1000 resultados para Direito civil-constitucional


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The criminal responsibility of the media is analyzed when the criteria for production of news and events involving public safety are produced without considering the technical, legal and ethical practice of journalism in the media factors. Freedom of speech, expression of thought, necessary for professional qualifications and constitutional limits, reaching criminal constitutional principles and the possibilities of criminal liability for offenses practiced in the media are present as key factors legal dialogue in this work. The judgment of the Supreme Court on the unconstitutionality of Law nº. 5.250/67 called Media Law caused a gap in the national legal system, forcing the use of the criminal code to address issues that involve crimes produced in media professional performance. The presumption of innocence is ignored by the professional media during a police investigation where the information published does not respect, including constitutional guarantees: the right to privacy, honor and image. The right to information and the duty to inform media are worked in its constitutional aspect, considering that the same information should be produced is guided by the quality and guiding principles of truth. The constitutional concept of media is presented as information with the appropriate language of the news media, produced and disseminated through the vehicles of mass media, whether in print or digital platform. The presented model of the legal right to information is outlined from a constitutional hermeneutics, increasing the production of news as a result of the occupation of journalist in different news platforms, guaranteeing the quality of this prolific law. Under the Freedom of professional activity of the journalist, the constitutional limits are addressed in line with the reality of (non) regulation of their profession, considering the constitutional abuses committed in the exercise of that activity linked to communication fences. Jusphilosophic field reaches the limits of the duty of truth in journalism as a tool for spreading news, respect the audience and compatibility with the constitutional state. Using the conceptual and doctrinal aspects, this criminal offense is parsed from the journalistic practice and the publication of news involving public safety, with the hypothetical field consummation of that crime through the eventual intention. As a form of judgment against these crimes produced in honor media presents the court of the jury as a legitimate form of democratic decision

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If, on one hand, only with the 1988 Federal Constitution the right to health began to receive the treatment of authentic fundamental social right; on the other, it is certain since then, the level of concretization reached as to such right depicts a mismatch between the constitutional will and the will of the rulers. That is because, despite the inherent gradualness of the process of concretization of the fundamental social rights, the Brazilian reality, marked by a picture of true chaos on public health routinely reported on the evening news, denatures the priority status constitutionally drew for the right to health, demonstrating, thus, that there is a clear deficit in this process, which must be corrected. This concern regarding the problem of the concretization of the social rights, in turn, is underlined when one speaks of the right to health, since such right, due to its intimate connection with the right to life and human dignity, ends up assuming a position of primacy among the social rights, presenting itself as an imperative right, since its perfect fruition becomes an essential condition for the potential enjoyment of the remaining social rights. From such premises, this paper aims to provide a proposal for the correction of this problem based upon the defense of an active role of the Judiciary in the concretization of the right to health as long as grounded to objective and solid parameters that come to correct, with legal certainty, the named deficit and to avoid the side effects and distortions that are currently beheld when the Judiciary intends to intervene in the matter. For that effect, emerges as flagship of this measure a proposition of an existential minimum specific to the right to health that, taking into account both the constitutionally priority points relating to this relevant right, as well as the very logic of the structuring of the Sistema Único de Saúde - SUS inserted within the core of the public health policies developed in the country, comes to contribute to a judicialization of the subject more in alignment with the ideals outlined in the 1988 Constitution. Furthermore, in the same intent to seek a concretization of the right to health in harmony with the constitutional priority inherent to this material right, the research alerts to the need to undertake a restructuring in the form of organization of the Boards of Health in order to enforce the constitutional guideline of SUS community participation, as well as the importance of establishing a new culture budget in the country, with the Constitution as a compass, pass accurately portray a special prioritization directed constitutional social rights, especially the right to health

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The following study proposes an analysis of the politic process which the brazilian constitutional justice faces, emphasizing the Supremo Tribunal Federal . For that purpose, we start by examining the intimate relationship between Politics and Law, in view of the most recent social systems theories, so that the political system is distinguished by the exclusiveness of using the physical force, intending to make coletive tying decisions, and the juridical system as a congruent generalization of the expectations towards the rules and principles, brought together under an interdependence by which both gather legitimacy and effectiveness. In this manner we can notice the political effects of the constitutional interpretation conducted by Judges as well as by other juridical professionals, because these ones decrease the overload of expectations which are pointed to the Judicature. Constitutional interpretation is democratized since the participative democracy arises and stablishes a permanent state of awareness around the exercise of power and favours the preservation of the pluralism (counter-majoritary principle) where we can find the origin of the democratic nature of constitutional courts, once, in most cases, their members are not elected by the people. After that, we analyse the historical posture of the Supremo Tribunal Federal as a constitutional court in Brazil, so we can realize the attempts to make it vulnerable to the appeals of governability and economical aims, agains which this court somehow has resisted, stressing its particularities. At the end, it s concluded that even the so-called acts of government, whose judiciary control is mostly repelled, are subjected to a constitutional analysis, last frontier to be explored by the Supremo Tribunal Federal in its role of exposing our republican Constitution

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The right to artistic expression, freedom granted in the western democratic constitutionalism, is a fundamental right that cyclically, compared to other cohesive rights of expression, has been forgotten and put in an irrelevant juridical-dogmatic position. The first reason for this behaviour that disesteems artistic freedom is the valorisation of rationalism and scientificism in the modern society, subordinating academic researches to utilitarianism, relegating the purpose of feelings and spirituality on men s elocution, therefore, we investigate, guided by philosophy, the attribution of art on human formation, due to its capacity in harmonising reason and emotion. After that, we affirm the fundamental right to artistic expression s autonomy in the 1988 valid constitutional order, after a comparative explanation of freedom in the Fundamental Laws of United States, Portugal, Spain and Germany; and the construction historic-constitutional of the same right in the Brazilian Constitutions. In this desiderate, the theoric mark chosen is the Liberal Theory of the fundamental rights, guiding the exam through jusfundamental dimensions: juridical-subjective and juridical-objective. Whilst the first, classical function of resistance, delimitates the protection area of the artistic expression right from its specific content, titularity and its constitutional and subconstitutional limits, the other one establishes it as cultural good of the Social Order, defining to the State its rendering duties of protection, formation and cultural promotion. We do not admit artistic communication, granted without legal reserve, to be transposed of restrictions that belong to other fundamental rights and, when its exercise collides with another fundamental right or juridical-constitutional good, the justification to a possible state intervention that tangentiates its protection area goes, necessarily, through the perquisition of the artist s animus, the used method, the many viable interpretations and, at last, the correct application of the proportionality criteria. The cultural public politics analysis, nevertheless, observes the pluralism principle of democratic substratum, developer of the cultural dialogue and opposed to patterns determined by the mass cultural industry. All powers are attached, on the scope of its typical attributions, to materialise public politics that have the cultural artistic good as its aim, due to the constant rule contained in §1, art. 5º of the Federal Constitution. However, the access and the incentive laws to culture must be constantly supervised by the constitutional parameter of fundamental right to equality

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During the ninth century, owing to the process of industrialization, new social conflicts were showed, forcing the Government not to remain inert. The necessity of answer to these new demands requires from the State some actions that assure the new economic, cultural and social rights, able to exceed the formal equality, according to the principles of redistributive equality and well-being. Among the social rights, the right to health is showed up, which is placed at the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Treaty for the Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, as a necessary term to promote the dignity and the free development of the human personality. Under the Constitutional Law, it is clear that the implementation of the right to health, placed at the 6th article of the Brazilian Constitution, demands a government activity, which usually requires a provision of material goods, depending on budgetary resources. The Legislative and Executive Branches have a very important role in compliance with the constitutional regulations about the satisfactory offer of health care services, besides the correct use of the resources at this area. The adoption of public policies is the way of Government action to the planning and realization of this right. Though, some public policies are usually made apart from the social compromises, to the detriment of the basic social rights. The government has a discretionary competence to manage the health services. That is the reason it is necessary the control of the political choices, through the popular control, the extrajudicial control by the Account Courts, or the judicial review. Owed to the constitutionalization of social rights, the constitutional justice has a very relevant role, concerning to the constitutional jurisdiction, in a way the Judiciary Branch assume your position as a player that transforms the society. On the control of the public health policies, there is a cast of official instruments, judicial or not, to the guarantee of the collective right to the public health services, and to allow the citizens to reach the real implementation of the right to health

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This study is developed in setting in which the Federal Constitution of 1988 completed 22 years of validity, as well as in general elections (national and state) in country. From this perspective, there are multiple reflections, especially on the constitutional mechanisms of popular sovereignty consolidation, the integrity and legitimacy of elections and democracy itself. It has appeared timely, therefore, to examine the development of ensured instrument of these precepts. Thus, it is approached as an object of research to Action of Impugnation to the Elective Mandate- AIEM, under Art.14, § 10 and § 11 of the Constitution of 1988, considering its constitutional and electoral reasons. It is then aimed to review the second AIEM conceptions of scale, systematic interpretation, preservation of constitutional rights and its effectiveness. Specifically, it is analyzed the Action as to the forms of power that relate to this. then it is examined the democracy principal aspects related to the issue. Without being followed, it is the democratic situation in which it is operated. They are also examined the political rights, especially regarding restraint applied to ineligibility and the possibility of integrating the effects of an impugnatory origin. Following, it has been discussed the formation of an early panorama, consisting of constitutional principles applied to electoral constituencies and eminently procedural principles and, according to which subsidizes the operations of such Action. After that, addressing the Election Law, including its concept, its sources, the Electoral Court and its peculiarities and functions. It is also considered the elective office as to its definition, characteristics and ways of accessing and extinguishing it. Afterwards, the Action of Impugnation is studied from its historical evolution of laws, legal, concept and goals. Expanding on the theme, it s highlighted about their chances of traditional appropriateness (economic power abuse, corruption and fraud) and modern (abuse of economic power intertwined with political) business, including the suggestion of suitability in case of abuse of unique political power. It was also identified the injurious potential demand affecting these illicit to enable the Action. Subsequently, other relevant aspects were explored, such as the legitimacy ad causam, competence, secrecy, procedure, recklessness, bad faith, the purpose of the merits and manageable resources. In the end, it is demonstrated an evolution of AIEM, however, still insufficient to reach full intentions that rise it. It is proposed therefore to re-read the action from news perspectives, based on constitutional and electoral precepts, as well as wider interpretation of the appropriateness of their assumptions of suitability and effects, according to a systematic interpretation, all aimed at the preservation of constitutional rights and their own effectiveness

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Cet article met les conceptions et projets politiques ayant trait au processus conduisant à la constituion impériale brésilienne de 1824 dans un contexte historique dont le pont de départ est la notion d'empire civil, telle qu'elle se développa lors de la réorganisation politico-administrative du royaume et de l'empire du Portugal au XVIIIe siècle. Le texte montre qu'avec le couronnement de Pierre I on fit un usage moderne d'une institution ancienne, le sacre royal, ce qui servit à étayer une sujection politique fondée sur la raison universelle humaine. Cette étude permet de comprendre pourquoi le Brésil indépendant fut pour commencer un empire, pas un royaume, ainsi que le sens profond du pouvoir modérateur attribué à l'empereur par la constitution de 1824.

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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS