimique. Parmi les différentes raisons qui ont contribué à un tel échec, on peut mentionner : l absence d une accumulation interne préalable de capital ; la dépendance de l économie locale par rapport à la technologie et au capital des groupes économiques internationaux ; l inconsistance des stratégies de développement relevant de la politique qui caractérisait la « guerre fiscale », et la fragilité de la représentation politique locale

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Os objetivos deste trabalho foram determinar a absorção aparente, estimar as perdas endógenas fecais e a absorção real do Mg e determinar a ingestão ad libitum da água de beber e a concentração de Mg no soro sangüíneo de caprinos da raças Anglonubiana (AN) e Saanen (SN). Foram usados doze caprinos, seis de cada raça, com 19,8 kg PV médio. Dietas semipurificadas (baixo teor de Mg) à base de quirera de arroz, glúten de milho e celulose foram suplementadas com MgO, para se obterem os níveis de 0,05 (sem supplementação) 0,20 e 0,35% Mg (%MS). Os níveis de Mg influenciaram os coeficientes de absorção aparente de Mg e Ca, com valores médios de 57,8; 73,9; e 73,2% para Mg e 55,7; 39,6; e 49,5% para Ca, para dietas com níveis 0,05; 0,20; e 0,35% de Mg, respectivamente. Entretanto, para os coeficientes de absorção aparente de P, Na e K, não houve efeito de níveis de Mg na dieta. Os resultados de absorção real de Mg apresentaram interação de níveis de Mg e raças. A média para raça NA, no nível 0,05% Mg, foi de 61,0% e para os níveis 0,20 e 0,35% Mg, 77,2 e 73,2%, respectivamente. Entretanto, para a raça SN, as médias foram 73,3; 75,5; e 76,0%, para os mesmos níveis, sem diferenças. A digestibilidade de matéria seca, proteína bruta e extrato não-nitrogenado diminuiu com os níveis crescentes de Mg nas dietas. As excreções fecais (7,0; 20,8; e 34,4 mg/kg PV0,75.d) e urinárias (3,9; 30,8; e 44,6 mg/kg PV0,75.d) de Mg elevaram-se com o aumento dos níveis crescentes de Mg nas dietas. Houve, também, influência dos níveis de Mg dietético sobre as concentrações de Mg do soro sangüíneo (1,74; 2,23; e 2,80 mg/dL para níveis de 0,05; 0,20; e 0,35% de Mg, respectivamente).

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This research intends to narrate the journey of a simple man who was turned into a saint by a group of believers in Mossoró, west of Rio Grande do Norte. We recognized in the story of José Leite Santana, the "cangaceiro" Jararacá, an appropriated land to build an investigative approach of how characters as different as bandit and saint can be interconnected. From the believers speech, a narrative was created about these detachments of concepts based on the hero myth that is shown here as a part of men´s dealing with death

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About two decades ago Brazil has been suffered some important political changes on its government and supporter systems. In these changes the Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers support) has been researched significant results as much legislation as executive ways. These conquests propitiate a structure for it to get an alternative motion in order to manage public goods by petista government way. Trying to examinate this we can study the Partido dos Trabalhadores government experience in Acre (1999-2002) to know about why the PT government characteristics are different from the others. To do this we assumed to conjecture a popular participation with priorities inversion and ethics in public resources administration. These are the elements of PT government way. This way we started our work making an evaluation of its bibliography. Them we do a field inquiry to analyses documents of the government projects (budget rules law, papers, approved laws, IBGE, PNUD, TSE) and semi-structured interviews with some characters of recent political Acres life. The scheme and the analysis about these givens disclose that weren t confirmed our hypothesis in part, since PT remained old local politics habitus. In other side the executive administration on PT government has got to inflect the Governance . Further on an efficient management as World Bank dispossess but PT absolve many requests of progressive sectors as well it expanded the society participation to resolutions process. By a cabinets enlargement. So it rescues a total administrative course which is printed in the called petista government way. Personally we think so it means important advancements in this Acre government way

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Antonin Artaud, a name that reminds us of areas ranging from theater to poetry, linguistics to psychoanalysis, is a multipurpose name that transits as poet, painter, writer, actor, screenwriter, playwright and theater director. Artaud s route is raw material for researchers of various hues interested in a life and work that allows panning in different fields of knowledge. It raises the question of language and manipulation of signals in terms of magical forces and the relationship maintained through them with the cosmos and the divine. Artaud searches through a language of signals, gestures and objects that express themselves by objective forms and the use of words as solid objects. For him, the language of words must give way to the language of signals, whose objective aspect is what strikes us most immediately. Our work indicates the possibility of realization and recognition of the aesthetic of cruelty present in the writing drawings of artaudian s work, realizing thus, that art as a record of culture hence as double of life allows us a more critical and transforming look to the society, thinking about the aesthetics of cruelty as Artaud proposes and thinks cruelty: as appetite for life. Our dialogue held during the construction of this journey has the company, besides the one of Antonin Artaud, other authors such as Jacques Derrida, Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guatarri, among others which, during the hike and framing of this route help us to think about the aesthetics of cruelty in an Artaudian perspective

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior

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The study aims to answer the following question: what are the different profiles of infant mortality, according to demographic, socioeconomic, infrastructure and health care, for the micro-regions at the Northeast of Brazil? Thus, the main objective is to analyze the profiles or typologies associated mortality levels sociodemographic conditions of the micro-regions, in the year 2010. To this end, the databases of birth and death certificates of SIM and SINASC (DATASUS/MS), were taken from the 2010 population Census microdata and from SIDRA/IBGE. As a methodology, a weighted multiple linear regression model was used in the analysis in order to find the most significant variables in the explanation child mortality for the year 2010. Also a cluster analysis was performed, seeking evidence, initially, of homogeneous groups of micro-regions, from of the significant variables. The logit of the infant mortality rate was used as dependent variable, while variables such as demographic, socioeconomic, infrastructure and health care in the micro-regions were taken as the independent variables of the model. The Bayesian estimation technique was applied to the database of births and deaths, due to the inconvenient fact of underreporting and random fluctuations of small quantities in small areas. The techniques of Spatial Statistics were used to determine the spatial behavior of the distribution of rates from thematic maps. In conclusion, we used the method GoM (Grade of Membership), to find typologies of mortality, associated with the selected variables by micro-regions, in order to respond the main question of the study. The results points out to the formation of three profiles: Profile 1, high infant mortality and unfavorable social conditions; Profile 2, low infant mortality, with a median social conditions of life; and Profile 3, median and high infant mortality social conditions. With this classification, it was found that, out of 188 micro-regions, 20 (10%) fits the extreme profile 1, 59 (31.4%) was characterized in the extreme profile 2, 34 (18.1%) was characterized in the extreme profile 3 and only 9 (4.8%) was classified as amorphous profile. The other micro-regions framed up in the profiles mixed. Such profiles suggest the need for different interventions in terms of public policies aimed to reducing child mortality in the region

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The aging population and individual have been the subject of a multitude of studies nowadays. This is probably due to the impact of this phenomenon in various sectors of society, like social security, social assistance and public health. The process of aging of the individual imply the demand for specific services, considering the limitations and vulnerabilities of the individual at that stage of life cycle. The growth of the elderly contingent in the last decades raises challenges for policymakers, the family and also for the society at large. In this scenario, long-stay institutions for the elderly (LSIEs) appear as an option to aid and support the elderly and their family, assisting in all or part in the activities of daily living and self-care. Inside these LSIEs we find the professional responsible for the direct care of the elderly, the formal caregiver. In this context, this dissertation presents two main objectives: an analysis of the phenomenon of population aging in a given brazilian municipality Natal / RN, based on the Demographic Censuses of 2000 e 2010; and a social, demographic and economic characterization of the Formal caregiver for the institutionalized elderly in the municipality, evaluating aspects of his quality of life and also analyzing the institutions where they are inserted. Furthermore, we intend to identify demographic, socioeconomic and quality of life factors that are correlated with caregivers quitting the job. The data used in the second part of this work comes from the research project named Long-Stay Institutions for Elderly: abandonment or a family need? . This survey interviewed 92 caregivers in eleven LSIEs in Natal/RN. In the data treatment logistic regressions, cluster analysis and statistical tests were used. The survey revealed that aging in Natal is more pronounced in the older, more traditional districts: Petrópolis, Lagoa Seca and Tirol. It also allowed a broad characterization of the formal caregivers in LSIEs. Most of these professionals are female. The educational level is predominantly complete high school and more. Most caregivers reported being married or in union, or have ever been in a union. Family monthly income is under three times the minimum wage. The mean age is of 37.4 years. The mean time of work as a caregiver was 5.93 years. The associations showed that being woman, not being single, having caregiving training and physical limitations (regarding quality of life) are related to wanting to quit the caregiving job. As for the characterization of the LSIEs, it was found that the philanthropic ones are older and have most (62.5%) of the institutionalized elderly. The institutions managers gave social interaction and affinity with the elderly as the main criteria with which to evaluate and hire caregivers. It is intended with this study to contribute to improving the quality of life of the elderly and their caregiver, providing information on aspects of institutionalization of elderly both in the philanthropic and particular institutions, in Natal/RN; this dissertation may also be used as a starting point for later works

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As síndromes paraneoplásicas compreendem um grupo diverso de alterações clínicas associadas a neoplasias e ocorrem em sítios distantes do tumor primário ou de suas metástases. As neuropatias paraneoplásicas são distúrbios raros em cães, mas representam morbidade significativa e servem como importantes indicadores diagnósticos e prognósticos. O presente trabalho relata a ocorrência de dois casos de neuropatia paraneoplásica em cães com mastocitoma, considerando a apresentação clínica, o diagnóstico e as formas de tratamento utilizadas.

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This dissertation deals with the possibility of build an effective social control of the judiciary Brazilians. The theme was bounded by a cut geographic and secular: the experience of the Center of Justice and Citizenship in the state of Rio Grande do Norte (OJC/RN), which begins formally in august 2003. The research approach and leave of experience in judicial practice and policy specific substrates to theorize about the subject. We collected documents about cases, the judicial diagnoses, reports, news material, in addition to lifting bibliographic. Therefore, it is working with about notions of a democratic state of right in the light of the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, in order to contextualize the insertion of the judicial system, by the prospect of legitimacy, which is considered by a look formal and material. It is a brief analysis of the system of official control of the judiciary (internal and external), is emphasizing its shortcomings functional and its corporate character, which suffers from poor conformation democratic. Then there is a discussion about the need to establish the social control of the judiciary, through the prism of relations of power that are locked in the judiciary, the lack of formal criteria for the guarantee of obtaining the correct judgment (laws, precedents and conscience of the judge), the problems of impunity and justice class, and from the examination of some cases, as the body of search. From this conjuncture, prepares to be an outline of shapes and the limits of social control, consonant the proposal erected in certain sectors of organized civil society, represented by the movement s social OJC. In the end, considerations are made on the legitimacy and constitutionality of OJC

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The freedom of concurrence, firstly conceived as a simple market fundament in productive systems that recognized the productive forces freedom of action, appears as a clear instrument of protection and fomentation of the market, recognizing the importance of the simultaneous existence of various economic forces such the proper capitalism reason of constitution. It has, thus, a directly role linked to the fundamental idea that the market and its productive forces needed of a protection against itself, because it exists inside the market situations and circumstances, provoked or not, that could prejudice and even annihilate the its existence and functioning, whilst a complex role of productive forces presents at all economic creation space. It was the primacy of the classic liberalism, the first phase of the capitalism. The Constitutions, in that historic moment, did not proclaim any interference at the economic scenario, simply because it recognized the existence of an economic freedom prepared to justify and guarantee the market forces, with its own rules. Based on the structural changes that occurred at the following historic moments, inside the constitutionally recognized capitalism, it was verified changes in the ambit of treatment of the freedom of concurrence principle that, in a progressive way, passes to present a configuration more concerned with socialist and developing ideas, as long as not only a market guarantee. It emerges a freedom of concurrence which aim is instrumental, in relation to its objectives and constitutional direction as a role, and not anymore stagnant and with isolated treatment, in special at the constitutional systems the present s clear aspects of social interventions and guarantor of fundamental rights more extensive and harmonious. That change is located at a space of state actuation much more ample and juridical important, this time comprehending the necessity of managing the productive scenario aiming to reach a national social and economic development effectively guarantor of fundamental rights for all citizens. Those Constitutions take as point of starting that the social and economic development, and not only anymore the economic growth, is the effective way for concretization of these rights. In that way it needs to be observed and crystallized by political and juridical tools that respect the ideological fundamental spirit of the Constitutional Charters. In that scenario that seeks for solutions of rights accomplishment, in special the social rights, the constitutional principle of freedom of concurrence has been seen as an instrument for reaching bigger values and directives, such as the social justice, which only can be real at a State that can implement a comprehensive and permanent social and economic development. The freedom of concurrence tries to valorize and defend something larger and consonant to the political values expressed in the Constitutional Charters with social character, which is the right to a social and economical sustainable development, guarantor of more clear and compromised collective benefits with social justice. The origin of that constitutional imposition is not only supported by vague orientations of the economic space, but as integrated to it, with basis formed of normative and principles posted and prepared to produce effects at the proper reason of the Constitution

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The work presented here is about aspects of the constitutional extension in which is the public civil action with the objective of verifying its aptitute in tutelaging subjective situations derived from fundamental rights, especially right to health assistance. Thus, it offers a clear analysis of the practical functioning of most aspects of the public civil action (lawsuit), with philosophical foundation and necessary doctrinaire to your comphehension. How it once was (history), how it could be (reform suggestion), how it is (current interpretation of the law) and how it should be (critic analysis of the microsystem of collective tutelaging of rights, its perspectives, as well as the efficacy of the public cilvil action about accomplishment of the right to health as supraindividual right). The objective is to analyse the main version of the theme (for instance: the impacts caused to the dissociation of the Procurations theory), so that it can be extracted the philosophy and the general theory, of the public civil action and collective tutelaging in general, pragmatically applicable to study purposes. With this theorical fountain, the reader will be in a more solid position, not only being able to understand the subtilities of the public civil action, but mainly being able to recognize its faults and present solid reform proposals and improvement. It is know that the Juridical Power (Procuration) does not allow any more inactivity about negating accession to health in its collective dimension (lato sensu: spread, collective stricto sensu and homogeneous individuals), being imputed to it novel usage that consolidates in the assumption of the role instrument set aside to be used by all with organized instancy of solution to collective conflicts in large sense. This happens, overall, because of the current justice politization, understood as juridical activism, connected to the struggle between the groups defending their interests and the acceptance of the constitution about solidifying the public politics of quality health

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The Federal Constitution states that the reduction of social and regional inequalities is one of the goals to be achieved by the Brasilian State. The economic constitution states that the national economy must be developed so as to achieve, amongst other objectives, the reduction of those inequalities. In this paper, we aim to demonstrate the duty, imposed by the Constitution to the State, of acting in the national economy so as to promote the achievement of the constitutional goals, among wich we highlight the reduction of inequalities. One of the instruments that can be used by the State to achieve this objective is its fiscal policy. It is also an aim in this paper to demonstrate that inducing tax norms can be used by the State, because it can encourage the economic agents to bring about the reduction of social and regional inequalities. Therefore, after bibliographic and jurisprudential research, we conclude that the duty, imposed to the State, of acting in the national economy so as to promote the achievement of the constitutional goals exists. We also conclude that this acting must be planed and constant, because the consequences are slow and that, within the limits of the constitution, the inducing tax norms can be an instrument for the State in order to reduct the social and regional inequalities

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In a country of continental dimensions as Brazil, one of the top challenges to its economic growth is the logistic related to energetical demand supply. We live now in the era of environmental protection and, in this new context of priorizations, it passes trough the search for alternative energies for the energetic matrix, due the petroleum elevated costs in the global market (and its finitude), but also due its pollution over the environment. This attempt of substitution needs solutions related to the national reality, into a national long term developing plan and based at a juridical-economic analysis of its realization. This study will look for, also based in an economical analysis, the juridical legitimity of choosing natural gas as the new protagonist of national economic growth (as a substitute of petroleum) and the necessary boost that must be done by law, based on an economic policy focused strictly for that fact, as a modifying agent of this reality. This study, therefore, will always be turned to a constitutional aspect, respecting the principles of economic order and the goal of reducing regional inequalities, which must influence the making off of a developing plan. At the end, it will try to demonstrate the juridical viability of such undertaking, tuned in jus-economical criteria. Another goal is related to the analysis of the natural gas industry, due the regulation of its transport has a major importance for national energetic integration, not only because this activity be characterized as a net industry, still under control of a natural monopoly, but also because the competitive or cooperative profile that should be priorized at the beginning of the economic planning for this activity (such as investment policies and its own rules that will submit private agents)