79 resultados para hallinto-oikeus


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Tämän tutkimuksen tarkoituksena on selvittää psykoottisen mielenterveyspotilaan uskonnonvapautta. Tutkimuskysymyksiä on kolme: Millä perusteilla psykoottisen potilaan uskonnonvapaus on turvattu ja millä perusteilla sitä rajoitetaan? Miten psykoottinen ja uskonnollinen todellisuudentulkinta eroavat toisistaan? Vaarantaako psykiatriseen todellisuudentulkintaan perustuva hoito potilaan negatiivisen uskonnonvapauden eli oikeuden elää ilman uskontoa? Tutkimusmetodina on systemaattinen analyysi. Lähteet ovat perustusoikeudet, mielenterveyslaki, potilaslaki, YK:n Principles for the protection of persons with mental illness and the improvement of mental health care, Maailman psykiatriyhdistyksen Madridin julistus ja Suomen mielenterveysseuran Mielenterveyspotilaan oikeudet. Uskonnonvapautta tarkastellaan tässä tutkimuksessa kahden eri vapauskäsityksen näkökulmasta: ulkoisena vapautena, joka edellyttää kompetenssia ja autenttisuutta, sekä ulkoisen ja sisäisen vapauden summana, johon kompetenssi ja autenttisuus sisältyvät. Psykoottisella potilaalla on ihmisyytensä ja kansalaisuutensa perusteella lähtökohtaisesti täysi uskonnonvapaus, mutta sitä voidaan rajoittaa. Jos uskonnonvapaus ymmärretään ulkoiseksi vapaudeksi, rajoittaa psykoottisen potilaan uskonnonvapautta tahdosta riippumattomassa hoidossa hänen terveytensä ja turvallisuutensa suojaaminen. Uskonnonvapauden rajoittaminen voidaan perustella sillä, ettei psykoottinen potilas täytä uskonnonvapauden edellytyksiä eli kompetenssia ja autenttisuutta, sillä, että potilaan terveyteen ja turvallisuuteen liittyvät oikeudet priorisoidaan uskonnonvapauden yläpuolelle sekä sillä, että pyritään terveyshyötyyn. Jos uskonnonvapaus ymmärretään ulkoisen ja sisäisen vapauden summaksi, on psykoosi uskonnonvapautta rajoittava tekijä, koska se tekee yksilöstä epäautenttisen ja puuttuu hänen kompetenssiinsa. Psykoosin (myös tahdosta riippumaton) hoito voidaan ymmärtää tällöin yritykseksi palauttaa uskonnonvapaus. Rajoittamalla ulkoista uskonnonvapautta pyritään maksimoimaan ulkoisen ja sisäisen uskonnonvapauden summa. Vaikka psykoottisella ja uskonnollisella todellisuudentulkinnalla on yhtäläisyyksiä, niiden toisistaan erottaminen on tärkeää, koska yksilöllä, jonka todellisuudentulkinta määritellään psykoottiseksi, on oikeus saada hoitoa, kun taas yksilön uskonnollista todellisuudentulkintaa suojaa uskonnonvapaus eikä sitä saa hoitaa sairautena. Lähteiden mukaan psykoottisen ja uskonnollisen todellisuudentulkinnan toisistaan erottaminen diagnostisten kriteerien ja lääketieteellisen tiedon avulla on lääkärin tehtävä. Tutkimuksessani esitän kaksi periaatetta, joiden avulla todellisuudentulkinnat voidaan erottaa toisistaan. Yksinäinen puu ei pala -periaatteen mukaan yksilön todellisuudentulkinta on uskonnollinen, mikäli se jaetaan jossain yhteisössä. Hedelmistään puu tunnetaan -periaatteen mukaan yksilön todellisuudentulkinta on uskonnollinen, mikäli sen terveydelliset ja sosiaaliset seuraukset ovat hyvät. Antipsykiatrinen kritiikki väittää psykiatrian olevan uskonto. Jos väite on tosi, puututaan tahdosta riippumattomassa hoidossa yksilön oikeuteen elää ilman uskontoa, sillä ko. hoidossa olevan psykoottisen potilaan on pakko suostua siihen, että häntä hoidetaan psykiatrian arvojen ja todellisuudentulkinnan mukaan. Vaikuttaa kuitenkin siltä, että jos psykiatria määritellään uskonnoksi, uskonnon käsite kärsii inflaation. Koska psykoottisen potilaan uskonnonvapaus on pohjimmiltaan eettinen kysymys, on tärkeää myöntää psykiatrian arvosidonnaisuus. Tällöin voidaan tehdä tietoisesti moraalisia päätöksiä ja kantaa moraalinen vastuu esimerkiksi diagnoosin määrittelyssä. Psykiatrian voidaan katsoa perustuvan universaaleihin arvoihin samalla tavalla kuin ihmisoikeuksienkin.

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This thesis examines the right to self-determination which is a norm used for numerous purposes by multiple actors in the field of international relations, with relatively little clarity or agreement on the actual and potential meaning of the right. In international practice, however, the main focus in applying the right has been in the context of decolonization as set by the United Nations in its early decades. Thus, in Africa the right to self-determination has traditionally implied that the colonial territories, and particularly the populations within these territories, were to constitute the people who were entitled to the right. That is, self-determination by decolonization provided a framework for the construction of independent nation-states in Africa whilst other dimensions of the right remained largely or totally neglected. With the objective of assessing the scope, content, developments and interpretations of the right to self-determination in Africa, particularly with regard to the relevance of the right today, the thesis proceeds on two fundamental hypotheses. The first is that Mervyn Frost s theory of settled norms, among which he lists the right to self-determination, assumes too much. Even if the right to self-determination is a human right belonging to all peoples stipulated, inter alia, in the first Article of the 1966 International Human Rights Covenants, it is a highly politicized and context-bound right instead of being settled and observed in a way that its denial would need special justification. Still, the suggested inconsistency or non-compliance with the norm of self-determination is not intended to prove the uselessness or inappropriateness of the norm, but, on the contrary, to invite and encourage debate on the potential use and coverage of the right to self-determination. The second hypothesis is that within the concept of self-determination there are two normative dimensions. One is to do with the idea and practice of statehood, the nation and collectivity that may decide to conduct itself as an independent state. The other one is to do with self-determination as a human right, as a normative condition, to be enjoyed by people and peoples within states that supersedes state authority. These external and internal dimensions need to be seen as complementary and co-terminous, not as mutually exclusive alternatives. The thesis proceeds on the assumption that the internal dimension of the right, with human rights and democracy at its core, has not been considered as important as the external. In turn, this unbalanced and selective interpretation has managed to put the true normative purpose of the right making the world better and bringing more just polity models into a somewhat peculiar light. The right to self-determination in the African context is assessed through case studies of Western Sahara, Southern Sudan and Eritrea. The study asks what these cases say about the right to self-determination in Africa and what their lessons learnt could contribute to the understanding and relevance of the right in today s Africa. The study demonstrates that even in the context of decolonization, the application of the right to self-determination has been far from the consistent approach supposedly followed by the international community: in many respects similar colonial histories have easily led to rather different destinies. While Eritrea secured internationally recognized right to self-determination in the form of retroactive independence in 1993, international recognition of distinct Western Sahara and Southern Sudan entities is contingent on complex and problematic conditions being satisfied. Overall, it is a considerable challenge for international legality to meet empirical political reality in a meaningful way, so that the universal values attached to the norm of self-determination are not overlooked or compromised but rather reinforced in the process of implementing the right. Consequently, this thesis seeks a more comprehensive understanding of the right to self-determination with particular reference to post-colonial Africa and with an emphasis on the internal, human rights and democracy dimensions of the norm. It is considered that the right to self-determination cannot be perceived only as an inter-state issue as it is also very much an intra-state issue, including the possibility of different sub-state arrangements exercised under the right, for example, in the form of autonomy. At the same time, the option of independent statehood achieved through secession remains a mode of exercising and part of the right to self-determination. But in whatever form or way applied, the right to self-determination, as a normative instrument, should constitute and work as a norm that comprehensively brings more added value in terms of the objectives of human rights and democracy. From a normative perspective, a peoples right should not be allowed to transform and convert itself into a right of states. Finally, in light of the case studies of Western Sahara, Southern Sudan and Eritrea, the thesis suggests that our understanding of the right to self-determination should now reach beyond the post-colonial context in Africa. It appears that both the questions and answers to the most pertinent issues of self-determination in the cases studied must be increasingly sought within the postcolonial African state rather than solely in colonial history. In this vein, the right to self-determination can be seen not only as a tool for creating states but also as a way to transform the state itself from within. Any such genuinely post-colonial approach may imply a judicious reconsideration, adaptation or up-dating of the right and our understanding of it in order to render it meaningful in Africa today.

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In order to fully understand the process of European integration it is of paramount importance to consider developments at the sub-national and local level. EU integration scholars shifted their attention to the local level only at the beginning of the 1990s with the concept of multi-level governance (MLG). While MLG is the first concept to scrutinise the position of local levels of public administration and other actors within the EU polity, I perceive it as too optimistic in the degree of influence it ascribes to local levels. Thus, learning from and combining MLG with other concepts, such as structural constructivism, helps to reveal some of the hidden aspects of EU integration and paint a more realistic picture of multi-level interaction. This thesis also answers the call for more case studies in order to conceptualise MLG further. After a critical study of theories and concepts of European integration, above all, MLG, I will analyse sub-national and local government in Finland and Germany. I show how the sub-national level and local governments are embedded in the EU s multi-level structure of governance and how, through EU integration, those levels have been empowered but also how their scope of action has partially decreased. After theoretical and institutional contextualisation, I present the results of my empirical study of the EU s Community Initiative LEADER+. LEADER stands for Liaison Entre Actions de Développement de l'Économie Rurale , and aims at improving the economic conditions in Europe s rural areas. I was interested in how different actors construct and shape EU financed rural development, especially in how local actors organised in so-called local action groups (LAGs) cooperate with other administrative units within the LEADER+ administrative chain. I also examined intra-institutional relations within those groups, in order to find out who are the most influential and powerful actors within them. Empirical data on the Finnish and German LAGs was first gathered through a survey, which was then supplemented and completed by interviewing LAG members, LAG-managers, several civil servants from Finnish and German decision-making and managing authorities and a civil servant from the EU Commission. My main argument is that in both Germany and Finland, the Community Initiative LEADER+ offered a space for multi-level interaction and local-level involvement, a space that on the one hand consists of highly motivated people actively contributing to the improvement of the quality of life and economy in Europe s countryside but which is dependent and also restricted by national administrative practices, implementation approaches and cultures on the other. In Finland, the principle of tri-partition (kolmikantaperiaatte) in organising the executive committees of LAGs is very noticeable. In comparison to Germany, for instance, the representation of public administration in those committees is much more limited due to this principle. Furthermore, the mobilisation of local residents and the bringing together of actors from the local area with different social and institutional backgrounds to become an active part of LEADER+ was more successful in Finland than in Germany. Tri-partition as applied in Finland should serve as a model for similar policies in other EU member states. EU integration changed the formal and informal inter-institutional relations linking the different levels of government. The third sector including non-governmental institutions and interest groups gained access to policy-making processes and increasingly interact with government institutions at all levels of public administration. These developments do not necessarily result in the empowering of the local level.

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In public economics, two extremist views on the functions of a government compete: one emphasizes government working for the public interest to provide value for the citizens, while another regards government mainly as a workhorse for private interests. Moreover, as the sole legitimate authority, the government has the right to define the rules and laws as well as to enforce them. With respect to regulation, two extremes arise: from too little regulation to too much of it. If the government does not function or ceases to exist, the state falls into anarchy or chaos (Somalia). If it regulates too much, it will completely suffocate private activities, which might be considered extralegal (the former Soviet Union). In this thesis I scrutinize the government s interventionist policies and evaluate the question of how to best promote economic well-being. The first two essays assume that the government s policies promote illegal activity. The first paper evaluates the interaction between the government and the mafia, and pays attention to the law enforcement of underground production. We show that the revenue-maximizing government will always monitor the shadow economy, as monitoring contributes to the government s revenue. In general, both legal and illegal firms are hurt by the entry of the mafia. It is, however, plausible that legal firms might benefit by the entry of the mafia if it competes with the government. The second paper tackles the issue of the measurement of the size of the shadow economy. To formulate policies it is essential to know what drives illegal economic activity; is it the tax burden, excess regulation, corruption or a weak legal environment? In this paper we propose an additional explanation for tax evasion and shadow production, namely cultural factors as manifested by religion as determinants of tax morality. According to our findings, Catholic and Protestant countries do not differ in their tax morale. The third paper contributes to the literature discussing the role of the government in promoting economic and productivity growth. Our main result is that, given the complex relationship between economic growth and economic freedom, marketization has not necessarily been beneficial in terms of growth. The last paper builds on traditional growth literature and revisits the debate on convergence clubs arising from demographic transition. We provide new evidence against the idea that countries within a club would converge over time. Instead, we propose that since the demographic transition is a dynamic process, one can expect countries to enter the last regime of stable, modern growth in stages.

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Väitöskirja koostuu neljästä esseestä, joissa tutkitaan empiirisen työntaloustieteen kysymyksiä. Ensimmäinen essee tarkastelee työttömyysturvan tason vaikutusta työllistymiseen Suomessa. Vuonna 2003 ansiosidonnaista työttömyysturvaa korotettiin työntekijöille, joilla on pitkä työhistoria. Korotus oli keskimäärin 15 % ja se koski ensimmäistä 150 työttömyyspäivää. Tutkimuksessa arvioidaan korotuksen vaikutus vertailemalla työllistymisen todennäköisyyksiä korotuksen saaneen ryhmän ja vertailuryhmän välillä ennen uudistusta ja sen jälkeen. Tuloksien perusteella työttömyysturvan korotus laski työllistymisen todennäköisyyttä merkittävästi, keskimäärin noin 16 %. Korotuksen vaikutus on suurin työttömyyden alussa ja se katoaa kun oikeus korotettuun ansiosidonnaiseen päättyy. Toinen essee tutkii työttömyyden pitkän aikavälin kustannuksia Suomessa keskittyen vuosien 1991 – 1993 syvään lamaan. Laman aikana toimipaikkojen sulkeminen lisääntyi paljon ja työttömyysaste nousi yli 13 prosenttiyksikköä. Tutkimuksessa verrataan laman aikana toimipaikan sulkemisen vuoksi työttömäksi jääneitä parhaassa työiässä olevia miehiä työllisinä pysyneisiin. Työttömyyden vaikutusta tarkastellaan kuuden vuoden seurantajaksolla. Vuonna 1999 työttömyyttä laman aikana kokeneen ryhmän vuosiansiot olivat keskimäärin 25 % alemmat kuin vertailuryhmässä. Tulojen menetys johtui sekä alhaisemmasta työllisyydestä että palkkatasosta. Kolmannessa esseessä tarkastellaan Suomen 1990-luvun alun laman aiheuttamaa työttömyysongelmaa tutkimalla työttömyyden kestoon vaikuttavia tekijöitä yksilötasolla. Kiinnostuksen kohteena on työttömyyden rakenteen ja työn kysynnän muutoksien vaikutus keskimääräiseen kestoon. Usein oletetaan, että laman seurauksena työttömäksi jää keskimääräistä huonommin työllistyviä henkilöitä, jolloin se itsessään pidentäisi keskimääräistä työttömyyden kestoa. Tuloksien perusteella makrotason kysyntävaikutus oli keskeinen työttömyyden keston kannalta ja rakenteen muutoksilla oli vain pieni kestoa lisäävä vaikutus laman aikana. Viimeisessä esseessä tutkitaan suhdannevaihtelun vaikutusta työpaikkaonnettomuuksien esiintymiseen. Tutkimuksessa käytetään ruotsalaista yksilötason sairaalahoitoaineistoa, joka on yhdistetty populaatiotietokantaan. Aineiston avulla voidaan tutkia vaihtoehtoisia selityksiä onnettomuuksien lisääntymiselle noususuhdanteessa, minkä on esitetty johtuvan esim. stressin tai kiireen vaikutuksesta. Tuloksien perusteella työpaikkaonnettomuudet ovat syklisiä, mutta vain tiettyjen ryhmien kohdalla. Työvoiman rakenteen vaihtelu saattaa selittää osan naisten onnettomuuksien syklisyydestä. Miesten kohdalla vain vähemmän vakavat onnettomuudet ovat syklisiä, mikä saattaa johtua strategisesta käyttäytymisestä.

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Knowledge-sharing in a teamwork The study examines the link between knowledge-sharing that takes place in a team and the dimensions and objectives of the team s activities. The question the study poses is: How does knowledge-sharing in a team relate to the team s activities? The exchange of knowledge is examined using knowledge-sharing networks and the conversion model, which describes the process of knowledge formation. The answer to the question is sought through four empirical articles describing the activities of a team from the viewpoint of quality, fairness, power related to knowledge management, and performance. One of the articles used in the study describes the role of networks in work life more generally. It attempts to shed light on the manner in which team-related networks operate as part of a more extensive structure of organizational networks. Finland is one of the most eager users of teamwork, if numbers are used as a yardstick. About half of all Finnish wage earners worked in teams in 2009, and comparisons show that the use of teams in Finland is above the EU average. This study focuses on so-called semi-autonomous teams, which carry out permanent work tasks. In such teams, tasks are interdependent, and teams are jointly responsible for ensuring that the work is done. Team members may also, at least to some extent, agree between themselves on how the tasks are carried out and are able to take part in the decision-making process. Such teamwork makes knowledge-sharing an important element for the team s activities. Knowledge and knowledge-sharing have become a major resource, allowing organizations to operate and even compete in today s increasingly competitive markets. A single team or a single organization cannot, however, possess all the knowledge required for carrying out the tasks assigned to it. Although it is difficult to copy the knowledge generated in an organization, it is important to share the knowledge within and between organizations. External links supply teams and organizations with important knowledge that allows them to keep their operations up-to-date and their structures well-functioning. In fact, knowledge provides teams and organizations with an intangible resource that improves their capacity to interact with their environment and to adjust to it. For this reason, it is important to examine both the internal and external knowledge-sharing taking place in a team. The findings of the study show that in terms of quality, fairness, performance and the knowledge management issues concerning a team, its social network structure is both internally and externally connected with its activities. A team structure that is internally coherent and at the same time open to external contacts, is, with certain restrictions, connected with the quality, fairness, and performance of the team. The restrictions concern differences between procedural and interactional justice, public and private sectors, and the team leaders and ordinary team members. The role of the team leader is closely connected with the management of networks that are considered valuable. The results of the study indicate that teamwork is supervisor-dominated. Thus, teamwork does not substantially strengthen the influence of individual employees as players in knowledge-transfer networks. However, ordinary team members possess important peer contacts inside the organization. Teamwork clearly allows employees to interact in a democratic manner, and here the transfer of tacit knowledge plays an important role. Keywords: teamwork, knowledge-sharing, social networks, organization

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Since the Chinese government began implementing economic reforms in the late 1970s, China has experienced profound economic change and growth. Like other parts of China, Tibetan areas of China have also experienced wide-ranging economic change with growth even higher than the China-wide average in certain years. Though China s strategic policy of developing the West provided many opportunities for economic and business activities, Tibetans have proven poorly equipped to respond to and take advantage of these opportunities. This study is about people, about market participation and specifically about why Tibetans do not effectively participate in the market in the context of China s economic development process. Many political, social, cultural and environmental factors explain the difficulties met by Tibetan communities. However, this study focuses on three factors: the social and culture context, government policy and education. The Buddhistic nature of Tibetan communities, particularly the political and economic system in traditional Tibetan society, explains this, especially after implementation of new national economic policies. An inclusive economic development policy that promotes local people s participation in the market demands serious consideration of local conditions. Unfortunately, such considerations often ignore local Tibetan realities. The economic development policy in Tibetan areas in China is nearly always an attempt to replicate the inland model and open up markets, even though economic and sociopolitical conditions in Tibet are markedly unlike much of China. A consequence of these policies is increasing numbers of non-Tibetan migrants flowing into Tibetan areas with the ensuing marginalization of Tibetans in the marketplace. Poor quality education is another factor contributing to Tibetan inability to effectively participate in the market. Vocational and business education targeting Tibetans is of very low quality and reflective of government failing to consider local circumstances when implementing education policy. The relatively few Tibetans who do receive education are nearly always unable to compete with non-Tibetan migrants in commercial activity. Encouraging and promoting Tibetan participation in business development and access to quality education are crucial for a sustainable and prosperous society in the long term. Particularly, a localized development policy that considers local environmental conditions and production as well as local culture is crucial. Tibet s economic development should be based on local environmental and production conditions, while utilizing Tibetan culture for the benefit of creating a sustainable economy. Such a localized approach best promotes Tibetan market participation. Keywords: Tibet cultural policy education market participation

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The study examines the origin and development of the Finnish activation policy since the mid-1990s by using the 2001 activation reform as a benchmark. The notion behind activation is to link work obligations to welfare benefits for the unemployed. The focus of the thesis is policy learning and the impact of ideas on the reform of the welfare state. The broader research interests of the thesis are summarized by two groups of questions. First, how was the Finnish activation policy developed and what specific form did it receive in the 2001 activation reform? Second, how does the Finnish activation policy compare to the welfare reforms in the EU and in the US? What kinds of ideas and instruments informed the Finnish policy? To what extent can we talk about a restructuring or transformation of the Nordic welfare policy? Theoretically, the thesis is embedded in the comparative welfare state research and the concepts used in the contemporary welfare state discourse. Activation policy is analysed against the backdrop of the theories about the welfare state, welfare state governance and citizenship. Activation policies are also analysed in the context of the overall modernization and individualization of lifestyles and its implications for the individual citizen. Further, the different perspectives of the policy analysis are applied to determine the role of implementation and street-level practice within the whole. Empirically, the policy design, its implementation and the experiences of the welfare staff and recipients in Finland are examined. The policy development, goals and instruments of the activation policies have followed astonishingly similar paths in the different welfare states and regimes over the last two decades. In Finland, the policy change has been manifested through several successive reforms that have been introduced since the mid-1990s. The 2001 activation reform the Act on Rehabilitative Work Experience illustrates the broader trend towards stricter work requirements and draws its inspiration from the ideas of new paternalism. The ideas, goals and instruments of the international activation trend are clearly visible in the reform. Similarly, the reform has implications for the traditional Nordic social policies, which incorporate institutionalised social rights and the provision of services.

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"Contesting Forests and Power; Dispute, Violence and Negotiations in Central Java" is an ethnographic analysis of an ongoing forest land dispute and its negotiations in an upland forest village in the district of Wonosobo, Central Java. Rather than focusing only on the village site, this ethnography of global connections explores the inequalities of power in different negotiation arenas and how these power relations have had an effect on the dispute and efforts made to settle it. Today, national and transnational connections have an effect on how land disputes develop. This study argues that different cosmological and cultural orientations influence how the dispute and its negotiations have evolved. It draws its theoretical framework from legal and political anthropology by looking at the position of law in society, exploring state formation processes and issues of power. The dispute over state forest land is about a struggle over sovereignty which involves violence on the parts of different parties who maintain that they have a legitimate right to the state forest land. This anthropological study argues that this dispute and its negotiations reflect the plurality of laws in Java and Indonesia in a complex way. It shows that this dispute over forests and land in Java has deep historical roots that were revealed as the conflict emerged. Understanding land disputes in Java is important because of the enormous potential for conflicts over land and other natural resources throughout Indonesia. After the fall of President Suharto in 1998, disputes over access to state forest land emerged as a problem all over upland Java. As the New Order came to an end, forest cover on state forest lands in the Wonosobo district was largely destroyed. Disputes over access to land and forests took another turn after the decentralization effort in 1999, suggesting that decentralization does not necessarily contribute to the protection of forests. The dispute examined here is not unique, but, rather, this study attempts to shed light on forest-related conflicts all around upland Indonesia and on the ways in which differential power relations are reflected in these conflicts and the negotiation processes meant to resolve them.

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This master s thesis examines tourism related housing and related discourses in the village of Kilpisjärvi, Finland. I study the tourism development in Kilpisjärvi and the debate related to this process. My methodology is based on discourse and content analysis. The purpose of this study is to examine and classify the discourses of tourism related housing and what are the lessons learned from the recent development of Kilpisjärvi. Kilpisjärvi is the northernmost village in western Finnish Lapland, located in the middle of the highest mountain area of Finland. The area has been reindeer herding area of Saami people for centuries, but it has lacked permanent settlement until the beginning of 20th century. The first tourist accommodation was built in 1930s, followed by the road in 1940s and the hotel in 1950s. Traditionally the area has attracted skiers and hikers. The area is also known for its extraordinary nature and rare plant life. Tourism development was slow in Kilpisjärvi until the turn of millennium when rapid growth in tourism related housing was triggered by extensive land use planning. Small wilderness village of Kilpisjärvi has grown to a tourism centre with over 800 beds in commercial enterprises, more than hundred second-homes, and two large caravan areas. This development has raised conflicts among villagers. The empirical part of this study is based on the interviews of 17 permanent dwellers of Kilpisjärvi and three Norwegian cottage owners. Six discourses can be distinguished: 1) Nature and landscape, 2) Economy, 3) Place, 4)Reindeer herding, 5) Governance and 6) Possibilities to influence decision-making. The first discourse stressed that tourism development and building should adapt to nature and landscape, while economic discourse stressed the economical importance of tourism to Kilpisjärvi and the municipality of Enontekiö. The third discourse noted the change of Kilpisjärvi as a place due to the boom of tourism development. The discourse of reindeer herding was clearly distinguished from others, seeing tourism development merely negative. Governance was seen as an important tool in regulating development, but many saw that the municipal administration has failed to take into account other aspects of tourism development than economical factors. Many villagers saw their influence in decision-making weak, while landowners and municipal decision-makers were seen as oligarchy in land-use planning regardless of formal participatory planning process enforced by law. I conclude that it is important to take into account the diversity of local discourses in tourism development and land use issues. Transparent and genuine participatory planning process would promote sustainable development, prevent conflicts and allow decisions and development which would satisfy larger number of local dwellers than presently.

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Naton Kosovon-interventiolla vuonna 1999 ja Venäjän Georgian-interventiolla vuonna 2008 ei äkkiseltään katsottuna ole juurikaan yhteistä. Molemmissa tapauksissa kuitenkin suurempi valtio tai organisaatio toteutti sotilaallisen intervention suvereenin valtion fyysiselle alueelle ilman legitiimin kansainvälisen auktoriteetin, Yhdistyneiden kansakuntien turvallisuusneuvoston, siunausta. Molemmissa tapauksissa intervention kohteena oli monikulttuurinen, monien sosiaalisten, taloudellisten ja poliittisten jakolinjojen maa ja alue, jossa vähemmistöjen asema oli voimakkaan debatin aiheena. Tämän ”Pahaa hyvän puolesta?” -tutkielman tavoitteena on Yhdysvaltain ja Venäjän presidenttien puheissaan esittämien interventioiden oikeusperusteiden sekä niiden samankaltaisuuksien ja erojen määritteleminen. Tutkimuksen aineiston muodostavat presidentti Clintonin maalis-huhtikuussa 1999 ja presidentti Medvedevin elokuussa 2008 pitämät puheet, joissa he pyrkivät oikeuttamaan johtamaansa interventiota. Keskustelu Kosovon ja Georgian tapausten yhteneväisyyksistä heräsi syksyllä 2008: esimerkiksi pääministeri Vladimir Putin käytti Kosovon itsenäistymistä Georgian separatistialueiden itsenäistymisen esikuvana ja suomalaisten Venäjän-tutkijoiden piirissä interventioiden yhtäläisyyksiä pohdittiin jo pian Georgian tapahtumien alettua elokuussa 2008. Tähän keskusteluun haluan tällä tutkimuksella osallistua. Tutkimuksen teoreettinen tausta muodostuu valtiota, suvereniteettia, interventiota, sotaa, uhkaa ja identiteettiä käsittelevistä teorioista, Chaïm Perelmanin retoriikan teoriasta sekä aiemmasta Venäjän ja Yhdysvaltain ulkopolitiikkaa ja Georgiaa ja Kosovoa käsittelevästä tutkimuksesta. Aineiston analyysi osoittaa, että presidenttien esittämissä oikeusperusteissa oli sekä samankaltaisuuksia että eroavaisuuksia. Medvedevin esittelemät oikeutusperusteet voidaan jakaa neljään eri ryhmään, joita ovat kansainvälisen lainsäädännön rikkominen, humanitaariset syyt ja omien kansalaisten suojelu, rauhanturvaamisen ja historiallisen tehtävän täyttäminen sekä interventio rangaistuksena. Clintonin esittämät oikeutusperusteet jaan tässä tutkimuksessa viiteen ryhmään: interventio suuremman katastrofin estämiskeinona, humanitaarisen katastrofin, etnisen väkivallan ja julmuuden lopettamiskeinona, Yhdysvallat rauhantekijänä, vapaan, rauhallisen ja vakaan Euroopan puolesta sekä interventio moraalisena valintana ja vastauksena kansainvälisten sopimusten rikkomiselle. Puheissa esiintyy voimakkaita tunteisiin vetoavia ilmaisuja ja niissä on havaittavissa ajallinen evoluutio, ilmaisujen vähittäinen muuttuminen ajan kuluessa. Aineisto keskittyy erityisesti intervention alkuvaiheeseen, jolloin legitimiteetin vahvistaminen oli erityisen tärkeää. Molemmissa presidenttien puheissa uhka ja toiseus määritellään selkeästi. Oma toiminta esitetään korostetun positiivisessa valossa, viattomien pelastajana ja lain, oikeudenmukaisuuden ja turvallisuuden puolustajana. Puheet on suunnattu tarjoamaan jotain jokaiselle yleisölle. Poliittisina, virallisina dokumentteina niiden tehtävänä on vallankäyttö ja yleisöjen asenteisiin ja mielipiteisiin vaikuttaminen myös arvoihin vetoamalla. Puheet ovat viimeisteltyjä poliittisen teatterin näytöksiä. Näiden näytösten rooleja näyttelevät niin suuri valtio, pieni valtio, kansainvälinen yhteisö ja viattomien ihmisten kohtalokin.

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The use of animals in scientific experiments tends to arouse strong emotional reactions among the general public, the most essential concern being the pain and suffering they cause. It is felt that suffering inflicted on other beings, including animals, is not morally acceptable. Is the function of a researcher who uses animals morally acceptable and beneficial for humans and animals? May such a researcher him/herself decide what animal experiments he/she can perform or should some outsider have the right to decide what kind of experiments a researcher can or cannot perform? The research material comprises the legislation of Finland and that of some member and non-member states of the European Union, together with European Union directives and pertinent preparatory parliamentary documents. The author has likewise studied the vast literature on animal rights, both pro and contra writings and opinions. The opinions of philosophers on the moral and legal rights of animals are markedly conflicting. Some strongly support the existence of rights, while others totally refute such an opinion, claiming that the question is only of the moral principles of man himself which imply that animals must be treated in a human manner. Speaking of animal rights only tends to muddle ideas on the one hand in philosophical considerations and in legal analyses on the other. The development of legislation in Finland and some other member states of the European Union has in principle been similar. In Finland, the positive laws on animal experiments nowadays comply with the EU directive 86/609/EEC. However, there are marked differences between member states in respect of the way they have in practice implemented the principles of the EU directive. No essential alterations have in practice been discernible in the actual performance of animal experiments during the decades when legislation has been developed in different countries. Self-regulation within the scientific community has been markedly more effectual than legislative procedures. Legal regulation has nevertheless clearly influenced the quality of breeding and life conditions of experimental laboratory animals, cages for example being nowadays larger than hitherto. EU parliament and council have now accepted in September 2010 a new directive on animal experiments which must be implemented in the national legislations by January 1, 2013.

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Enchanted by Sources. Henry Biaudet, Liisi Karttunen and Finnish Historical Research in Rome in the Early Twentieth Century This study traces the scholarly endeavours of Henry Biaudet (1870 1915) and Liisi Karttunen (1880 1957) and "La mission historique finlandaise à Rome" which they founded in 1909. They are forgotten in Finnish historiography, but remain internationally renowned for their contribution to the nunciature studies. By investigating their historical work on the Counter- Reformation era, their roles in the scientific communities of Helsinki and Rome as well as the intersection of politics and science in their scholarly practices the study explores the nature of historical research in general at the turn of the twentieth century. The work covers fields such as historiography, university history and the political use of history. Methodologically the research is based on the analysis and contextualization of published and unpublished sources (e.g. correspondences, university records, scholarly publications and reviews in academic journals). Henry Biaudet criticized the previous research on the Nordic Counter-Reformation for its narrow national scope and sources. He sought out a new approach, including the use of sources in archives all over Europe and the inclusion of the Catholic viewpoint. Accordingly, Biaudet and Karttunen searched for records in archives in Southern Europe. Their unorthodox interpretations were denounced in Finland since the picture they gave of late sixteenth-century Sweden was too different from the national narrative. Moreover, Finnish national identity was firmly rooted in Protestantism, and questioning the benevolence of the Reformation and its main actors was considered as an attack not only against historical truth but also national values. The comparison between Biaudet s and Karttunen s arguments and the accepted narrative in Finland shows how traditional interpretations of the Nordic Reformation were influenced by the Lutheran ethos and European anticlerical rhetoric. Historians have recently paid substantial attention to the political use of history, usually focusing on politicized constructions of the national past. This study shows how research that met the criteria of modern historiography also served political purposes. Conducting research in an international community of historians and publishing ambitious scholarly studies that interested an international audience were ways to create a positive image of Finland abroad. These were not uniquely Finnish ideas but rather ideas shared by the international community of historians in Rome. In this context, scientific pursuits were given a clear political meaning. This enhances our understanding of nineteenth-century historiography being firmly rooted between science and politics.

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Tutkimus on kvalitatiivinen tapaustutkimus. Tutkimuksen tarkoitus on selvittää mitkä ovat OP -Pohjola-ryhmän tärkeimmät sidosryhmät, millä perusteella sidosryhmät erottuvat muista organisaation ympäristössä toimivista tahoista, sekä millaisten ominaisuuksien perusteella sidosryhmien tärkeyttä arvioidaan OPPohjola- ryhmän näkökulmasta. Sidosryhmät ovat yrityksen ympäristössä toimivia ryhmiä tai tahoja, joiden asema sidosryhmänä perustuu yleensä niiden kykyyn vaikuttaa yrityksen menestykseen (esimerkiksi asiakkaat) tai oikeutettuun asemaan yrityksessä (esimerkiksi omistajat ja henkilökunta). Viimeaikaisissa sidosryhmiin keskittyvässä tutkimuksessa on tunnustettu sidosryhmien merkitys yritysten menestymisen kannalta. Toisaalta kaikkien sidosryhmien huomioimiseen perustuvalla liikkeenjohtamisella on myös eettisiä perusteita. Yleistyneen käsityksen mukaan yrityksellä on vastuuta myös muita tahoja, kuin omistajiaan kohtaan. Sidosryhmien laaja-alainen huomiointi on siis osa vastuullista liiketoimintaa ja sitä kautta yritysten yhteiskuntavastuun lähtökohta. Sidosryhmiä on pyritty määrittelemään lukuisilla eri tavoilla eri tutkijoiden toimesta. Erilaiset määritelmät ovat hämärtäneet sidosryhmän käsitettä jopa niin, että käytännössä kaikki yrityksen ympäristössä toimivat tahot voidaan nähdä yrityksen sidosryhmiksi. Yrityksen on kuitenkin hyödyllistä tunnistaa sen tärkeimmät sidosryhmät, jotta se voi toteuttaa suunnitelmallista sidosryhmäpolitiikka näihin tahoihin päin. Tämä tutkimus pyrkii luomaan yleiskuvan siitä, mitkä ovat OP-Pohjola-ryhmälle sen keskeiset sidosryhmät ja miksi. Tutkimus perustuu OP-Pohjola-ryhmässä työskentelevien henkilöiden teemahaastatteluihin. Haastattelumateriaalia on analysoitu käyttäen apuna sisällönanalyysiä ja sisällön erittelyä. Tutkimuksen teoreettisena viitekehyksenä toimii Mitchellin, Anglen ja Woodin ns. sidosryhmien identifikaation malli, jonka mukaan sidosryhmän tärkeys yrityksen näkökulmasta perustuu siihen, onko sidosryhmällä valtaa, legitiimi asema tai kiireellisiä vaateita suhteessa yritykseen. Sidosryhmien identifikaation mallin mukainen analyysi osoitti, että OP-Pohjola- ryhmän tärkeimmät sidosryhmät ovat asiakkaat sekä lainsäätäjät ja viranomaiset. Muita OP-Pohjola- ryhmän sidosryhmiä ovat omistajat, hallinto, media, henkilökunta, kansalaisjärjestöt ja palkansaajajärjestöt. Sidosryhmän tärkeyteen OP-Pohjola- ryhmän näkökulmasta näytti vaikuttavan eniten sidosryhmän kyky vaikuttaa organisaation menestykseen. Tämä kyky saattoi perustua joko välilliseen tai välittömään valtaa tai esimerkiksi asiantuntemukseen finanssialasta. Se, kuinka ”äänekäs” sidosryhmä on, ei yksistään vaikuta sidosryhmän tärkeyteen yrityksen näkökulmasta. Tutkimuksessa käytettiin lähteinä enimmäkseen 2000- luvulla tehtyjä sidosryhmätutkimuksia sekä teoreettista kirjallisuutta sidosryhmiin ja yritysten vastuullisuuteen liittyen.

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The purpose of this study is to examine how transformation is defining feminist bioethics and to determine the nature of this transformation. Behind the quest for transformation is core feminism and its political implications, namely, that women and other marginalized groups have been given unequal consideration in society and the sciences and that this situation is unacceptable and should be remedied. The goal of the dissertation is to determine how feminist bioethicists integrate the transformation into their respective fields and how they apply the potential of feminism to bioethical theories and practice. On a theoretical level, feminist bioethicists wish to reveal how current ways of knowing are based on inequality. Feminists pay special attention especially to communal and political contexts and to the power relations endorsed by each community. In addition, feminist bioethicists endorse relational ethics, a relational account of the self in which the interconnectedness of persons is important. On the conceptual level, feminist bioethicists work with beliefs, concepts, and practices that give us our world. As an example, I examine how feminist bioethicists have criticized and redefined the concept of autonomy. Feminist bioethicists emphasize relational autonomy, which is based on the conviction that social relationships shape moral identities and values. On the practical level, I discuss stem cell research as a test case for feminist bioethics and its ability to employ its methodologies. Analyzing these perspectives allowed me first, to compare non-feminist and feminist accounts of stem cell ethics and, second, to analyze feminist perspectives on the novel biotechnology. Along with offering a critical evaluation of the stem cell debate, the study shows that sustainable stem cell policies should be grounded on empirical knowledge about how donors perceive stem cell research and the donation process. The study indicates that feminist bioethics should develop the use of empirical bioethics, which takes the nature of ethics seriously: ethical decisions are provisional and open for further consideration. In addition, the study shows that there is another area of development in feminist bioethics: the understanding of (moral) agency. I argue that agency should be understood to mean that actions create desires.