Graduate School for Jewish Social Work (New York, N.Y.) records, undated, 1925-1950.

The collection consists of records of the administration of the school; records of a Lower East Side documentation project, including photographs; and letters from a project on the Men's and Women's Department of Der Tag. The collection is arranged in four series: Series I. Administration, Series II. Committee on Research, Series III. Der Tag Project, and Series IV. East Side Project.

The Politics of Surveillance and Response to Disease Outbreaks: The New Frontier for States and Non-state Actors

The capacity to conduct international disease outbreak surveillance and share information about outbreaks quickly has empowered both State and Non-State Actors to take an active role in stopping the spread of disease by generating new technical means to identify potential pandemics through the creation of shared reporting platforms. Despite all the rhetoric about the importance of infectious disease surveillance, the concept itself has received relatively little critical attention from academics, practitioners, and policymakers. This book asks leading contributors in the field to engage with five key issues attached to international disease outbreak surveillance - transparency, local engagement, practical needs, integration, and appeal - to illuminate the political effect of these technologies on those who use surveillance, those who respond to surveillance, and those being monitored.

The politics of disease surveillance

The capacity to conduct international disease outbreak surveillance and share information about outbreaks quickly has empowered both State and Non-State Actors to take an active role in stopping the spread of disease by generating new technical means to identify potential pandemics through the creation of shared reporting platforms. Despite all the rhetoric about the importance of infectious disease surveillance, the concept itself has received relatively little critical attention from academics, practitioners, and policymakers. This book asks leading contributors in the field to engage with five key issues attached to international disease outbreak surveillance - transparency, local engagement, practical needs, integration, and appeal - to illuminate the political effect of these technologies on those who use surveillance, those who respond to surveillance, and those being monitored.

Identiteettien maisemat Saskatchewanin Uudessa Suomessa : Uudisasutuksesta uusidentifikaatioon

The present study examines how the landscape of the rural immigrant colony of New Finland (Saskatchewan, Canada) has reflected the Finnish origins of the about 350 settlers and their descendants, their changing ideologies, values, sense of collectiveness and the meanings of the Finnish roots. The study also reveals the reasons and power structures behind the ethnic expressions. Researched time period runs from the beginning of the settlement in 1888 to the turn of the millennium. The research concentrates on buildings, cemeteries, personal names and place names which contain strong visual and symbolic messages and are all important constituents of mundane landscapes. For example, the studied personal names are important identity-political indexes telling about the value of the Finnish nationalism, community spirit, dual Finnish-Canadian identities and also the process of assimilation which, for example, had differences between genders. The study is based on empirical field research, and iconographical and textual interpretations supported by classifications and comparative analyses. Several interviews and literature were essential means of understanding the changing political contexts which influenced the Finnish settlement and its multiple landscape representations. Five historical landscape periods were identified in New Finland. During these periods the meanings and representations of Finnish identity changed along with national and international politics and local power structures. For example, during the Second World War Canada discouraged representations of Finnish culture because Finland and Canada were enemies. But Canada s multicultural policy in the 1980s led to several material and symbolic representations indicating the Finnish settlement after a period of assimilation and deinstitutionalization. The study shows how these representations were indications of the politics of a (selective) memory. Especially Finnish language, cultural traditions and the Evangelical-Lutheran values of the pioneers, which have been passed down to new generations, are highly valued part of the Finnish heritage. Also the work of the pioneers and their participation in the building of Saskatchewan is an important collective narrative. The selectiveness of a memory created the landscape of forgetting which includes deliberately forgotten parts of the history. For example, the occasional disputes between the congregations are something that has been ignored. The results show how the different landscape elements can open up a useful perspective to diaspora colonies or other communities also by providing information which otherwise would be indistinguishable. In this case, for example, two cemeteries close together were a sign of religious distributions among the early settlers.

Letter regarding the work of Dr. Leo for the Home for Aged and Infirm Hebrews

Letter in English script on stationery of the Home for Aged and Infirm Hebrews regarding the work of Dr. Leo for the Home, written on white lined paper.

Bill for masonry work on K.K.S.I.

Digital image

Bill for work done on synagogue

Digital image

Power and Authority. Birgitta of Sweden and her Revelations

In the High Middle Ages female saints were customarily noble virgins. Thus, as a wife and a mother of eight children, the Swedish noble lady Birgitta (1302/3 1373) was an atypical candidate for sanctity. However, in 1391 she was canonized only 18 years after her death and became a role model for many late medieval women, who were mothers and widows. The dissertation Power and Authority Birgitta of Sweden and Her Revelations investigates how Birgitta went about establishing her power and authority during the first ten years of her career as a living saint, in 1340 1349. It is written from the perspectives of gender, authority, and power. The sources consist of approximately seven hundred revelations, hagiographical texts and other medieval documents. This work concentrates on the interaction between Birgitta and her audience. During her lifetime Birgitta was already regarded as a holy woman, as a living saint. A living saint could be given no formal papal or other recognition, for one could never be certain about his or her future activities. Thus, the living saint needed an audience for whom to perform signs of sanctity. In this study particular attention is paid to situations within which the power relations between the living saint and her audience can be traced and are open to critical analysis. Situations of conflict that arose in Birgitta s life are especially fruitful for this purpose. During the Middle Ages, institutional power and authority were exclusively in the hands of secular male leaders and churchmen. In this work it is argued, however, that Birgitta used different kinds of power than men. It is evident that she exercized influence on lay people as well as on secular and clerical authorities. The second, third, and fourth chapter of this study examine the beginning of Birgitta s career as a visionary, what factors and influences lay behind it, and what kind of roles they played in establishing her religious authority. The fifth, sixth, and seventh chapter concentrate on Birgitta s exercising of power in specific situations during her time in Sweden until she left on a pilgrimage to Rome in 1349. The central question is how she exercised power with different people. As a result, this book will offer a narrative of Birgitta s social interactions in Sweden seen from the perspectives of power and authority. Along with the concept of power, authority is a key issue. By definition, one who has power also has authority but a person who does not have official power can, nevertheless, have authority. Authority in action is defined here as meaning that a person was listened to. Birgitta acted both in situations of open conflict and where no conflict was evident. Her strategies included, for example, inducement, encouragement and flattery. In order to make people do as she felt was right she also threatened them openly with divine wrath. Sometimes she even used both positive persuasion and threats. Birgitta s power seems very similar to that of priests and ascetics. Common to all of them was that their power demanded interaction with other people and audiences. Because Birgitta did not have power and authority ex officio she had to persuade people to believe in her powers. She did this because she was convinced of her mission and sought to make people change their lives. In so doing, she moved from the domestic field to the public fields of religion and politics.

Mothers, your's is a sacred work! Naiskysymys adventistijulistaja Ellen Whiten profeetallisessa terveysopetuksessa vuosina 1866 1878

Tarkastelen pro gradu -tutkielmassani naiskysymystä Seitsemännen päivän adventtikirkon oppiäiti Ellen Whiten (1827 1915) terveysopetuksessa. White tunnetaan ennen kaikkea näyistään, joiden välityksellä hän koki saavansa Jumalalta hyvinvointiin liittyviä ohjeita. White kirjoitti näkyjensä innoittama terveysoppaita ja julisti pääasiassa Yhdysvalloissa yli 70 vuotta. Päälähteenäni ovat kaksi Whiten omaelämäkertaa vuosilta 1880 ja 1915 sekä 83 artikkelia, jotka hän julkaisi adventistien johtavassa terveyslehdessä, Health Reformerissa, vuosina 1866 1878. Tutkimuskysymykseni ovat, miksi White osoitti lähes kaiken terveyteen liittyvän opetuksensa naisille ja miten hän ymmärsi terveyden osana naisen roolia ja tehtäviä. Tulkintani mukaan White julisti naisille, sillä hän uskoi, että naisen asema oli selkeytettävä. Yhdysvallat teollistui ja kaupungistui nopeasti 1800-luvulla, mikä aiheutti naisille taloudellisia, sosiaalisia ja terveyteen liittyviä ongelmia. Lisäksi toinen suuri herätys (1800 1830) synnytti keskustelua naisen roolista. Monet kirkot antoivat naisille luvan esimerkiksi saarnaamiseen, mutta Yhdysvalloissa vahvistui samaan aikaan myös käsitys naisesta kodin uskonnollisena johtajana. Ymmärrän, että Whiten mukaan ratkaisu naisen sekavaan asemaan oli terveys. Uskon, että Whiten mukaan nainen pystyi ottamaan oman paikkansa yhteiskunnassa, mikäli hän pysyi terveenä ja oppi tuntemaan terveyden periaatteet. Toisaalta White sai vaikutteita naisten yhteiskunnallisten oikeuksien puolustajilta. He ajattelivat, että vain koulutettu ja terve nainen kykeni vapautumaan avioliitosta. Toisaalta White oli naisasianaisia maltillisempi. Hän ymmärsi, että vain terve ja terveyskoulutuksen saanut nainen saattoi olla hyvä äiti. Ellen White osallistui terveysopetuksellaan keskusteluun myös naisen uskonnollisesta roolista. White oli itse kiertelevä terveyssaarnaaja. Silti hän ymmärsi, että muiden naisten kutsumus oli olla terve ja koulutettu äiti. White korosti äitien pyhyyttä luultavasti siksi, että hän pyrki turvaamaan oman auktoriteettiasemansa Adventtikirkossa. White myös luultavasti ymmärsi roolinsa ja tehtävänsä poikkeuksellisiksi ja arvosti vilpittömästi äitiyttä. Whiten mukaan äidin tehtävä oli kasvattaa terveitä ja moraalisia kansalaisia. Tehtävän arvon hän perusteli aikansa tieteellisillä teorioilla. White korosti luonnontieteilijä Charles Darwinin (1809 1882) evoluutioteorian mukaisesti, että äidin velvollisuus oli siirtää lapsilleen hyvä terveys. Käsityksensä terveyden ja moraalin suhteesta hän selitti frenologialla, jonka mukaan ihmisen elämäntavat vaikuttivat hänen luonteenpiirteisiinsä. White oli myös todennäköisesti kiinnostunut sosiaalitieteilijä Herbert Spencerin (1820 1903) ajatuksista, joiden mukaan kansalaisten kehittyessä myös yhteiskunta jalostui yhä paremmaksi. Vaikka White perusteli opetustaan modernilla tieteellä, hän oli ennen kaikkea uskonnollinen julistaja. Hän kuului 1840-luvulla herätyssaarnaaja William Millerin (1782 1849) liikkeeseen, jonka jäsenet uskoivat, että Jumala tuhoaa Yhdysvallat viimeisellä tuomiolla, mikäli kansan moraalin tila ei nopeasti kohene. Millerin liikkeen painotukset säilyivät Adventtikirkossa, joka perustettiin vuonna 1863. Siten White ymmärsi, ettei äiti ollut vastuussa vain perheensä ja kansansa maallisesta hyvinvoinnista vaan myös heidän pelastuksestaan. Whiten käsitys äidistä on mielestäni ristiriitainen. White antoi äideille paljon valtaa, mutta myös suuren vastuun. Hän korosti äitien arvokkuutta, mutta toisaalta he eivät olleet hänen mukaansa korvaamattomia. White ei myöskään huomioinut naisia, jotka eivät olleet äitejä.

Venäjän politiikka ja perustuslaki : Tutkimus Venäjän perustuslakikäsitteistön kehityksestä 1900-luvulla

Constitutional politics in Russia, a conceptual history study of the constitutional rhetoric in the 20th century In April 2006 the Russian Constitution had its 100th anniversary. Following its late start, five constitutions have been adopted. The great number of constitutions is partly explained in my work by the fact that Russia s political system has changed many times, from one state system to another. From a monarchical state power, it changed first, with the October revolution, into the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic, and after that, in 1924, into the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. In 1991, the Russian Federation was established. The great number of constitutions can also be explained by the fact that in a one-party system, constitutional concepts became one of the most important instruments for introducing political programmes. When the political unity of the state was not only restricted by the Constitution, but also by the party ideology, the political debates concerning constitutional concepts were the key discussions for all the reformative pursuits of Soviet politics. It can be said that, in the Soviet Union, almost all political discourses dealt with constitutional concepts. In the context of restricted unity, the constitutional concepts were the most important tools to argue and create a basis for a new presentation and new political programmes. Thus, the basic feature of the Soviet political discourses has been a continuous competition regarding the constitutional concepts. By defining the constitutional concepts, a new, the political elites wanted especially to redefine, their own way, the traditional meanings of the October 1917 Revolution, and to differentiate them from those of the preceding period of power. From a methodological point of view, I argue that the Russian constitutional concepts make a conceptual historical approach very suitable, and change the focus on history. This approach studies history in contemporary contexts which follow after each other, and whose texts are the main research target. The picture of history is created through the interpretation of the original sources of contemporary contexts. Focusing on the dynamic and traditional characteristic of Russian constitutional concepts, I refer to a certain kind of value and the task of these concepts to justify and define the political and societal unity in every situation. This is done by combining the pursued future orientation of constitutional unity with the new acts of preservation of the traditional principles of the revolution. The different time layers of the constitutional concepts, the past, the present and the future, are the key aspects of storytelling in justifying the continuity and redefining the constitutional unity for the sake of reform. These aspects of constitutional concepts, in addition to all the other functions, have been the main elements of the argumentative structure of acting against opponents.

What might GeoHumanities do? Possibilities, practices, publics, and politics

This article draws together seven practitioners and scholars from across the diffuse GeoHumanities community to reflect on the pasts and futures of the GeoHumanities. Far from trying to circle the intellectual wagons around orthodoxies of practice or intent, or to determine possibilities in advance, these contributions and the accompanying commentary seek to create connections across the diverse communities of knowledge and practice that constitute the GeoHumanities. Ahead of these six contributions a commentary situates these discussions within wider concerns with interdisciplinarity and identifies three common themes—possibilities practices, and publics—worthy of further discus- sion and reflection. The introduction concludes by identifying a fourth theme, politics, that coheres these three themes in productive and important ways.

The Politics of Pulp Investment and the Brazilian Landless Movement (MST)

The Politics of Pulp Investment and the Brazilian Landless Movement (MST) The paper industry has been moving more heavily to the global South at the beginning of the 21st century. In a number of cases the rural populations of the global South have engaged in increasingly important resistance in their scuffle with the large-scale tree plantation-relying pulp investment model. The resistance had generally not yet managed to slow down Southern industrial tree plantation expansion until 2004. After all, even the MST, perhaps the strongest of the Southern movements, has limited power in comparison to the corporations pushing for plantation expansion. This thesis shows how, even against these odds, depending on the mechanisms of contention and case-specific conflict dynamics, in some cases the movements have managed to slow and even reverse plantation expansion. The thesis is based on extensive field research in the Brazilian countryside. It outlines a new theory of contentious agency promotion, emphasizing its importance in the shaping of corporate resource exploitation. The thesis includes a Qualitative Comparative Analysis of resistance influence on the economic outcomes of all (14) Brazilian large-scale pulp projects between 2004-2008. The central hypothesis of the thesis is that corporate resource exploitation can be slowed down more effectively and likely when the resistance is based on contentious agency. Contentious agency is created by the concatenation of five mutually supporting mechanisms of contention: organizing and politicizing a social movement; heterodox framing of pulp projects; protesting; networking; and embedding whilst maintaining autonomy. The findings suggest that contentious agency can slow or even reverse the expansion of industrial plantations, whereas when contentious agency promotion was inactive, fast or even unchecked plantation expansion was always the outcome. The rule applied to all the assessed 14 pulp conflict cases. The hypothesis gained strong support even in situations where corporate agency promotion was simultaneously active. In previous studies on social movements, there has been a lack of contributions that help us understand the causal mechanisms of contention influencing economic outcomes. The thesis answers to the call by merging a Polanyian analysis of the political economy with the Dynamics of Contention research program and making a case for the impact of contentious agency on capital accumulation. The research concludes that an efficient social movement can utilize mechanisms of contention to promote the potential of activism among its members and influence investment outcomes. Protesting, for example via pioneering land occupations, seemed to be particularly important. Until now, there has been no comprehensive theory on when and how contentious agency can slow down or reverse the expansion of corporate resource exploitation. The original contribution of this research is to provide such a theory, and utilize it to offer an extensive explanation on the conflicts over pulp investment in Brazil, the globalization of the paper industry, and slowing of industrial plantation expansion in the global South.

Ministers as strategic political leaders? : Strategic political steering after NPM reforms in Finland

This study explores strategic political steering after the New Public Management (NPM) reforms, with emphasis on the new role assigned to Government ministers in Finland. In the NPM model, politicians concentrate on broad, principal issues, while agencies have discretion within the limits set by politicians. In Finland, strategic steering was introduced with Management by Results (MBR), but the actual tools for strategic political steering have been the Government Programme, the Government Strategy Portfolio (GSP) and Frame Budgeting. This study addresses these tools as means of strategic steering conducted by the Cabinet and individual ministers within their respective ministries. The time frame of the study includes the two Lipponen Cabinets between 1995 and 2003. Interviews with fourteen ministers as well as with fourteen top officials were conducted. In addition, administrative reform documents and documents related to strategic steering tools were analysed. The empirical conclusions of the study can be summarised as follows: There were few signs of strategic political steering in the Lipponen Cabinets. Although the Government Programmes of both Cabinets introduced strategic thinking, the strategic guidelines set forth at the beginning of the Programme were not linked to the GSP or to Frame Budgeting. The GSP could be characterised as the collected strategic agendas of each ministry, while there was neither the will nor the courage among Cabinet members to prioritise the projects and to make selections. The Cabinet used Frame Budgeting mainly in the sense of spending limits, not in making strategic allocation decisions. As for the GSP at the departmental level, projects were suggested by top officials, and ministers only approved the suggested list. Frame Budgeting at the departmental level proved to be the most interesting strategic steering tool from ministers viewpoint: they actively participated in defining which issues would need extra financing. Because the chances for extra financing were minimal, ministers had an effect only on a marginal share of the budget. At the departmental level, the study shows that strategic plans were considered the domain of officials. As for strategies concerning specific substances, there was variation in the interest shown by the ministers. A few ministers emphasised the importance of strategic work and led strategy processes. In most cases, however, officials led the process while ministers offered comments on the drafts of strategy documents. The results of this study together with experiences reported in other countries and local politics show that political decision-makers have difficulty operating at the strategic level. The conclusion is that politicians do not have sufficient incentive to perform the strategic role implied by the NPM type of reforms. Overall, the empirical results of the study indicate the power of politics over management reforms.

The Restless Love of Thinking : The Concept Liebe in Hegel's Philosophy

The German philosopher G.W.F.Hegel (1770–1831) is best known for his idealistic system philosophy, his concept of spirit [Geist] and for his dictum that the existing and the rational overlap. This thesis offers a new perspective: it examines the working of the concept ‘love’ in Hegel’s philosophy by looking at the contexts and function he puts it to, from his earliest writings to the very last lectures he gave. The starting point of the inquiry is that he applied the concept Liebe to different contexts for different purposes, but each time to provide an answer to a specific philosophical problem. His formulation, reformulation and use of ‘love’ give possible solutions to problems the solving of which was crucial to the development of his thought as a whole. The study is divided into three parts, each analysing the different problems and solutions to which Hegel applied the concept of love. The first part, "Love, morality and ethical life", examines these interconnected themes in Hegel’s early work. The main questions he addressed during this period concerned how to unite Kant’s philosophy and the Greek ideal of the good life. In this context, the concept ‘love’ did three things. First, it served to formulate his grounding idea of the relation between unity and difference, or the manifold. Secondly, it was the key to his attempt to base an ideal folk religion on Christianity interpreted as a religion of love. Finally, it provided the means to criticise Kant’s moral philosophy. The question of the moral value of love helped Hegel to break away from Kant’s thought and develop his own theory about love and ethical life. The second part of the study, "Love and the political realm", considers the way 'Liebe' functions in connection with questions concerning the community and political life in Hegel’s work. In addition to questioning the universal applicability of the concept of recognition as a key to his theory of social relations, the chapters focus on gender politics and the way he conceptualised the gender category ‘woman’ through the concept ‘love’. Another line of inquiry is the way the figure of Antigone was used to conceptualise the differentiated spheres of action for men and women, and the part ‘love’ played in Hegel’s description of Antigone’s motives. Thirdly, Hegel’s analogy of the family and the state and the way ‘love’ functions in an attempt to promote understanding of the relation between citizens and the state are examined. The third and final part of the study, "Love as absolute spirit", focuses on ‘love’ within Hegel’s systemic thought and the way he continued to characterise Geist through the language of Liebe up until and including his very last works. It is shown how Liebe functions in his hierarchical organisation of the domains of art, religion and philosophy, and how both art and religion end up in similar structural positions with regard to philosophy. One recurrent theme in the third part is Hegel’s complex relation to Romantic thought. Another line of investigation is how he reconstructed Christianity as a religion of love in his mature work. In striking contrast to his early thought, in his last works Hegel introduced a new concept of love that incorporated negativity, and that could also function as the root of political action.

The construction of a taxonomy of early childhood educators’ work

Despite considerable research on the impact of early childhood education (ECE), there is little empirical evidence about what the everyday work of educators entails. This paper reports on the development of a tool to capture generalisable data on the everyday work of educators so as to inform effective workforce policy. This tool—a taxonomy of early childhood educators’ work—was developed by drawing on the expertise of six early years’ experts from Australia and the United States of America (USA) and includes time-use diaries, focus groups and interviews with 21 early childhood educators working in long day care and preschool services. The taxonomy, which we present here, consists of 10 domains, each with a number of sub-classes. We propose that this taxonomy is a useful codification system for ascertaining the everyday work tasks, activities and actions of early childhood educators in diverse early years’ settings. It is anticipated that the taxonomy will prove a valuable tool for subsequent research investigating the early childhood workforce.