971 resultados para Third Christian Church (Indianapolis, Ind.)


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The international aid that the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland received between 1945 and 1948 is the topic of this historical study, in which the process of reconstruction of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland is examined in a European context. The key questions are related not only to the achievements of the reconstruction programs but also to the purposes and objectives of the donating churches. The study pays particular attention to the changes in the ecclesiastical, political and economic fields after the Second World War and asks how the tense political atmosphere of a divided world affected the reconstruction programs of the churches. It is possible to distinguish three periods within the European church reconstruction process. To begin with, the year 1945 was, in general, the year of organization. Many churches had started planning reconstruction work already during the war, but only after the conflict in Europe had ceased did they have a chance to renew contacts, assess the damage and begin operations. The years 1946 and 1947 were the main years of the work. Large reconstruction organizations from American churches donated money, food, clothes and vitamins worth millions of dollars to the European churches. The work started to diminish as early as 1948, partly because Marshall Plan aid and the rising standard of living had reduced the need for material assistance in many countries and partly because other problems overshadowed the reconstruction work of the World Council of Churches: for example, most WCC resources at this time were directed to refugee programs and to Third World churhces. The most important donors from the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland's point of view were the American Section of the Lutheran World Federation, the World Council of Churches and the Churches of Denmark, Sweden and England. The amount of money and value of goods received by the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland totaled approximately 2.5 million dollars, from which about 60 per cent came from the Lutheran churches of America. The importance of the Lutheran World Federation was even greater because of the productive financial arrangements that increased the American Lutheran funds. In addition the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland imported hundreds of tons of tax-free coffee and sold this to Finns. The money gained was used mostly to rebuild destroyed church buildings and to support the work of different ecclesiastical organizations. Smaller amounts were used for scholarship programs, youth work, and supporting sick and disabled church workers.

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This study in church history deals with the formation of aims in the church politics of the Centre Party during a period of extensive politicisation in Finnish society – 1966 to 1978. The focus is on the processes of creating political input within the party organisation. The most important source material consists of the records of the highest party organs as well as material from the party office and the party’s committee for church politics. In the late 1960s, at a time of leftist radicalism in Finnish society, issues concerning the Church were seldom dealt with in the highest party organs, even though informal discussion took place within the party. This phase was followed by a conservative reaction in society during the 1970s. The rightist trend as well as the ongoing politicisation process substantially strengthened the role of church politics in the party. An aim of great importance was to prevent those supporters who belonged to the Lutheran revival movements from moving into the Finnish Christian League. Therefore it became increasingly important to prove that the Centre Party was defending the Church as well as so-called Christian values in state politics, e.g., by advocating religious instruction in schools. The Centre Party also defended the independence and legal status of the Church, at the same time positioning itself against Finland’s Social Democratic Party. Many party members were of the opinion that the church politics should have been about defending the Church and Christian values in state politics instead of defending the proportional share of the party’s seats in the ecclesiastical decision-making system. Nevertheless, the struggle for hegemony between the Centre Party and the Social Democrats was reflected in the Evangelical Lutheran Church particularly since 1973. Thus the aims of church politics were increasingly directed towards ecclesiastical elections and appointments in the 1970s. To justify its activities in church elections, the party stressed that it was not politicising the Church. To the contrary, it was asserted that the church leaders themselves had politicised the Church by favouring the Social Democrats. These alleged efforts to affiliate the Church with one political party were strictly condemned in the Centre Party. But when it came to the political parties’ activity in church elections, opinions diverged. Generally, the issues of church politics resembled those of the party’s trade union politics in the 1970s.

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The Population Register – run by the Church or the state? The problem posed by the obligation to belong to a religious community in the registration of births and deaths in Finland between 1839 and 1904 The Lutheran Church of Finland is the nation’s largest church; approximately 82 per cent of Finns were members in 2007. The Church ran an official register of its members until 1999, when the state then undertook this task. The registration of births and deaths by the Church has a long history dating back to the 17th century, when Bishop Johannes Gezelius Sr. decreed that all parish members would have to be recorded in parish registers. These registers were used to control how well parish members knew the Christian doctrine and, gradually, also if they were literate. Additionally, the Church attempted to ensure by means of the parish registers that parish members went to Holy Communion annually. Since everyone was a member of the Lutheran Church, the state also took advantage of the parish registers and used them for the purposes of tax collection and conscription. The main research theme of “The Population Register – run by the Church or the state?” goes back to these times. The actual research period covers the years of 1839–1904. At that time Finland was under Russian rule, although autonomous. In the late 19th century the press and different associations in Finland began to engage in public debate, and the country started moving from a submissive society to a civic one. The identity of the Lutheran Church also became more prominent when the Church Act and the General Synod were realised in 1869. A few years earlier, municipal and parish administrations had been separated, but the general registration of births and deaths was left to the Church to see to. In compliance with the constitution of the country, all the inhabitants in principle still had to be Lutheran. In practice, the situation was different. The religious and ideological realms diversified, and the Lutheran concept of religion was no longer acceptable to everyone. The conflict was reflected in the registration of births and deaths, which was linked to the Lutheran Church and its parish registers. Nobody was allowed to leave the Church, there was no civil register, and the Lutheran Church did not consent to record unbaptized children in the parish registers. Therefore such children were left without civil rights. Thus the obligation to belong to a religious community had become a problem in the registration of births and deaths. The Lutheran clergy also appealed to the 1723 privileges, according to which they had been exempted from the drawing up of additional population registers. In 1889 Finland passed the Dissenters Act. By virtue of this act the Baptists and the Methodists left the state Church, but this was not the case with the members of the free churches. The freethinkers had to retain their church membership, as the law did not apply to them. This meant that the unbaptized children of the members of the free churches or those of freethinkers were still not entered in any registers. The children were not able to go to school, work for the state or legally marry. Neither were they able to inherit property, as they did not legally exist. The system of parish registers was created when everyone was required to be a member of the Lutheran Church, but it did not work when liberal attitudes eventually penetrated the sphere of religion, too. The government´s measures to solve the problem were slow and cautious, partly because Finland was part of Russia, partly because there were only about 100 unbaptized children. As the problem group was small and the state´s resources were limited, no general civil register was established. The state accepted the fact that in spite of the problems, the Evangelical Lutheran Church and the congregations of dissenters were the only official establishments to run populations registers in the country, and for social purposes, too. In 1900 the Diet of Finland finally approved a limited civil register, which unbaptized children and unregistered foreigners would be recorded in. Due to political reasons the civil register did not come into existence until 1917, after the actual research period.

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The aim of the study was to analyse Church Youth Work Leader students different processes of developing their spirituality and professional identity. The study was carried out in connection with the church-orientated education at the Diaconia University of Applied Sciences (Diak). The method of the study was narrative analysis. The data consisted of stories written (N=46) and told (N=10) by students, that were collected over three years in two units of Diak. The data was analysed in two ways: first with categorical-content analysis, and then with holistic-content analysis and holistic-form reading in order to establish the comprehensive views of complete narratives. The theoretical starting-point was to regard spirituality widely, including religion and faith. In the first data analysis, this theory was focused so that spirituality was namely Christian spirituality including personal faith and worship, membership in the Christian community and persons values and ideas about the meaning of life. The results of the investigation were presented in five model narratives. The story of a social care worker represents the process of a student orientating to social work. In this story spirituality manifested as a part of social and personal identity but not as a part of professional identity. The vocation for helping people led the student to social care work. In the story of a counselor, students good connection to their home parish took a central role. They had good experiences working as young Christian volunteers, and during their studies this volunteer role became professional role. Spirituality was strongly joined to professional identity. The story of an educator represents a vocation for spiritual work and youth work in the church. In this story students also had good connections to their home parishes. Spirituality manifested as a part of personal, social and professional identity. In the story of a spiritual worker or preacher, each person s spiritual vocation was remarkable. Spirituality was extremely individual and it defined the personal, social and professional identity. Spiritual devotion caused a change in students orientation from the church to social services. The story of a searcher tells about a student who is still looking for her or his own profession. The focus of the story was on personal growth and considering one s values and the meaning of life. Spirituality was manifested in personal identity. The results indicate that the practical placements in the second academic year have an important effect on students professional orientation and professional identity. The connection to the local parish has also significant meaning for students spiritual formation and development into church professions.

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The research goal was to clarify how ministers in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland construct their identities when they confront family and sexual issues, particularly as seen in their narrations about their work and the factors that influence their ways of working. The approach was a narrative one placing the emphases was on the internal story. The research material consisted of interviews of 19 ministers and the written biographies of 3 ministers who had also been interviewed. The data was analysed narratively (analysis of the narrations and a narrative analysis). The life stories were classified on the basis of the logic in each, and five different internal story types were created: the persons on the road to recovery, those within safe boundaries, those who had learnt to be critical, those with an obligation to help, and those who had grown to be open. In all of the story types was evidented a conflict between the ministry of the Church and the way it was adapted to the lives of individuals experiencing family and sexual issues. On one hand, this was a source of stress at work, but on the other, it offered a chance to create new images of ministers struggling with family and sexual issues. Life experience was found to be important when the study subjects interpreted and dealt with family and sexual issues. Those on the road to recovery felt that becoming a Christian and the personal recovery that faith had made possible had a significant impact on their personal lives. This healing effect of faith was also a strengthening factor for them when they dealt with family and sexual issues. Typically, they approached work situations by taking into account their faith and the type of psychological knowledge that was acceptable within the boundaries set by it. Those within safe boundaries worked within the limits prescribed by the revivalist movement that they had grown up in, from their childhood onwards, and their experiences in adulthood had even strengthened their commitment to the movement. Typically, they were keen to proclaim the views of the movement in public, but they were also prone to stay silent if and when felt those views would cause an uproar. Those who had learnt to be critical had previously been holistically committed to the views expressed by the Church in family and sexual matters. It was their experiences in life that had led them into conflict with the teachings of the Church. Their approach to work was one of ambivalence resulting from a conflict between their current and previous views, which was further exacerbated by their irresolution concerning how a minister should act in these situations. Those with an obligation to help questioned the church teachings marriage as the only family ideal. When they met various kinds of families and sexual identities, and also when they adopted the identity of a helper, the foundation of their ministerial identity was the Two Commandments of Love. Their work was burdened, however, by a fear of how the Church and the parishioners would take their teaching. Those who had grown to be open were more sure of themselves than the other groups. Years in the ministry as well as life-long experience had made them into persons who were following paths of their own. Openly critical of the views on family and sexual issues proclaimed by the Church, they were keen to present their personal convictions and were able to defend these publicly when necessary. Search words: Narrative research, internal story, minister, church, family, sexuality.

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Modern Christian theology has been at pain with the schism between the Bible and theology, and between biblical studies and systematic theology. Brevard Springs Childs is one of biblical scholars who attempt to dismiss this “iron curtain” separating the two disciplines. The present thesis aims at analyzing Childs’ concept of theological exegesis in the canonical context. In the present study I employ the method of systematic analysis. The thesis consists of seven chapters. Introduction is the first chapter. The second chapter attempts to find out the most important elements which exercise influence on Childs’ methodology of biblical theology by sketching his academic development during his career. The third chapter attempts to deal with the crucial question why and how the concept of the canon is so important for Childs’ methodology of biblical theology. In chapter four I analyze why and how Childs is dissatisfied with historical-critical scholarship and I point out the differences and similarities between his canonical approach and historical criticism. The fifth chapter attempts at discussing Childs’ central concepts of theological exegesis by investigating whether a Christocentric approach is an appropriate way of creating a unified biblical theology. In the sixth chapter I present a critical evaluation and methodological reflection of Childs’ theological exegesis in the canonical context. The final chapter sums up the key points of Childs’ methodology of biblical theology. The basic results of this thesis are as follows: First, the fundamental elements of Childs’ theological thinking are rooted in Reformed theological tradition and in modern theological neo-orthodoxy and in its most prominent theologian, Karl Barth. The American Biblical Theological Movement and the controversy between Protestant liberalism and conservatism in the modern American context cultivate his theological sensitivity and position. Second, Childs attempts to dismiss negative influences of the historical-critical method by establishing canon-based theological exegesis leading into confessional biblical theology. Childs employs terminology such as canonical intentionality, the wholeness of the canon, the canon as the most appropriate context for doing a biblical theology, and the continuity of the two Testaments, in order to put into effect his canonical program. Childs demonstrates forcefully the inadequacies of the historical-critical method in creating biblical theology in biblical hermeneutics, doctrinal theology, and pastoral practice. His canonical approach endeavors to establish and create post-critical Christian biblical theology, and works within the traditional framework of faith seeking understanding. Third, Childs’ biblical theology has a double task: descriptive and constructive, the former connects biblical theology with exegesis, the later with dogmatic theology. He attempts to use a comprehensive model, which combines a thematic investigation of the essential theological contents of the Bible with a systematic analysis of the contents of the Christian faith. Childs also attempts to unite Old Testament theology and New Testament theology into one unified biblical theology. Fourth, some problematic points of Childs’ thinking need to be mentioned. For instance, his emphasis on the final form of the text of the biblical canon is highly controversial, yet Childs firmly believes in it, he even regards it as the corner stone of his biblical theology. The relationship between the canon and the doctrine of biblical inspiration is weak. He does not clearly define whether Scripture is God’s word or whether it only “witnesses” to it. Childs’ concepts of “the word of God” and “divine revelation” remain unclear, and their ontological status is ambiguous. Childs’ theological exegesis in the canonical context is a new attempt in the modern history of Christian theology. It expresses his sincere effort to create a path for doing biblical theology. Certainly, it was just a modest beginning of a long process.

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In the High Middle Ages female saints were customarily noble virgins. Thus, as a wife and a mother of eight children, the Swedish noble lady Birgitta (1302/3 1373) was an atypical candidate for sanctity. However, in 1391 she was canonized only 18 years after her death and became a role model for many late medieval women, who were mothers and widows. The dissertation Power and Authority Birgitta of Sweden and Her Revelations investigates how Birgitta went about establishing her power and authority during the first ten years of her career as a living saint, in 1340 1349. It is written from the perspectives of gender, authority, and power. The sources consist of approximately seven hundred revelations, hagiographical texts and other medieval documents. This work concentrates on the interaction between Birgitta and her audience. During her lifetime Birgitta was already regarded as a holy woman, as a living saint. A living saint could be given no formal papal or other recognition, for one could never be certain about his or her future activities. Thus, the living saint needed an audience for whom to perform signs of sanctity. In this study particular attention is paid to situations within which the power relations between the living saint and her audience can be traced and are open to critical analysis. Situations of conflict that arose in Birgitta s life are especially fruitful for this purpose. During the Middle Ages, institutional power and authority were exclusively in the hands of secular male leaders and churchmen. In this work it is argued, however, that Birgitta used different kinds of power than men. It is evident that she exercized influence on lay people as well as on secular and clerical authorities. The second, third, and fourth chapter of this study examine the beginning of Birgitta s career as a visionary, what factors and influences lay behind it, and what kind of roles they played in establishing her religious authority. The fifth, sixth, and seventh chapter concentrate on Birgitta s exercising of power in specific situations during her time in Sweden until she left on a pilgrimage to Rome in 1349. The central question is how she exercised power with different people. As a result, this book will offer a narrative of Birgitta s social interactions in Sweden seen from the perspectives of power and authority. Along with the concept of power, authority is a key issue. By definition, one who has power also has authority but a person who does not have official power can, nevertheless, have authority. Authority in action is defined here as meaning that a person was listened to. Birgitta acted both in situations of open conflict and where no conflict was evident. Her strategies included, for example, inducement, encouragement and flattery. In order to make people do as she felt was right she also threatened them openly with divine wrath. Sometimes she even used both positive persuasion and threats. Birgitta s power seems very similar to that of priests and ascetics. Common to all of them was that their power demanded interaction with other people and audiences. Because Birgitta did not have power and authority ex officio she had to persuade people to believe in her powers. She did this because she was convinced of her mission and sought to make people change their lives. In so doing, she moved from the domestic field to the public fields of religion and politics.

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Individuality and the Community in the Development of K. E. Nipkow's Theory of Religious Education from 1960 to 1990 The purpose of this study was to describe and analyze the development occurred between 1960 and 1990 of the theory of religious education as proposed by K. E. Nipkow, the German Religious Education specialist, from the point of view of individuality and the community. Nipkow's methodological approach of dialectic convergence theory resulted in a dialogue between theological and educational factors, which supported the thirty-year development of Nipkow's models, theoretical foundations, and theory of religious education. Nipkow's doctoral dissertation, published in 1960, deals with individuality in the thinking of Pestalozzi, Humboldt and Schleiermacher. Nipkow regarded individuality as one of the basic concepts of education, which were to be interpreted anew as social and historical situations changed. In the late 1960s Nipkow developed the so-called experiential hermeneutically oriented context model for the needs of religious education. In this model, individuality is expressed in the attention paid to pupils' life situations and the educational reality. The multi-dimensional theoretical framework of religious education in 1975 emphasized supporting identity as a fundamental task of religious education. The concept of individuality was thus given a new form, in accordance with contemporary theories of developmental psychology. Other fundamental tasks, such as the socio-ethical task, the task of critical religious thinking, and that of ecumenical learning, meant a more specific emphasis on the community. It was an outline of a liberating education, which faced the individualistic-existential and social-ecclesiastical challenges of the time with a critical attitude. The further development of the theoretical outline in 1982 continued to uphold the perspectives of both individuality and the community, as Nipkow combined a historical-social dimension with theories of developmental psychology, especially that of life-span research. According to him, the development of the individual and communal life-reality belonged together. The fundamental task of religious education came to be learning to live and believe together. Nipkow transferred the idea of dialogue into inter-generational learning and developed elementarization as a methodology of Religious Education, which takes into account the point of departure of each age group. His theory of educational responsibility in the church (1990) contained the tasks of walking alongside the individual and the renewal of church communities as prerequisites of communicating the Christian faith in an era characterized by multifaceted Christianity. The "geisteswissenschaftliche" school and its concepts (Ger. Individualität; Bildung) were found to be the explanatory factor of the concepts of individuality and the community in the development of Nipkow's theory of religious education. The concept of education employed by Nipkow (Ger. Bildung) implies, on one hand, the individuality, autonomy, freedom and personal responsibility of people of different ages, and on the other hand, the dialogical nature of education in the community facilitated by this concept. Theologically, Nipkow associates himself in his views on individuality and the community with Schleiermacher's understanding of faith, of which openness towards the world was characteristic. The significance of individuality and the community in Nipkow's thinking was, furthermore, deepened by his participation, as a member of working parties, in the educational discussions of the World Council of Churches.

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The Pastor and the Bible: Finnish Evangelical Lutheran Pastors Relationship with the Bible Since 1970s there has been extensive discussion in Finland about questions relating to the interpretation of the Bible. The themes of this discussion have focused on the trustworthiness and authority of the Bible, and the discussion has attracted participation not only from representatives of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland but also from representatives of the academic community. The discussion has resulted in extensive publication on the relation of postmodern theology to the Bible. Despite this debate and the texts that have been produced, there is little empirical data on how Evangelical Lutheran pastors with theological education view the Bible. In the present study, 22 pastors of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland were interviewed about how they defined their relationship with the Bible. The interview material was analyzed by means of data-based content analysis. The analysis showed, first, that the pastors viewed the Bible as a mirror of the spiritual growth that they had experienced in the past. Second, the Bible was viewed as a source in the interpretation of matters of faith. The third theme concerned the pastors key experiences in their relationship with the authority of the Bible. The time periods that were significant in defining pastors spiritual growth and past perspective on the Bible included childhood, youth, the period of theological education, and the time spent as a pastor. In childhood, the Bible was part of the spiritual atmosphere of the home, and parents and grandparents made a crucial contribution to the child s emerging view of the Bible. In childhood, the Bible was essentially the Old Testament and its exciting stories. In youth, reading the Bible became more personal, and the teachings of Jesus began to take on a more central role. In youth, most of the interviewees had strong experiences of faith and began to view the Bible as an absolute and divine source of dogma. The period of theological studies meant a change in their relationship with the Bible and particularly, revelation of the human aspects of the Bible. These changes were associated with a deepening of belief in the Bible and also a painful crisis in questions related to the trustworthiness of the Bible. For many of the interviewees, their relationship with the Bible changed also when they started their work as pastors. When faced with a call to work as a pastor, the interviewees created a synthesis of the secure faith that they had experienced in their childhood and the more critical views with which they had become acquainted during their theological education. Pastorhood meant the beginning of public teaching of the Bible. The interviewees felt that, in this new role, they discovered again - but now in a deeper sense - the trustworthiness in the bible that they had experienced during their childhood. Based on the interviewees experiences during the periods mentioned above, five different interpretations were formed regarding how the interviewed pastors viewed their past relationship with the Bible. These interpretations were detachment from literal interpretation of the Bible (1), changes in their relationship with the Bible arising from experiences of faith (2), a slow process during which their relationship with the Bible became more human (3), overcoming hardships (4), and no change in their relationship with the Bible (5). In interpretations 1-3, the past was described as a linear development and journey towards a more coherent relationship with the Bible. Interpretations 4-5, in turn, reflected a desire to detach oneself from the perspectives of linear development and change and, instead, emphasize the immutable and process-like nature of one s relationship with the Bible. Concerning the Bible as a source in matters of faith, a conspicuous aspect of the interviews was that all pastors wanted to disconnect themselves from a fundamentalistic view of the Bible, regarding this as an intellectually dishonest relationship with the Bible. On the other hand, none of the interviewees supported a totally relativist view of the Bible. Instead, all interviewees regarded the Bible as a vital source for both them and the Evangelical Lutheran Church. Between the two poles of extremely fundamental and extremely relativistic views, four different categories of viewing the Bible emerged from the interviews: absolute truth (a), a book about the message of salvation (b), a book about holiness and generous love (c), and a source of inspiration (d). The views in categories (a) and (b) emphasized the divine nature of the Bible. According to the pastors who expressed these views, the Bible contains a clear and trustworthy message of God. The views in categories (c) and (d), in turn, emphasized the human aspects of the Bible. The pastors who expressed these views regarded the Bible as a collection of books that was born in a specific historical and cultural context and includes material characteristic to this time. Due to the time-bound nature of the Bible, each generation has to update its view of the Bible. The views in categories (c) and (d) arose from human reality. Comparisons of the views in the different categories indicated that despite their obvious differences, they also shared some common features. The views in categories (a) and (d) shared the common feature of absoluteness, which was seen in category (a) as an emphasis on dogmatism and in category (d) as an emphasis on rationalism. The views in categories (b) and (c), in turn, shared the common feature of a flexible and dynamic relationship with the Bible. The key experiences that appeared to characterize pastors relationship with the authority of the Bible were a joy that arises from self-evidence, awakening to confusion, fear of openness, falling back upon paradoxes, and new confidence. These experiences reveal the circular nature of the process that was common to all interviewees interpretation of their relationship with the Bible. That is, the interviewees experiences of their relationship with the Bible seem to go through a circular process that is activated again and again in new life events. It is like a journey from self-evidence towards critical questions and again back to new confidence. The interview material showed, hence, that relationship with the Bible are characterized by a process that involves experiences of trust, questioning and new trust. The present study brings out the multifaceted reality of pastors relationship with the Bible. The study breaks down contradictions between conservative and liberal views of the Bible by showing how representatives of these opposing poles share commonalities in their attitudes. The study points to a close association between an individual s life history and his or her relationship with the Bible, and lays the groundwork for future studies to investigate the relation between personality and view of the Bible.

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This study describes and analyses two Lebanese Muslims and two Lebanese Christians ideas about Christian-Muslim dialogue, its nature, aims, and methods and its different dimensions, which include doctrinal, ethical, and social dimensions. On the basis of the analysis, the four thinkers contributions for promoting constructive dialogue are evaluated. The persons studied are two religious authorities, the Shiite Great Ayatollah Muhammad Husayn Fadlallah (b. 1935) and the Eastern Orthodox Metropolitan of Mount Lebanon, Georges Khodr (b. 1923), and two academic scholars, Doctor Mahmoud Ayoub (b. 1935) and Doctor, Father Mouchir Aoun (b. 1964), from the Shiite and Greek Catholic communities, respectively. The method of the study is systematic analysis. The sources consist of the four thinkers writings on Christian-Muslim relations, the most of which have been published in Lebanon in the 1990s and 2000s in the Arabic language. In their general guidelines for Christian-Muslim dialogue, the four authors do not offer any novel or unusual insights. However, their dialogue visions are multi-faceted, motivating interreligious encounter both on religious and practical grounds and clarifying the theological grounds and socio-political conditions of this endeavour. The major challenge appears to be the tension between loyalty to one s own convictions and taking into account the particular self-understanding of the other. While this tension may be ultimately unsolvable, it is obvious that linking dialogue tightly to missionary motivations or certain theological agenda imposed on the others is not conducive for better mutual understanding. As for how diverse theologies of religions affect interreligious dialogue, narrow exclusivism hardly promotes mutual knowledge and appreciation, but also inclusive and pluralistic positions have their particular dilemmas. In the end, dialogue is possible from diverse positions on theology of religions. All the authors discuss the theological themes of divine revelation, concept of God, and human condition and ultimate destiny. The two religions particular views on these issues cannot be reconciled, but the authors offer diverse means to facilitate mutual understanding on them, such as increasing mutual knowledge, questioning certain traditional condemnations, showing theological parallels between the two religions, and transcending doctrinal disagreements by stressing common religious experience or ethical concerns. Among the theological themes, especially the concept of God seems to offer possibilities for better understanding than has traditionally been the case. Significantly, all the four authors maintain that Christians and Muslims share the faith in the one God, irrespective of their disagreements about the nature of his oneness. Basic ethical principles are not discussed as widely by the four authors as might be expected, which may reflect the shared cultural background and common ethical values of the Lebanese Muslims and Christians. On this level, Christians alienation from the Islamic law appears as the most significant challenge to mutual understanding, while neighbourly love and the golden rule of ethics offer a fruitful basis for further dialogue. As for the issue of political power-sharing in Lebanon, it is clear that the proposal of an Islamic state is problematic in a country with a sizable Christian minority and a heterogeneous Muslim population. Some form of democracy seems more viable for a multireligious country, but the question remains how to retain religion as a vital force in society, which is felt to be important by all the four Lebanese authors.

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The theology of marriage in the Church of England(CofE) and in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland(ELCF)1963–2006 The method of the study is a systematic analysis of the sources. In the CofE marriage stems from creation, but it is also sacramental, grounded in the theology of love and redemption. Man and woman have a connection between them that is a mystical union in character because of the one between Christ and the Church; therefore every marriage is sacramental. The purposes of marriage have been expressed in a different order than earlier. A caring relationship and sexuality are set before childbirth as the causes of marriage. The remedial cause of marriage is also moved to the background and it cannot be found in the recent wedding formulas. A personal relationship and marriage as a school of faith and love have a central place in the theology of marriage. The theology of love unites the love of God and marriage. In the CofE the understanding of divorce and co-habiting has changed, too. Co-habiting can now be understood as a stage towards marriage. Divorce has been understood as a phenomenon that must be taken as a fact after an irretrievable breakdown of marriage. Thus the church must concentrate on pastoral care after divorce. Similarly, the ELCF also maintains that the order of creation is the origin of marriage as a lifelong institution. This is also an argument for the solemnization of marriage in the church. Faith and grace are not needed for real marriage because marriage is the culmination of reason and natural law. The society defines marriage and the church gives its blessing to the married couples if so requested. Luther’s view of marriage is different from this because he saw marriage as a school of love and faith, similar to CofE. He saw faith as essential to enable the fullfillment of natural law. Marriage in the ELCF is mostly a matter of natural ethics. An ideal form of life is sought through the Golden Rule. This interpretation of marriage means that it does not presuppose Christian education for children to follow. The doctrine of the two kingdoms is definitely essential as background. It has been impugned by scholars, however, as a permanent foundation of marriage. There is a difference between the marriage formulas and the other sources concerning the purposes of marriage in the ELCF. The formulas do not include sexuality, childbirth or children and their education as purposes of marriage. The formulas include less theological vocabulary than in the CofE. The liturgy indicates the doctrine in CofE. In the Lutheran churches there is not any need to express the doctrine in the wedding formulas. This has resulted in less theology of marriage in the formulas. The theology of Luther is no longer any ruling principle in the theology of marriage. The process of continuing change in society refines the terms for marriage more than the theological arguments do.

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The Ideal of Volunteerism. An institutional approach to social welfare work in the parishes of the Diocese of Porvoo especially in the deaneries of Iitti and Tampere, Finland, in the years 1897-1923 Social welfare work (also known as diakonia) has achieved a high status in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland. Since 1944, provisions of the Finnish Church Act have obliged each parish to employ at least one deacon or deaconess. This study sets out to examine the background and development of social welfare work in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland from the 1890s to the 1920s, by which time social welfare work had become an established practice in the Church. The study investigates the development of social welfare work on the level of parishes. The main source material was collected from sixteen parishes in the Diocese of Porvoo especially in the deaneries of Iitti and Tampere. In the 1890s, two approaches were used in church social work in Finland. The dioceses of Kuopio, Savonlinna and Turku pursued a congregational approach to social work, while the Diocese of Porvoo employed an institutional approach, mainly because of the influence of Bishop Herman Råbergh. This study charts the formation of church social work in Finnish parishes, which took place during a period of tension between the two approaches. The institutional approach to church social work adopted by the Diocese of Porvoo was based on the German system of Asisters= houses@, in which deaconess institutes sent parish sisters to serve congregations. The parish or, in many cases, a separate association dedicated to church social work paid an annual fee to the deaconess institute, which took care of the parish sisters in old age. In the institutional approach, volunteers were recruited to carry out church social work. It was considered as inappropriate to use tax revenue or other public funding for church social work, which was supposed to be based on Christian love for one=s fellow humans and the needy, and for which only voluntary financial contributions were supposed to be used. In the congregational approach, church social work was directly based on the efforts of the parish. The approach relied on the administrative bodies of parishes and the Church, and tax revenue collected by the parishes, as well as other forms of public funding, could be used to carry out the social welfare work. The parishes employed deacons and deaconesses and paid their salaries. The approaches described above were not pursued in their ideal forms; instead, many variations existed. However, in principle, the social welfare work undertaken by the parishes of the Diocese of Porvoo was based on the institutional approach, while the congregational approach was largely employed elsewhere in Finland. Both of the approaches were viable. Parishes began to employ deacons and deaconesses as of the 1890s. The number of parishes which had hired a deacon or deaconess increased particularly in the 1910s, by which time 60% of parishes had employed one. This level was maintained until 1944 when each parish in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland was obliged to employ a deacon or deaconess. Deaconesses usually worked as travelling nurses. The autonomous status of Finland as part of the Russian Empire did not give Finns the right to develop legislation on social affairs and health care. Consequently, the legislation process did not begin until Finland gained its independence in 1917. The social welfare work carried out by parishes and a number of voluntary organisations satisfied the emerging need for medical treatment in Finnish society. Neither the government nor the municipalities had sufficient resources to provide this treatment. Based on the ideal of volunteerism, the institutional social work practiced in the Diocese of Porvoo ran into serious difficulties at the end of the First World War. Because of severe inflation, prices began to rise as of 1915 and tripled in 1917-1918. During the same period, Finnish society went through a deep crisis which escalated into Civil War in spring 1918. This period of economic and social turmoil marked a turning-point which led to a weakening of the status of institutional social work in parishes. Voluntary efforts were no longer sufficient to maintain the practice. In contrast, congregational social work, which was based on public funding, was able to cope with the changes and survived the crisis. The approach to social work adopted by the Diocese of Porvoo turned out to be no more than a brief detour in the history of social work in the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland. At the start of the 1920s, the two approaches were integrated into a common vision for establishing church social work as a statutory practice in parishes.

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Light to the East? The Finnish Lutheran Mission and the Soviet Union 1967 1973 The Cold War affected the lives of Christian churches, especially in Europe. Besides the official ecumenical relations between east and west, there existed unofficial activity from west to east, such as smuggling Bibles and distributing information about the severe condition of human rights in the USSR. This study examines this kind of unofficial activity originating in Finland. It especially concentrates on the missionary work to the Soviet Union done by the Finnish Lutheran Mission (FLM, Suomen Evankelisluterilainen Kansanlähetys) founded in 1967. The work for Eastern Europe was organised through the Department for the Slavic Missions. FLM was founded within the Evangelical Lutheran Church of Finland, but it was not connected to the church on an organisational level. In addition to the strong emphasis on the Lutheran confession, FLM presented evangelical theology. The fundamental work of the Department for the Slavic Missions was to organise the smuggling of Bibles and other Christian literature to the Soviet Union and other countries behind the iron curtain. They also financed several Christian radio programmes produced and aired mainly by the international Trans World Radio. The Department diversified its activity to humanitarian help by distributing material help such as clothes and shoes to the unregistered evangelical and baptist groups, which were called the underground churches . In Finland the Department focused on information services. It published its own magazine, Valoa idässä (Light in the East), 5 to 6 times per year. Through the magazine and by distributing samizdat material received from the unregistered Christian groups, it discussed and reported the violations of human rights in the Soviet Union, especially when the unregistered Christian groups were considered the victims. The resistance against the Soviet Union was not as much political but religious: the staff of the Department were religious and revivalist young people who thought, for instance, that communism was in some way an apocalyptic world power revealed in the Bible. Smuggling Bibles was discussed widely in the Finnish media and even in parliament and the Finnish Security Police (SUPO, Suojelupoliisi) and in the Lutheran Church. From the church s point of view, this kind of missionary work was understandable but bothersome. Through their ecumenical connections, the bishops knew the critical situation of churches behind the iron curtain very well, but wanted to act diplomatically and cautiously to prevent causing harm to ecumenical or political relations. The leftist media and members of parliament especially accused the work of the Department of being illegal and endangering relations between Finland and the Soviet Union. SUPO did not consider the work of the Department as illegal activity or as a threat to Finnish national security.

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Previous scholarship has often maintained that the Gospel of Philip is a collection of Valentinian teachings. In the present study, however, the text is read as a whole and placed into a broader context by searching for parallels from other early Christian texts. Although the Valentinian Christian identity of the Gospel of Philip is not questioned, it is read alongside those texts traditionally labelled as "mainstream Christian". It is obvious from the account of Irenaeus that the boundaries between the Valentinians and other Christians were not as clear or fixed as he probably would have hoped. This study analyzes the Valentinian Christian Gospel of Philip from two points of view: how the text constructs the Christian identity and what kind of Christianity it exemplifies. Firstly, it is observed how the author of the Gospel of Philip places himself and his Christian readers among the early Christianities of the period by emphasizing the common history and Christian features but building especially on particular texts and traditions. Secondly, it is noted how the Christian nature of an individual develops according to the Gospel of Philip. The identity of an individual is built and strengthened through rituals, experiences and teaching. Thirdly, the categorizations, attributes, beliefs and behaviour associated on the one hand with the "insiders", the true Christians, and, on the other, with outsiders in the Gospel of Philip, are analyzed using social identity theory the insiders and outsiders are described through stereotyping in the text. Overall, the study implies that the Gospel of Philip strongly emphasizes spiritual progress and transformation. Rather than depicting the Valentinians as the perfect Christians, it underlines their need for constant change and improvement. Although the author seeks to clearly distinguish the insiders from the outsiders, the boundaries of the categories are in fact fluid in the Gospel of Philip. Outsiders can become insiders and the insiders are also in danger of falling out again.