Small State Cultures of Consensus : State Traditions and Consensus-Seeking in the Neo-Corporatist and Neutrality Policies in Post-1945 Austria and Finland

Austria and Finland are persistently referred to as the “success stories” of post-1945 European history. Notwithstanding their different points of departure, in the course of the Cold War both countries portrayed themselves as small and neutral border-states in the world dictated by superpower politics. By the 1970s, both countries frequently ranked at the top end in various international classifications regarding economic development and well-being in society. This trend continues today. The study takes under scrutiny the concept of consensus which figures centrally in the two national narratives of post-1945 success. Given that the two domestic contexts as such only share few direct links with one another and are more obviously different than similar in terms of their geographical location, historical experiences and politico-cultural traditions, the analogies and variations in the anatomies of the post-1945 “cultures of consensus” provide an interesting topic for a historical comparative and cross-national examination. The main research question concerns the identification and analysis of the conceptual and procedural convergence points of the concepts of the state and consensus. The thesis is divided into six main chapters. After the introduction, the second chapter presents the theoretical framework in more detail by focusing on the key concepts of the study – the state and consensus. Chapter two also introduces the comparative historical and cross-national research angles. Chapter three grounds the key concepts of the state and consensus in the historical contexts of Austria and Finland by discussing the state, the nation and democracy in a longer term comparative perspective. The fourth and fifth chapter present case studies on the two policy fields, the “pillars”, upon which the post-1945 Austrian and Finnish cultures of consensus are argued to have rested. Chapter four deals with neo-corporatist features in the economic policy making and chapter five discusses the building up of domestic consensus regarding the key concepts of neutrality policies in the 1950s and 1960s. The study concludes that it was not consensus as such but the strikingly intense preoccupation with the theme of domestic consensus that cross-cut, in a curiously analogous manner, the policy-making processes studied. The main challenge for the post-1945 architects of Austrian and Finnish cultures of consensus was to find strategies and concepts for consensus-building which would be compatible with the principles of democracy. Discussed at the level of procedures, the most important finding of the study concerns the triangular mechanism of coordination, consultation and cooperation that set into motion and facilitated a new type of search for consensus in both post-war societies. In this triangle, the agency of the state was central, though in varying ways. The new conceptions concerning a small state’s position in the Cold War world also prompted cross-nationally perceivable willingness to reconsider inherited concepts and procedures of the state and the nation. At the same time, the ways of understanding the role of the state and its relation to society remained profoundly different in Austria and Finland and this basic difference was in many ways reflected in the concepts and procedures deployed in the search for consensus and management of domestic conflicts. For more detailed information, please consult the author.

Evidence of Partisan Emphasis on EMU during 1994–1999 : Comparing Finnish Parties

This study explores the EMU stand taken by the major Finnish political parties from 1994 to 1999. The starting point is the empirical evidence showing that party responses to European integration are shaped by a mix of national and cross-national factors, with national factors having more explanatory value. The study is the first to produce evidence that classified party documents such as protocols, manifestos and authoritative policy summaries may describe the EMU policy emphasis. In fact, as the literature review demonstrates, it has been unclear so far what kind of stand the three major Finnish political parties took during 1994–1999. Consequently, this study makes a substantive contribution to understanding the factors that shaped EMU party policies, and eventually, the national EMU policy during the 1990s. The research questions addressed are the following: What are the main factors that shaped partisan standpoints on EMU during 1994–1999? To what extent did the policy debate and themes change in the political parties? How far were the policies of the Social Democratic Party, the Centre Party and the National Coalition Party shaped by factors unique to their own national contexts? Furthermore, to what extent were they determined by cross-national influences from abroad, and especially from countries with which Finland has a special relationship, such as Sweden? The theoretical background of the study is in the area of party politics and approaches to EU policies, and party change, developed mainly by Kevin Featherstone, Peter Mair and Richard Katz. At the same time, it puts forward generic hypotheses that help to explain party standpoints on EMU. It incorporates a large quantity of classified new material based on primary research through content analysis and interviews. Quantitative and qualitative methods are used sequentially in order to overcome possible limitations. Established content-analysis techniques improve the reliability of the data. The coding frame is based on the salience theory of party competition. Interviews with eight party leaders and one independent expert civil servant provided additional insights and improve the validity of the data. Public-opinion surveys and media coverage are also used to complete the research path. Four major conclusions are drawn from the research findings. First, the quantitative and the interview data reveal the importance of the internal influences within the parties that most noticeably shaped their EMU policies during the 1990s. In contrast, international events play a minor role. The most striking feature turned out to be the strong emphasis by all of the parties on economic goals. However, it is important to note that the factors manifest differences between economic, democratic and international issues across the three major parties. Secondly, it seems that the parties have transformed into centralised and professional organisations in terms of their EMU policy-making. The weight and direction of party EMU strategy rests within the leadership and a few administrative elites. This could imply changes in their institutional environment. Eventually, parties may appear generally less differentiated and more standardised in their policy-making. Thirdly, the case of the Social Democratic Party shows that traditional organisational links continue to exist between the left and the trade unions in terms of their EMU policy-making. Hence, it could be that the parties have not yet moved beyond their conventional affiliate organisations. Fourthly, parties tend to neglect citizen opinion and demands with regard to EMU, which could imply conflict between the changes in their strategic environment. They seem to give more attention to the demands of political competition (party-party relationships) than to public attitudes (party-voter relationships), which would imply that they have had to learn to be more flexible and responsive. Finally, three suggestions for institutional reform are offered, which could contribute to the emergence of legitimised policy-making: measures to bring more party members and voter groups into the policy-making process; measures to adopt new technologies in order to open up the policy-formation process in the early phase; and measures to involve all interest groups in the policy-making process.

Rationing in healthcare

Rationing healthcare in some form is inevitable, even in wealthy countries, because resources are scarce and demand for healthcare is always likely to exceed supply. This means that decision-makers must make choices about which health programs and initiatives should receive public funding and which ones should not. These choices are often difficult to make, particularly in Australia, because: - 1 Make explicit rationing based on a national decision-making tool (such as Multi-criteria Decision Analysis) standard process in all jurisdictions. - 2 Develop nationally consistent methods for conducting economic evaluation in health so that good quality evidence on the relative efficiency of various programs and initiatives is generated. - 3 Generate more economic evaluation evidence to inform rationing decisions. - 4 Revise national health performance indicators so that they include true health system efficiency indicators, such as cost-effectiveness. - 5 Apply the Comprehensive Management Framework used to evaluate items on the Medicare Benefits Schedule (MBS) to the Pharmaceutical Benefits Scheme (PBS) and the Prosthesis List to accelerate disinvestment from low-value drugs and prostheses. - 6 Seek agreement among Commonwealth, state and territory governments to work together to undertake work similar to the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence in the United Kingdom and the Canadian Agency for Drugs and Technologies in Health.

The Macroeconomic Effects of Fiscal Policy in a Small Open Economy under a Flexible Exchange Rate Regime

This licentiate's thesis analyzes the macroeconomic effects of fiscal policy in a small open economy under a flexible exchange rate regime, assuming that the government spends exclusively on domestically produced goods. The motivation for this research comes from the observation that the literature on the new open economy macroeconomics (NOEM) has focused almost exclusively on two-country global models and the analyses of the effects of fiscal policy on small economies are almost completely ignored. This thesis aims at filling in the gap in the NOEM literature and illustrates how the macroeconomic effects of fiscal policy in a small open economy depend on the specification of preferences. The research method is to present two theoretical model that are extensions to the model contained in the Appendix to Obstfeld and Rogoff (1995). The first model analyzes the macroeconomic effects of fiscal policy, making use of a model that exploits the idea of modelling private and government consumption as substitutes in private utility. The model offers intuitive predictions on how the effects of fiscal policy depend on the marginal rate of substitution between private and government consumption. The findings illustrate that the higher the substitutability between private and government consumption, (i) the bigger is the crowding out effect on private consumption (ii) and the smaller is the positive effect on output. The welfare analysis shows that the less fiscal policy decreases welfare the higher is the marginal rate of substitution between private and government consumption. The second model of this thesis studies how the macroeconomic effects of fiscal policy depend on the elasticity of substitution between traded and nontraded goods. This model reveals that this elasticity a key variable to explain the exchange rate, current account and output response to a permanent rise in government spending. Finally, the model demonstrates that temporary changes in government spending are an effective stabilization tool when used wisely and timely in response to undesired fluctuations in output. Undesired fluctuations in output can be perfectly offset by an opposite change in government spending without causing any side-effects.

Sustainable development indicators : Much wanted, less used?

For the past twenty years, several indicator sets have been produced on international, national and regional levels. Most of the work has concentrated on the selection of the indicators and on collection of the pertinent data, but less attention has been given to the actual users and their needs. This dissertation focuses on the use of sustainable development indicator sets. The dissertation explores the reasons that have deterred the use of the indicators, discusses the role of sustainable development indicators in a policy-cycle and broadens the view of use by recognising three different types of use. The work presents two indicator development processes: The Finnish national sustainable development indicators and the socio-cultural indicators supporting the measurement of eco-efficiency in the Kymenlaakso Region. The sets are compared by using a framework created in this work to describe indicator process quality. It includes five principles supported by more specific criteria. The principles are high policy relevance, sound indicator quality, efficient participation, effective dissemination and long-term institutionalisation. The framework provided a way to identify the key obstacles for use. The two immediate problems with current indicator sets are that the users are unaware of them and the indicators are often unsuitable to their needs. The reasons for these major flaws are irrelevance of the indicators to the policy needs, technical shortcomings in the context and presentation, failure to engage the users in the development process, non-existent dissemination strategies and lack of institutionalisation to promote and update the indicators. The importance of the different obstacles differs among the users and use types. In addition to the indicator projects, materials used in the dissertation include 38 interviews of high-level policy-makers or civil servants close to them, statistics of the national indicator Internet-page downloads, citations of the national indicator publication, and the media coverage of both indicator sets. According to the results, the most likely use for a sustainable development indicator set by policy-makers is to learn about the concept. Very little evidence of direct use to support decision-making was available. Conceptual use is also common for other user groups, namely the media, civil servants, researchers, students and teachers. Decision-makers themselves consider the most obvious use for the indicators to be the promotion of their own views which is a form of legitimising use. The sustainable development indicators have different types of use in the policy cycle and most commonly expected instrumental use is not very likely or even desirable at all stages. Stages of persuading the public and the decision-makers about new problems as well as in formulating new policies employ legitimising use. Learning by conceptual use is also inherent to policy-making as people involved learn about the new situation. Instrumental use is most likely in policy formulation, implementation and evaluation. The dissertation is an article dissertation, including five papers that are published in scientific journals and an extensive introductory chapter that discusses and weaves together the papers.

Rätt som argument : Leo Mechelin och finska frågan 1886-1912

Right as an Argument. Leo Mechelin and the Finnish Question 1886-1912 At the turn of the 20th century the Finnish Question rose up as a political and juridical issue at the international arena. The vaguely précised position of Finland in the Russian empire led to diverse conclusions concerning the correctness of the February manifesto of 1899. It was predominantly among a European elite of politicians, cultural workers and academics the issue rose some interest. Finns were active making propaganda for their cause, and they put an emphasis on the claim that the right was on the Finnish side. In the study Elisabeth Stubb compare the Finnish, Russian and European statements about the Finnish Question and analyse their use of right as an argument. The Finnish Question offers at the same time a case study of a national entity which possesses a political sphere of life but is not fully independent, and its possibilities to drive its interests in an international context. Leo Mechelin (1839-1914), the leader of the Finnish propaganda organization abroad, is used as a point of departure. The biographical stance is formed into a triangle, where Leo Mechelin, the idea of right and the Finnish Question abroad are the three cornerstones. The treatment of one cornerstone sheds a ligth on the two others. The metaphor of triangulation also worked as a method to reach "a third stance" in a scinetific and political issue that usually is polarised into two opposite alternatives. An adherence to a strict legal right could not in the end offer a complete, unquestionable and satisfactory solution to the Finnsih Question, it was dependent on "the right of state wisdom and sound insight". The Finnish propaganda abroad used almost completely alternative ways of making politics. The propaganda did not have a decisive effect on countries' official politics, but gained unofficial support, especially in the public opinion and in academic statements. Mechelin claimed that the political field was dependent on public opinion and scientific research. Together with the official politics these two fields formed a triangle that shared the task of balancing the political arena and preventing it from making unwise decisions of taking an unjust turn. The international sphere worked as a balancing part in the Finnish Question. Mechelin tried by claiming the status of state for Finland's part to secure the country a place at the official international arena. At the same time, and especially when the claim was not fully adopted, he emphasised, and in a European context worked for, that right would become the guiding light not only for international relations, but also for the policy making in the inner life of the state.

Trade Blocs and the Cold War : The CMEA and the EC challenge, 1969-1976

The coherence of the Soviet bloc was seriously tested at the turn of the 1970s, as the Soviet Union and its allies engaged in intensive negotiations over their relations with the European Communities (EC). In an effort to secure their own national economic interests many East European countries began independent manoeuvres against the wishes of their bloc leader. However, much of the intra-bloc controversy was kept out of the public eye, as the battle largely took place behind the scenes, within the organisation for economic cooperation, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA). The CMEA policy-making process vis-à-vis the EC is described in this study with reference to primary archival materials. This study investigates the negotiating positions and powers of the CMEA member states in their efforts to deal with the economic challenge created by the progress of the EC, as it advanced towards the customs union. This entails an analysis of the functioning principles and performance of the CMEA machinery. The study traces the CMEA negotiations that began in 1970 over its policy toward the EC. The policy was finally adopted in 1974, and was followed by the first official meeting between the two organisations in early 1975. The story ends in 1976, when the CMEA s efforts to enter into working relations with the EC were seemingly frustrated by the latter. The first major finding of the study is that, contrary to much of the prior research, the Soviet Union was not in a hegemonic position vis-à-vis its allies. It had to use a lot of its resources to tame the independent manoeuvring of its smaller allies. Thus, the USSR was not the kind of bloc leader that the totalitarian literature has described. Because the Soviet Union had to spend so much attention on its own bloc-politics, it was not able to concentrate on formulating a policy vis-à-vis the EC. Thus, the Soviet leadership was dependent on its allies in those instances when the socialist countries needed to act as a bloc. This consequently opened up the possibility for the USSR s allies to manoeuvre. This study also argues that when the CMEA did manage to find a united position, it was a force that the EC had to reckon with in its policy-making. This was particularly the case in the implementation of the EC Common Commercial Policy. The other main finding of the study is that, although it has been largely neglected in the previous literature on the history of West European integration, the CMEA did in fact have an effect on EC decision-making. This study shows how for political and ideological reasons the CMEA members did not acknowledge the EC s supranational authority. Therefore the EC had no choice but to refrain from implementing its Common Commercial Policy in full.

Investigating opportunities to support indigenous aquaculture in Australia : Visit to Kimberley, Western Australia, May 2003

The STREAM Initiative has been working with issues relating to livelihoods, policy and institutional development and communications throughout Asia-Pacific. Recently this has included work in India with indigenous communities supporting people to have a voice in policy making processes. There appear to be some parallels between this work and the objectives of Kimberley Aquaculture Aboriginal Corporation (KAAC) and also the Agriculture Fisheries and Forestry Australia (AFFA) Indigenous Aquaculture Unit (IAU), National Aquaculture Development Strategy for Indigenous Communities in Australia. (PDF contains 13 pages)

Communications planning: a review of policy and communications

This report presents a discussion of communications strategies to influence policy outcomes. It is based on a series of interviews with projects, NGOs and regional organisations to review current activities and assess the implications for STREAM of developing a communications strategy within a livelihoods framework. The main message of the report is that in order to fulfil its guiding principles. STREAM must acknowledge that policy change is related to governance and civil society, and requires a broad range of partnerships and a broad range of voices in the policy-making arena. (Pdf contains 49 pages).

Estudo para a regionalização do gerenciamento de resíduos sólidos no Estado do Rio de Janeiro

Impulsionados pela Lei 12.305/2010, que instituiu a Política Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos (PNRS), os estados brasileiros estão tentando viabilizar, especialmente com foco na destinação dos Resíduos Sólidos Urbanos (RSU), soluções consorciadas, visto que os resultados ambientais em termos de gerenciamento de resíduos sólidos, alcançados nos esforços individuais dos municípios, estão muito longe dos patamares aceitáveis. Sendo assim, o Estado do Rio de Janeiro, assim como demais estados brasileiros, para atendimento a nova PNRS precisará erradicar os lixões até o ano de 2014. Este trabalho tem por objetivo principal avaliar e analisar a viabilidade da estratégia do Ministério do Meio Ambiente (MMA), contemplada na PNRS, que indica a formação de consórcios entre os municípios para um melhor gerenciamento dos RSU, especialmente no que tange à sua destinação final, visando a confirmar a pertinência da escolha ou visualizar outras alternativas, em termos conceituais. Os resultados obtidos nesta pesquisa mostram que é indiscutível a contribuição de uma gestão regionalizada do RSU, através da formação de soluções consorciadas, observados no estudo de caso do Consórcio Costa Verde. Um grande desafio encontrado é o equacionamento de conflitos de interesses, em prol de um melhor gerenciamento dos resíduos, atenuando as divergências político-partidárias para que as tomadas de decisões sejam baseadas, sobretudo nas questões técnicas e administrativas, estabelecendo a melhor forma de proteger o meio ambiente

Uma abordagem integrativa do conceito de Eco-eficiência: elementos para a concepção de Sistemas de Gestão de Resíduos Sólidos Industriais em Arranjos Produtivos Locais Têxtil-Vestuário

A identificação e avaliação das vulnerabilidades e potencialidades socioambientais e socioecológicas, ao considerar as múltiplas realidades de ecossistemas, territórios e lugares, podem revelar novos caminhos, ações coletivas, solidárias, bem como auxiliar na tomada de decisão estratégica em sistemas de gestão de resíduos sólidos. Tal perspectiva, qualificaria princípios e conceitos metodológicos e técnicos, como aqueles direcionados a responder aos problemas que surgem da interação Humanidade-Sociedade-Natureza, com vistas à sustentabilidade. A Eco-eficiência, ao final do século XX, apresentou-se como solução para os problemas ambientais corporativos. Idealizada para ser aplicada em um empresas isolada, evoluiu para uma categoria central da Ecologia Industrial, ganhou contornos de Princípio e Filosofia para a Gestão Ambiental Empresarial, passando a orientar a geopolítica das nações no trato das questões ambientais supranacionais e políticas públicas das nações. A recente Política Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos apresenta a Eco-eficiência como um de seus princípios que deverão orientar gestores públicos e privados na elaboração de seus sistemas de gestão de resíduos sólidos. Devido aos impactos sociais, ambientais e ecológicos resultantes da geração e destinação inadequada dos resíduos sólidos, estes sistemas de gestão apresentam interfaces com outras políticas e sistemas de gestão públicos e privados nacionais. Estas interações conferem ao sistema de gestão de resíduos sólidos um caráter complexo, aberto, dinâmico e inclusivo, no qual o conceito de Eco-eficiência, baseado na alocação de recursos naturais, pode ser ressignificado em um outro nível de realidade, o nível coletivo, apresentando-se, como um conceito potencial voltado para a criação de recursos. Para corroborar esta hipótese apresenta-se uma abordagem integrativa com base na perspectiva socioecológica e no pensamento e metodologia transdisciplinar, na qual o conceito será contextualizado, problematizado e complexificado em seis níveis de realidade: Nível Genus-Global, Nível Político, Nível Acadêmico, Nível do Ecossistema, Território e Lugares, Nível Operacional e Nível Coletivo. Considera-se nesta abordagem os Arranjos Produtivos (indústrias e a Cadeia de Reciclagem), Arranjos Sociais (Comunidade localizadas e áreas de risco e precárias), Ecossistemas e Territórios, como Teia de Lugares, como Unidade Transdisciplinar perceptiva, cognitiva e analítica. A aplicação desta metodologia no Arranjo Produtivo Local Têxtil- Vestuário de Petrópolis, localizado na Região Serrana Fluminense, que se insere em um Ecossistema de Montanha, permitiu revelar outro Arranjo, invisível ao sistema de gestão público. Neste Arranjo de Retalhos e Estopas, cerca de 240 mulheres, residentes em comunidades precárias e de risco, beneficiam os resíduos sólidos gerados pelas indústrias do arranjo formal, conhecidos como retalhos, com os quais fabricam estopas. Conclui-se que esta abordagem integrativa, como proposta de ressignificação do conceito de Eco-eficiência, permitiu revelar, não somente uma nova realidade conceitual para a sua adoção e prática, como novos aspectos e variáveis para a construção de sistemas de gestão de resíduos sólidos industriais que tenham por foco a inclusão social, produtiva, cientifica e tecnológica de novos atores e recursos ao sistema.

A desjudicialização da política e a desconstitucionalização do STF

Por mais de uma década, discutiu-se nas ciências sociais comparadas a efetiva influência da atuação do Poder Judiciário na participação democrática dos cidadãos nas decisões e na conformação das políticas públicas. A esse fenômeno, que se denominou "judicialização da política", atribui-se toda a operacionalidade de uma constituição democrática, cidadã, aberta, capaz de concretizar os anseios de liberdade, às vezes apenas condizentes com valores de um liberalismo conservador. Nossa tese procura, com ajuda de pesquisa empírica, demonstrar a persistente influência dos ranços tradicionalistas de uma classe que, ao longo da curta vida emancipada de nosso país, construiu e permeou, com sua visão de mundo, as instituições políticas nacionais. A atuação corporativa e institucionalizada dessa classe de juristas adaptou-se bem às exigências da ampliação infraestrutural do Estado moderno e burocrático, em virtude de seu legado autoritário, e logrou restringir o alcance das liberdades e direitos civis de um Estado recém democratizado, apesar do discurso apologético às instituições da democracia participativa. É nesse contexto que tentamos narrar a evolução contínua e silenciosa da dejudicialização da política democrática de massas e a politização gradual da corporação dos juristas, que carregaram consigo as expectativas de ampliação da cidadania constitucional.

Towards integrated island management: lessons from Lau, Malaita, for the implementation of a national approach to resource management in Solomon Islands: final report

Solomon Islands has recently developed substantial policy aiming to support inshore fisheries management, conservation, climate change adaptation and ecosystem approaches to resource management. A large body of experience in community based approaches to management has developed but “upscaling” and particularly the implementation of nation-wide approaches has received little attention so far. With the emerging challenges posed by climate change and the need for ecosystem wide and integrated approaches attracting serious donor attention, a national debate on the most effective approaches to implementation is urgently needed. This report discusses potential implementation of “a cost-effective and integrated approach to resource management that is consistent with national policy and needs” based on a review of current policy and institutional structures and examination of a recent case study from Lau, Malaita using stakeholder, transaction and financial cost analyses.

Perspectivas e limites das políticas públicas voltadas à coleta seletiva de resíduos sólidos urbanos: análise a partir da Política Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos e de gestores de cooperativas de catadores de materiais recicláveis no Município do Rio de Janeiro

Este trabalho analisa as perspectivas e limites das políticas públicas voltadas à coleta seletiva no que toca as cooperativas de catadores e sua eficácia socioeconômica, apontando oportunidades, dificuldades e possibilidades de mudanças. Analisamos especificamente a Política Nacional de Resíduos Sólidos (PNRS), Lei n. 12.305/2010. Para tal, primeiramente, apresentamos o esquema teórico utilizado para interpretar e discutir as políticas públicas e o policy-making process a partir de trabalhos de autores da área da Ciência Política. Posteriormente procede-se à análise dos contextos social, econômico, político e histórico em que foram criadas as principais políticas públicas ambientais no período 1930-2010, procurando demonstrar a passagem na construção de políticas públicas ambientais, identificando aspectos básicos que evoluíram em cada época pesquisada. Em seguida, realizamos uma análise sobre a PNRS e de políticas de coleta seletiva, particularmente no âmbito do município do Rio de Janeiro, por meio de indicadores estatísticos obtidos junto aos órgãos governamentais e de associações privadas especializadas, além de documentos normativos e programas públicos. Após, realizamos pesquisa de campo junto aos gestores de cooperativas a fim de investigar a percepção dos mesmos sobre as políticas públicas, o cenário, as positividades e negatividades da coleta seletiva, e a interpretamos a partir da Análise do Conteúdo. Enfim, apresentamos uma interpretação, que aponta a PNRS como uma política pública que traz instrumentos que não são percebidos em sua totalidade pelos atores envolvidos, o que implica na sua não pactuação e, por consequência, na não utilização plena das vantagens induzidas pela política. A pesquisa de campo junto aos gestores indica que os mesmos têm pouco conhecimento sobre o conteúdo da PNRS, mas sabem todo o processo técnico da coleta seletiva e da gestão dos resíduos. O cenário envolto às cooperativas compreende aspectos que dificultam o trabalho das cooperativas, a exemplo: o baixo valor de venda dos materiais; a falta de logística adequada; a insuficiência de materiais básicos e infraestrutura à produção; a concorrência com atravessadores; a dificuldade em manter e em aumentar o número de cooperados. Entretanto, há aspectos positivos como: a cultura da partilha e solidariedade; a preocupação com os cooperados; a melhora efetiva da renda; o aumento do volume de materiais para a produção, mas principalmente a visibilidade das cooperativas de catadores no sistema político da gestão pública. O estudo traz sugestões para novas pesquisas, como categorias analíticas novas como processo de pactuação de políticas públicas e desamparo estrutural, assim como indaga os impactos da tecnologia, a burocracia e a participação pública e política das cooperativas no sistema político e no processo decisório. Por fim, situamos que, ainda que saibam a tecnicidade do processo, as cooperativas apresentam conjuntura de desamparo estrutural, que compreende aspectos socioeconômicos e político-institucionais, além de que estão em um ambiente que mais dificulta do que facilita o desenvolvimento de seu trabalho. A PNRS, por efeito, não é pactuada plenamente por todos os atores e, logo, perde a capacidade de inclusão social, por ter o distanciamento entre os gabinetes dos formuladores da política e os galpões da cooperativa.

Uma chaga viva no sentimento popular: Rui Barbosa e a questão do Acre

A questão do Acre, entre 1899 e 1901, mobilizou a política externa brasileira da Primeira República. Pelo Tratado de Ayacucho, assinado em 1867, o território do Acre foi entregue à Bolívia. Apesar disso, desde o último quartel do século XIX, a área foi gradativamente colonizada por Brasileiros. Com o Boom da borracha, os bolivianos desejaram utilizar os seus direitos para explorar a região. O governo brasileiro, firmado no Tratado de 1867, consentiu. Em 1899 a legação boliviana chegou ao Acre para estabelecer a soberania da república vizinha. A população acreana, esmagadoramente brasileira, não aceitou a presença boliviana. Fez diversos levantes entre 1899 e 1902, atrapalhando os planos do governo da Bolívia. Diante disso, o governo boliviano considerou a possibilidade de uma exploração indireta, por meio do arrendamento da região. Durante parte desse período, Rui Barbosa atuou através do jornal A Imprensa (1899-1901), em favor dos direitos do Brasil sobre o Acre. Defendeu que da insistência do governo de Campos Sales em afirmar a ascendência boliviana naquela região, decorria a ameaça à soberania e a integridade territorial brasileira, em função do estabelecimento de forças imperialista na fronteira amazônica. Rui formulou, a partir da ambigüidade da redação do Tratado de Ayacucho, a tese da fronteira angular, de acordo com a qual território do Acre era incorporado ao Brasileiro. Em sua reflexão e ação, Rui Barbosa expressou uma expectativa, existente na sociedade brasileira, a respeito de como deveria se processar a política externa do país: resguardando o interesse nacional, que englobava, prioritariamente, a salvaguarda da soberania e do elemento gerador de maior identidade no nacionalismo brasileiro, o caráter monumental de seu território. À solução dada por Rio Branco á questão do Acre, em 1903, através do Tratado de Petrópolis, portanto, antecedeu um amplo debate público sobre um tema de política externa, a questão do Acre, que o Barão teve que considerar no processo de decisão política.