897 resultados para Ambientación socio-política
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Este trabajo de investigación y análisis aborda el discurso político audiovisual del gobierno ecuatoriano y su mediatización; en este marco, el objetivo principal apunta a detectar y definir los signos o elementos claves a nivel discursivo y comunicacional de ese discurso político audiovisual, para lo cual el corpus de análisis son 13 spots de propaganda de gobierno, emitidos entre enero y julio de 2008. Como un objetivo complementario se busca ubicar, al discurso materia de análisis, en un contexto socio-histórico que permita determinar sus antecedentes y comprender su génesis y desarrollo. En la estructuración, la tesis tiene 4 momentos definidos claramente: un marco teórico, en el cual se definen los conceptos y categorías que acompañaran el desarrollo del trabajo de análisis (política, discurso, mediatización, signos, entre los más importantes); un marco metodológico, en el que se detallan las líneas metodológicas y herramientas de investigación usadas para la aproximación al corpus de estudio; un marco referencial, en el que se presenta el contexto socio-histórico que enmarca el discurso; y, finalmente, se integra un capítulo en el cual se desarrolla el análisis de discurso de los spots de propaganda política del gobierno ecuatoriano y se generan las conclusiones de dicho trabajo
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Ecuador está a las puertas de la minería a gran escala, después de seis años de una fase de exploración intensa. Sin haber empezado la etapa de explotación, se han creado varios conflictos socioambientales alrededor de los recursos naturales, entre la sociedad civil, el gobierno y las empresas transnacionales. En este ensayo examinaré dos casos de estudio en detalle. Son los proyectos más cercanos de la fase de exploración y los que han creado mayores conflictos socioambientales alrededor de ellos: 1) El caso de Quimsacocha, es un proyecto minero que busca explotar un yacimiento de oro a través de una mina a nivel subterráneo por parte de la empresa canadiense IAMGOLD, en el páramo, de la Provincia del Azuay. 2) El caso de “El Mirador”, una propuesta de explotación de un yacimiento de cobre, a cielo abierto, de la empresa canadiense “Corriente Resources”, en la Cordillera del Cóndor, en la frontera con el Perú. Este ensayo analiza ambos casos dentro del marco teórico de los conflictos socioambientales, y pregunta si los programas de responsabilidad social corporativos de las empresas mineras son suficientes para reducir los conflictos entre la sociedad civil y las empresas transnacionales por el control de recursos naturales, o si es necesaria una fuerte presencia del gobierno nacional.
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The text shows the heterogeneous views of various Latin American countries, like Mexico, Brazil, Argentina, Chile, Colombia and Venezuela, in terms of their analyses of and studies about foreign policy. This paper aims to make clear the different images that China generates as a rising power in the world economy, particularly as a major trade partner of these countries. The goal of this article is to provide elements for analysis about policy coordination vis-àvis China. The central argument states that there should be coordination between regional integration strategies and foreign policies in relation to China. However, these heterogeneous visions can work against that goal as well.
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Dissertação que se propõe recompor a trajetória do Programa Intensivo de Preparação de Mão-de-Obra (PIPMO), sua origem, expansão e suas vinculações como um instrumento do Estado na condução do projeto desenvolvimentista. O objetivo principal do estudo é dar conta da funçao dos desdobramentos e da ação concreta que o PIPMO cumpriu dentro do processo histórico em que surgiu e se desen volveu. Criado em 1963 como um programa de natureza tran sitória que deveria durar 20 meses, iniciou suas atividades em 1964, funcionando junto ao setor secundário até 1970; estendeu-se aos setores primirio e terciirio em 1971 e es teve em ação até 1982, principalmente junto aos projetos governamentais. Procurou-se localizar, pela discussão IItrabalho e venda da força de trabalho", as vantagens do treinamento e da desqualificação da classe trabalhadora para 'a acumul~ ção capitalista, e situar o PIPMO nos contextos polftico e sócio-economico em que foi criado e se desenvolveu, os antecedentes que lhe deram as bases operacionais e cionais. instituSem manter unidades próprias e funcionando atraves de acordos com inúmeras instituições de formação profissional, o PIPMO conseguiu adestrar milhares de trabalha dores. Neste sentido, o estudo objetivou, ainda, evidenciar as principais relações econõmicas, sociais e pol itfcas que possibiIitaram o desenvolvimento de um programa com suas caracteristicas especificas. Considerando que educação e formação profissional naO são fenômenos isolados dos demais elementos do to do social, pretendeu-se desvendar o real por meio do exame do lugar que o PIPMO ocupou no conjunto dos programas de formação profissional do pars; suas funçôes, contradições e efeitos, bem como os interesses que o sustentaram e sua relação com o processo de produção.
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A presente dissertação discute o devir das Organizações NãoGovernamentais no Brasil à luz de nossa matriz sócio-política bem como da própria crise civilizatória hodierna. Considerando os desafios inerentes à complexa relação Estado/Sociedade no Brasil, quer pela fragilidade tanto do atual quadro políticoinstitucional quanto da capacidade de organização e democratização da sociedade civil, bem como os imperativos político-econômicos da "nova ordem internacional", buscamos elaborar alguns cenários em que as ONG, para lograrem seus objetivos sociais e políticos, deverão passar por profundas transformações organizacionais e institucionais. À luz das contradições de um modelo de desenvolvimento, política e socialmente excludente, reiteradamente agravadas pelo avanço do neoliberalismo e pela fragmentação de uma modalidade de democracia minimalista, pensamos caber às ONG um papel significativo na mobilização e democratização da sociedade civil brasileira rumo à reconstrução de uma matriz sócio-política capaz de resgatar o povo à nacionalidade, à soberania e à justiça sócio-econômica.
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O Movimento Associativo de Moradores do Rio e seu potencial político na perspectiva da transformação da sociedade. Breve histórico das Associações de Moradores, de 1910 à década de 80. Assistencialismo, colaboracionismo e busca de autonomia. A vinculação com o Estado e com os partidos políticos. As lutas específicas da FAMERJ: Saúde, Habitação, Abastecimento, Transportes Coletivos, Educação, Cultura, Lazer e Saneamento Básico. Os limites do Movimento: reivindicações localistas, visão classista pequeno-burguesa. As possibilidades do Movimento: questionamento da estrutura urbana decorrente da hegemonia capitalista. A função social da cidade. A pedagogia do Movimento: primeiro patamar da vida gregária e solidária; uma linguagem nova; ações criativas como chamamento à participação. A politização de base resultante da função educativa dos Movimentos Sociais Urbanos. A apreensão do cotidiano em sua dimensão sócio-política. A crise do Movimento. Suas virtualidades.
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This work presents a reflection on possibilities and boundaries of consolidation and expansion of human settlements characterized as traditional communities that are located within protected areas, using as study reference the State Sustainable Development Reserve Ponta do Tubarão, at Rio Grande do Norte state. The main topics highlight the conflict between the right to housing and the prevalence of fundamental rights of traditional populations, opposed to the diffuse right to environment, according to the regulatory framework of the Brazilian Urban and Environmental Policies. At the same time that these settlements, historically built, are substantiated by the principles of recognition of rights to traditional populations, they are in a condition of complexity to the resolution of conflicts in its urban dimension and lead to an impairment of natural sites. This work questions how the instruments of land use and occupation are defined and relate to environmental planning, especially considering that the settlements are located in Permanent Preservation Areas (APP). It aims to further the discussion of the urban dimension in settlements, characterizing its formation and growth process, to identify the gaps and convergences between the Urban and Environmental Policy, under the foundations of a socio-environmental approach. The results spotlights the conflicts between occupation and natural areas, inferring that the definition of Urban Policies instruments and its integration with Environmental Policies instruments account for essential and priority actions to the achievement to the rights to a sustainable city, as determined in the Cities Statute and environmental protection goals, defined for the Conservation Units
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The current National Policy for Social Assistance (PNAS) is the instrument that regulates the organization and procedures of social-welfare actions. Developed and approved in 2004 since the Unified Social Assistance System (ITS) was crated in 2003, it reaffirms the democratic principles of the Social Assistance Organic Law (LOAS) focusing on the universalization of social rights and equality of rights when accessing the social-welfare system. In the SUAS point of view, the PNAS highlights the information, monitoring and evaluation fields for being the best way to assure the regulation, organization and control by the Federal Government paying attention to the principles of decentralization and participation. This political-institutional rearrangement occurs through the pact among all the three federal entities. The pact deals with the implementation of the task. It says that it has to be shared between the federal autonomous entities, established by dividing responsibilities. To the cities, considered as the smallest territorial unit of the federation and closer to the population, was given the primary responsibility, which is to feed and maintain the database of SUAS NETWORK and identify families living in situations of social vulnerability. In addition to these responsibilities, the cities that have full autonomy in the management of their actions, have the responsibility to organize the basic social protection and the special social protection, that using the Center of Social Assistance Reference (CRAS) and the Center of Specialized Social Assistance Reference (CREAS), are responsible for the provision of programs, projects and services that strengthen the family and community; that promote people who are able to enjoy the benefits of the Continuing benefit of Provisions (BPC) and transfer of incomes; that hold the infringed rights on its territory; that maximize the protective role of families and strengthen its users organization. In Mossoró/RN, city classified as autonomous in the social assistance management, has five units of CRAS that, for being public utilities, are considered the main units of basic social protection, since they are responsible for the connection between the other institutions that compose the network of local social protection. Also known as Family House, the CRAS, among other programs and services, offers the Integral Attention to Families Program (PAIF), Juvenile ProJovem Program, socio-educational coexistence services programs, as well as sending people to other public policies and social-welfare services network, provides information, among others. In this large field, social workers are highlighted as keys to implement the policy of social assistance within the city, followed by psychologists and educators. They should be effective public employees, as a solution to ensure that the provision of the services are to be continued, provided to the population living around the units. However, what we can find here is inattention to the standard rules of social assistance, which not only undermines the quality of programs and services, but also the consolidation of policy on welfare as public policy of social rights
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The reality experienced by many families and individuals who seek and require the services of the Unified Health System - SUS, the relationships between users, health professionals, and political representatives, establishes the core of the issue that guides the choice and interest of this study concerning the prominence of clientelist practices and gifts that permeate the health field. The research is based on the analysis and reflection of the intrinsic relationship between the health and political fields. It analyses the health field and its relationship with the dynamics and developments of the local political scenario relating it to the implementation of the Family Health Program and Community Health Agents Program (PACS/PSF health programs) in the city of Mossoró, State of Rio Grande do Norte which refers to the period 1991-2010; and falls into a methodological perspective of qualitative approach. The methodological tools and techniques used were based on semi-structured interviews, direct observation of the field, journalistic texts and documentary sources. The construction and questioning of the object of the research were based on theoretical contributions from authors discussing the social field and symbolic power: Bourdieu (2005); clientelist relationships and gifts from asymmetric exchanges: Rouland (1997), Lanna (1995), Martins (1999), Carvalho (1999), Diniz (1982); exercise of hegemony and political strategy from authors who analyse this subject: Gramsci (1995), Coutinho (1981), and Gruppi (1978). Furthermore, the research has established dialogues with authors who address the dynamics of Brazilian politics such as Baquero (2001) and Weffort (1993). The collected data were subjected to qualitative content analysis. The results showed that with the implementation of the PACS/PSF programs in the aforementioned city, the health field has established itself as a key scenario for the exercise of political hegemony of the factions that dominate this socio-political context, resizing clientelist practices, however, without modifying the power structures within this social scenario
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This doctoral thesis presents an analysis of the production of bicarbonates and related regional development in Brazil. It is widely believed that one of Brazil s vocations lies in the agro-energy sector. However, current national agro-energy policies, together with the experience of Petrobras (the national oil company) in rural settlements in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, show that Brazil has fallen short of effectively including the North and Northeast regions of the country, let alone small-scale rural producers (residing in rural settlements or not), in the development process and related benefits from the country s participation in the current world energy grid. The methodology entails secondary research related to the theme, such as books, official documents, websites and statistical databases from diverse sources, in addition to an analysis of statements from interviews of Petrobras representatives and other important scientific, institutional and labor union authorities, in relation to agro-energy issues and the socio-economic participation of family-based agriculture in this process. Principal findings show a correlation between agro-energy and regional development, creating the potential for numerous opportunities and challenges. Findings demonstrate the possibility of reversing/reducing historically rooted indices of hunger and poverty that continue to devastate the North and Northeast regions. At the same time, the thesis points to a potentially catastrophic increase in regional disparities, should the present historic moment not be seized upon so as to include these regions. Classic examples of non-policy at the federal level are presented as evidence of the absence of a regionally focused agroenergy policy in the current government, reinforced by the experiences of Petrobras in the Rio Grande do Norte rural settlements. Finally, the thesis concludes that there is an urgent need to create a government-sponsored enterprise (with a structure similar to Petrobras) with the purpose of implementing a truly broad and inclusive development process for the bicarbonates production sector, while remaining attentive to Brazil s opportune and critical role in the world s current agro-energy scenario.
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Les préoccupations gérées par les changements de l éducation nationale poussés par les réformes mises en places par le gouvernement de Fernando Henrique Cardoso, notamment la politique nationale de formation de professeurs, et le besoin de connaître comment ces réformes ont été incorporées par l Université Fédérale de Rio Grande do Norte - UFRN, constituent les questions centrales développées par cette thèse. Cette étude propose à montrer, à partir d une approche socio-historique, la façon comment la législation éducationnelle brésilienne sur la formation de professeurs pour l éducation basique expresse la politique de l État brésilien et, en même temps, comment le PROBÁSICA signifie une réponse de l UFRN à cette politique. En ce sens, cette recherche, selon sa perspective exploratoire, descriptive et analytique a privilégié plusieurs techniques et procédés de collectes des données conforme au modèle de la recherche participative, à savoir : enquête semi- structurée, observations directes, contacts formels et informels; enregistrement des opinions de professeurs, coordinateurs pédagogiques et étudiants; repérage, systématisation et analyses de plusieurs documents. L analyse des données, qui a été faite d une façon fondamentalement qualitative, a révélé que le PROBÁSICA a sa genèse à l intérieur de l UFRN et représente, en même temps, une réponse de cette université à la demande de la catégorie et la politique de formation de professeurs. Nous espérons que cette étude suscite d autres recherches qui développent des discussions sur les relations entre l État brésilien, ses politiques éducationnelles et les pratiques pédagogiques de formation de professeurs
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Este estudio tiene por objeto investigar la política de democratización de la administración educativa de la consideración de los procesos socio-históricos que participaron en el programa de modernización de los paradigmas de administración, por la forma en que la política de descuentos y que se entiende por los sujetos dentro de la escuela. Se considera que la democracia defendida por la política de democratización de la educación por el neoliberalismo / gerencialismo, siendo el resultado de un acuerdo que aspira a dirigir la sociedad hegemónica, portador del gen, las diferentes concepciones de la democracia, por lo tanto, en su en el interior se colocan en posición, los elementos conceptuales de los diferentes proyectos de la sociedad. Por lo tanto, vamos a ver cómo, en el Estado Dom Escuela Nivaldo Monte, esta política se (re) significado y transformado por los sujetos, incluyendo las diferentes formas que se delinean en la dimensión de la democracia, autonomía, participación y representación. Aborda el tema de estudio en vista del materialismo histórico y dialéctico, por lo que consideramos que es posible examinar el objeto en sus fronteras, pero no de manera fragmentada o enajenados o la mediación de la determinación del capital económico, político, cultural y simbólica de la sociabilidad la globalización, para superar los matices asignado a estructuralista metodología de diseño teórico adoptado, usado, en el entendimiento de que considera que la macro y micro estructuras están formadas por una relación de complementariedad entre los procesos micro y macro. Entre nuestras conclusiones parciales, que argumentan que la gestión democrática y la gestión de la administración son diferentes formas de administración, antagónicos, aunque este efecto fue una especie de coincidencia, le distinguen: en primer lugar, si queremos apoyar la calidad de las escuelas públicas, y en segundo lugar que la organización de gestión crea las condiciones para la gestión democrática legal y legítimo, mientras que se establecen las condiciones que tanto impracticable y difícil como imposible y muy difícil de llevar a cabo la gestión de la administración que conduce a la conclusión de que, finalmente, la gestión democrática es imposible de llevarse a cabo por medio de la gerencia pública y la gerencia pública es imposible de llevarse a cabo por medio de la democracia. Sin embargo, la participación institucionalizada de la gerencia pública puede promover la extensión del control social sobre el estado y contribuir a la transformación social, que parece que está un reto difícil, pero no improbable, y es probable que se siga investigando.
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This text aims to study the literary representation of homoaffectivity in short stories of Caio Fernando Abreu in the context of brazilian redemocratization, specifically in the narratives published between 1982 and 1988. To understand the relation between literature and historical context in the tales, we betake, principally, to a notion of Literature and Society, as proposed for Antonio Candido. Relating the narratives of Caio Fernando Abreu with the military dictatorship and the redemocratization processes, as well as a generational project named contraculture, we aim to verify as the search for affection for men that desire others men may be conditioned for specific socio-hystorical conditions, understanding the literary work as a privileged field of representation and comprehension of reality
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The proposal of the Unified Health System Policy (SUS) has been considered one of the most democratic public policies in Brazil. In spite of this, its implementation in a context of social inequalities has demanded significant efforts. From a socio-constructionist perspective on social psychology, the study focused on the National Policy for Permanent Education in Health for the Unified Health System (SUS), launched by the Brazilian government in 2004, as an additional effort to improve practices and accomplish the effective implementation of the principles and guidelines of the Policy. Considering the process of permanent interdependencies between these propositions and the socio-political and cultural context, the study aimed to identify the discursive constructions articulated in the National Policy for Permanent Education in Health for the Unified Health System (SUS) and how they fit into the existing power relations of ongoing Brazilian socio-political context. Subject positionings and action orientation offered to different social actors by these discursive constructions and the kind of practices allowed were also explored, as well as the implementation of the proposal in Rio Grande do Norte state and how this process was perceived by the people involved. The information produced by documental analyses, participant observation and interviews was analyzed as proposed by Institutional Ethnography. It evidenced the inter-relations between the practices of different social actors, the conditions available for those practices and the interests and power relations involved. Discontinuities on public policies in Brazil and the tendency to prioritize institutional and personal interests, in detriment of collective processes of social transformation, were some of obstacles highlighted by participants. The hegemony of the medical model and the individualistic and curative intervention practices that the model elicits were also emphasized as one of the drawbacks of the ongoing system. Facing these challenges, reflexivity and dialogism appear as strategies for a transformative action, making possible the denaturalization of ongoing practices, as well as the values and tenets supporting them
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The Family Scolarship Program while public politics of intersectorial form developed by Social Development Department and Famine Combat having with partner the Education Department and Health Department inaugurate in the country a new integrity way of the public politics, reinforcing a precept of 2004 Social Protection National Politics (PNAS 2004) that places the social protection while allied to the social and human development. The research INCOME TRANSFER AND LOCAL DEVELOPMENT: the family scolarship program in Pedra Grande-RN municipally had as aim to avaluate the permanent Family Scolarship Program as a possible element in local development of Pedra Grande-RN municipally understood as capacity expansion and improvement of life quality from its users. For this means we elaborate specifically the families` socio-economical profile; we avaluate the program repercussion in these families` lives; we analyse in which proportion occurred the capacity expansion and improvement of life quality of the users. The methodologic process was constituted by: literarture review about Income Transfer, Social Vulnerability, Development and Public Politics Avaluation to the criation of a theoric picture analysis. The documental research joined to the Social Development Department and Famine Combat of Pedra Grande Municipally Hall to obtain of the aims, program goals, and the profile of users. And finally, carrying out the interviews with the managers and experts of the Municipally Program and focal groups with the users to avaluate the permanent of the Program starting by the points of view of those ones. It was verified that the program expand the capacity (food, consumer goods and services, bank services access and wages) and improvement in life quality of the users. Nevertheless, there are deficiencies in coming with conditionality and from the use of resources the by families users