15 resultados para Justiça eleitoral, Brasil
em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)
Resumo:
This study is developed in setting in which the Federal Constitution of 1988 completed 22 years of validity, as well as in general elections (national and state) in country. From this perspective, there are multiple reflections, especially on the constitutional mechanisms of popular sovereignty consolidation, the integrity and legitimacy of elections and democracy itself. It has appeared timely, therefore, to examine the development of ensured instrument of these precepts. Thus, it is approached as an object of research to Action of Impugnation to the Elective Mandate- AIEM, under Art.14, § 10 and § 11 of the Constitution of 1988, considering its constitutional and electoral reasons. It is then aimed to review the second AIEM conceptions of scale, systematic interpretation, preservation of constitutional rights and its effectiveness. Specifically, it is analyzed the Action as to the forms of power that relate to this. then it is examined the democracy principal aspects related to the issue. Without being followed, it is the democratic situation in which it is operated. They are also examined the political rights, especially regarding restraint applied to ineligibility and the possibility of integrating the effects of an impugnatory origin. Following, it has been discussed the formation of an early panorama, consisting of constitutional principles applied to electoral constituencies and eminently procedural principles and, according to which subsidizes the operations of such Action. After that, addressing the Election Law, including its concept, its sources, the Electoral Court and its peculiarities and functions. It is also considered the elective office as to its definition, characteristics and ways of accessing and extinguishing it. Afterwards, the Action of Impugnation is studied from its historical evolution of laws, legal, concept and goals. Expanding on the theme, it s highlighted about their chances of traditional appropriateness (economic power abuse, corruption and fraud) and modern (abuse of economic power intertwined with political) business, including the suggestion of suitability in case of abuse of unique political power. It was also identified the injurious potential demand affecting these illicit to enable the Action. Subsequently, other relevant aspects were explored, such as the legitimacy ad causam, competence, secrecy, procedure, recklessness, bad faith, the purpose of the merits and manageable resources. In the end, it is demonstrated an evolution of AIEM, however, still insufficient to reach full intentions that rise it. It is proposed therefore to re-read the action from news perspectives, based on constitutional and electoral precepts, as well as wider interpretation of the appropriateness of their assumptions of suitability and effects, according to a systematic interpretation, all aimed at the preservation of constitutional rights and their own effectiveness
Resumo:
This research aims at examining, within the scope of Legal Anthropology, the constitution processes of Criminal Small-Claims Courts-JECRIMs in Brazil seeks to discuss, from the making of ethnographic work, the relationship between forms and dynamics of Justice distribution both at national and local level. To do so, one performed an ethnography at a JECRIM in the city of Natal, analyzing resulting peculiarities arising from the works the Judge-Coordinator and all of the other Judicial Actors in order to bring to reality the proposals of Law 9.099/95. Such ethnography has also enabled the analysis of the interactions between both Judicial Actors and Claimants, with or without private attorneys. The theoretical framework included several topics, including processes of conflict legalization, performance and representation analysis, and relationships between law, morality, feeling and ritual. One sought to a critical reading of the current state of conciliation and mediation, taking into account both legal and theoretical parameters on the subject. At the end, a general guideline of State action in conflict management is drawn, revealing some aporias and contradictions when voluntary processes are made mandatory by the State-Punisher.
Resumo:
The present work aims to analyze the several proportional electoral systems from the contemporaries democracies in order to, in the end, purpose a system that better fits to the constitutional Brazilian order. In this direction, we pursued to indicate the main virtues and imperfections in proportional electoral systems in use in more than two hundred countries, especially relating to the positive and negative effects that these systems inject in the party systems, in the governability and in the representativity. In order to collect elements, and also before getting to the work s main point, other issues were approached, even in a shortened way. Nevertheless, in a position taking, we conclude the work opting for a proportional electoral system that potencializes the constitutional principles of representativity and governability as well as prints a party system strong and strict, once these are the depositaries of a democracy compromised with the Brazilian society
Resumo:
Objetivo: analisar o estado da arte dos aspectos diagnósticos, periciais e jurisprudenciais das LER/DORT (Lesões por Esforços Repetitivos / Distúrbios Osteomusculares Relacionados ao Trabalho) no Brasil. Materiais e Método: trata-se de pesquisa descritiva, de natureza qualitativa, com formato documental, utilizando-se a técnica de análise de conteúdo. A avaliação evolutiva da legislação previdenciária relacionada as LER/DORT foi realizada através da pesquisa no banco de dados disponibilizado pelo Governo Federal e mediante a consulta ao DATAPREV/Sislex. A avaliação dos aspectos diagnósticos foi instrumentalizada através, principalmente, de artigos científicos publicados entre 2003 e 2008, nas línguas portuguesa, inglesa, espanhola e francesa, relacionados com os métodos de diagnósticos complementares das LER-DORT (ressonância magnética, tomografia computadorizada, ultrassonografia e eletroneuromiografia). As jurisprudências foram obtidas através da busca dos julgados sobre o tema, entre 2003 e 2008, pertencentes ao Supremo Tribunal Federal, Superior Tribunal de Justiça, Tribunais Regionais Federais, Tribunal Superior do Trabalho e Tribunais Regionais do Trabalho. Resultados: foram identificados 48 artigos abordando os aspectos diagnósticos das LER-DORT, observando-se que os exames por ressonância magnética, ultrassonografia e eletromiografia demonstraram ser mais efetivos, dentro das suas especificidades, para a complementação do exame clínico de patologias relacionadas às LER-DORT. A análise das 123 jurisprudências selecionadas demonstrou, de forma geral, que as LER-DORT equiparam-se ao acidente de trabalho, devendo apresentar nexo de causalidade (atestado através de laudo médico-pericial) e, ainda, ensejam a ação por danos morais, a qual, devido à EC nº 45 passou a ser competência da Justiça do Trabalho. O Estado da arte dos aspectos periciais encontra-se representado pela vigência da Instrução Normativa n. 98/2003, a qual traz como aspecto fundamental a determinação de novos parâmetros a serem considerados na definição de um quadro de LER-DORT, dispondo, ainda, sobre a conduta ética que deve ser adotada pelo médico perito, bem como chama a atenção para a necessidade dessas doenças do trabalho serem comunicadas às autoridadades competentes, através da emissão da Comunicação de Acidente de Trabalho (CAT). Conclusão: as LER-DORT representam, hoje, um problema de importante impacto, não apenas previdenciário, mas também econômico em diversos países, nos quais o Brasil encontra-se inserido. Estudos sobre o estado da arte relacionados às LER-DORT são fundamentais para auxiliar na construção de um modelo crítico e consciente que colabore com a garantia de sustentabilidade do sistema previdenciário no Brasil
Resumo:
In Brazil, the Free Political advertising time (HGPE) represents one of the main venues for the contest between political parties, revealing a tool that streamlines the electoral dispute and enables all sectors and social classes of important information about dispute over candidates. In HGPE, political groups have the opportunity to present their programs of government and discuss issues that relate to the demands of the population. This research sought to examine the role played by so-called "government programs" in the electoral race for governor of Rio Grande do Norte in 2006, which had as main candidates, two traditional characters of the political landscape in Natal: Wilma de Faria (PSB) and Garibaldi Alves Filho (PMDB). According to our analysis, discussion of government programs such candidates in HGPE had not meant to enlighten the voters about the political projects designed, not just the desire to build an image of seriousness and competence of candidates, but appeared as a means to meet the schedule imposed by the opponent and as a strategic resource to select a specific segment of the electorate.
Resumo:
This scholarly work aims to investigate the feasibility and constitutionality of access to justice through the provision of full and free legal assistance by the Brazilian municipalities. Investigates the historical aspects of federalism in a global context, emphasizing the contributions left by American federalism. In the Brazilian context, emphasizing the importance of municipalities as federal entities and their outstanding characteristics, while addressing regional issues of federalism. Leanings to the more detailed analysis of the Brazilian municipalities, contextualizing its legal status, its independence and its constitutional powers. It is emphasized in the same way, the relevant transformations of Brazilian municipalities over the last twenty years of this Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil in 1988, especially the various constitutional amendments that affected the local autonomy and budgetary aspects, fiscal and skills, bringing significant changes to the municipalities. It is an approach to the concept of justice and deepening the studies on the fundamental right of access to justice in its various connotations. In this vein, it is a study on the legal advice provided in Brazil, especially the powers of the Public Defender of the States and Union, as well as the provision of such public service by Brazilian municipalities and its relevance to citizens in need. At this point, it deepens the relevance of the theme of this dissertation earning the implications of municipal performance in the provision of legal assistance provided to the needy, and the activity of the Municipal Attorney or legal counsel in conducting such a task and its implications for legal and procedural especially on the constitutionality or otherwise of the conduct of such public service, confronting the constitutional articles that are correlated with the subject. Within this context, evaluates the municipal legal assistance under the test of constitutionality, in particular the assistance given by the Executive, through the Municipal Attorney or specialized secretariats and that provided by the Legislature, although it only has the typical functions of legislating and control the municipal accounts, comes in a few municipalities in Brazil deploying sectors with the performance of legal services to the needy. At this point the thesis, one wonders if some important aspects of this activity such as political influence and patronage, very common in day-to-day municipal prosecutors and legal advisers, public employees or occupying commissioned positions within the municipal administrative structure in several municipalities throughout Brazil. Finally, there will be a conclusion as to the constitutionality of the service being done by presenting proposals and recommendations that may improve the municipal legal aid, allowing a constitutional backing to this important service is being provided in capital cities and municipalities throughout the length of Brazil
Resumo:
Diante do atual modelo penal e processual penal não atender aos reclamos das partes interessadas, gerando um descrédito na Justiça de um modo geral, surge a Justiça Restaurativa como uma alternativa para solucionar tais problemas e como elemento de concretização do Estado Democrático Constitucional. A Constituição Federal de 1988 representa o símbolo maior do processo de democratização e de constitucionalização nacional. O Princípio da Dignidade da Pessoa contida no texto constitucional consiste num dos principais fundamentos da República Federativa do Brasil, funcionando como respaldo aos direitos e garantias fundamentais do cidadão, sobretudo na seara criminal. A partir do processo de constitucionalização nacional, ocorre uma releitura das legislações infra-constitucionais, que passam a ser interpretadas de acordo com o texto constitucional. Atualmente, a conjuntura jurídico-penal pátria está associada à ideia de garantismo, ligada ao conceito de Estado Democrático Constitucional. Apresenta-se a Justiça Restaurativa como um novo modelo de Justiça Penal, mais flexível e humanizado, visando além da aplicação da pena imposta pelo Estado, superar uma situação de conflito, na busca por resultados positivos no combate e redução da criminalidade, a satisfação da vítima e a mudança da cultura de violência, compatível com as diretrizes do Estado Democrático Constitucional. A partir da análise do direito internacional e de projetos e legislações nacionais envolvendo a Justiça Restaurativa, percebe-se a eficácia das medidas restaurativas na solução de conflitos dentro do Processo Penal, além da satisfação da vítima, do infrator e de familiares na participação dos encontros restaurativos, constituindo ferramenta de satisfação da dignidade humana, dentro de uma perspectiva humanista e garantista
Resumo:
The following study proposes an analysis of the politic process which the brazilian constitutional justice faces, emphasizing the Supremo Tribunal Federal . For that purpose, we start by examining the intimate relationship between Politics and Law, in view of the most recent social systems theories, so that the political system is distinguished by the exclusiveness of using the physical force, intending to make coletive tying decisions, and the juridical system as a congruent generalization of the expectations towards the rules and principles, brought together under an interdependence by which both gather legitimacy and effectiveness. In this manner we can notice the political effects of the constitutional interpretation conducted by Judges as well as by other juridical professionals, because these ones decrease the overload of expectations which are pointed to the Judicature. Constitutional interpretation is democratized since the participative democracy arises and stablishes a permanent state of awareness around the exercise of power and favours the preservation of the pluralism (counter-majoritary principle) where we can find the origin of the democratic nature of constitutional courts, once, in most cases, their members are not elected by the people. After that, we analyse the historical posture of the Supremo Tribunal Federal as a constitutional court in Brazil, so we can realize the attempts to make it vulnerable to the appeals of governability and economical aims, agains which this court somehow has resisted, stressing its particularities. At the end, it s concluded that even the so-called acts of government, whose judiciary control is mostly repelled, are subjected to a constitutional analysis, last frontier to be explored by the Supremo Tribunal Federal in its role of exposing our republican Constitution
Resumo:
This paper concerns a study on the University Extension, by reference to the research extension activities under the theme human rights and justice, developed in the period 2008 to 2010 in UFRN. To do so, it tried to learn the concepts of extension in Brazil from the 1970s until the 2000s in contemporary times. This study considered the neoliberal social context of the University, dominated by educational policies focusing on the hegemony of liberal ideas about society, reflecting the great advances of capital on the organization of workers in the last decades and intensified in the 1990s. This research was guided by two great motivations: the opportunity to apprehend a way to enforce the commitment of public institutions of higher education to the disadvantaged sections of society and what role the university extension space plays as a socially committed public university. The general aim of this study is to identify inside the university extension education what does it mean for practitioners and extension activities and what results it produces to society and to the academic training of future professional citizens in the current neoliberal context. The research has been developed from an analytical and critical approach based on quantitative and qualitative data, using observation techniques and semi-structured interviews. We sought to investigate and understand the social reality, the main object of this work, with an interest in identifying the need for a new teaching/learning process and for a new university practice, in order to effectively improve an advanced academic formation. For this, some interviews have been conducted with teachers, students and the external community involved in extension actions in the period defined by the work, i.e., from 2008 to 2010. In this stage, it was observed that the academic work of university extension is essential to civic education. It was recognized too as a privileged space where university fulfills its social commitment towards society, as long as it joins scientific and popular knowledge having in view a new science and a new social order
Resumo:
The crisis of the model of technical and formal rationality is discussed in light of a paradigmatic change of the Law that arises in the context of recent transformations of capitalism worldwide, proposing a humanization of Law and Justice with a new ethical-political foundation that promotes a reconciliation between the rules that governs the social order and the world of life, a process of society’s emancipation. As empirical cut it is taken the Right of Children and Youth and, in a practical perspective, the recognition and effectiveness of the Rights of Children and Adolescents in Brazil. It is proposed to analyze the process of democratization and legitimacy of the children and youth rights from the study and apprehension of knowledge that advocate a multidisciplinary view of knowledge and a dialogic praxis for construction of a thought able to contribute to the analysis of public policies and to develop strategies that allow a real change on the social thinking about the doctrine of integral protection of children and adolescents. The proposed methodological approach was developed from a dialectical view of science and as a research strategy for data collection of symbolic cartography or cartographic sociology of law and justice. It is shown that in the process of humanization of the Law and Justice there is a gap between the rights and the democratic participation of these rights.
Resumo:
This study presents the issue of Children and Youth sexual violence from a critical eye in assessing the actions of the organs of defense and protection in cases of sexual abuse against children and adolescents in the city of Natal / RN. We aimed to perform this evaluation from the investigation of 05 cases of child and adolescent victims of sexual abuse that were answered by Precinct Specializing in Defense of Children and Adolescents (DCA), considering the service flow of cases, the articulation between the organs that make up System Warranty rights (SGD), the record of the complaint, as well as the elapsed time between the record of the complaint and the accountability of the offender. Thus, the present study consists in an analysis from the quantitative and qualitative theoretical-methodological approach assuming 'sexual violence in their social, historical, cultural, legal and economic dimensions. The route established between the knowledge about the object and the method of analysis involved: literature about the conceptual discussion on sexual violence, analyzing quantitative data provided by DCA, as well as semi-structured interviews with victims and those responsible for the professionals working in institutions of the defense agencies. Is apprehended in this study that the situations of violence against children is a multifaceted phenomenon that has expressions from ancient societies, assuming a peculiarity in contemporary society to consider the juvenile population as subjects of rights. Furthermore, it was possible to identify the lack of effectiveness, with respect to the actions of the organs of defense in intervention situations of sexual abuse now investigated as yet not actually configure a process of articulation between these bodies from the perspective of ensuring rights and break the cycle of violence.
Resumo:
This work aims to analyze, in terms of class, the social composition of the constituency of the presidential candidates of the Workers Party in 2002, 2006 and 2010 elections. Such research object is constructed from a preliminary critical debate with recent Brazilian electoral studies, especially the literature on the infl uence of social programs on voting and Singer’s formulations about the lulismo phenomenon. Incorporating advances and pointing out gaps in such research efforts, is formulated a roadmap for empirical research constituted of three key elements - the measure ment of the dimensions of class structure in Brazilian capitalism; the observation of material interests related to the constituents locations of such structure; the development of measures of association between the insertion in class groupings and indivi dual voting behavior. Based on the neo - Marxist approach of class analysis, especially as formulated by Wright, it is made an adaptation of the typology formulated by such approach (mainly developed by Santos to the Brazilian case) to the data available fro m databases of censuses of 2000 and 2010. This theoretical construct reveals that during the period considered for the analysis, the structure of class - relations in Brazil became more proletarized and consequently had a decrease of the dimensions of the de stitute class locations. In addition, it was found, in relation to the objective class interests, widespread increments of economic welfare that allowed advances in relation to the material conditions of the proletariat, without, however, incurring losses to the privileged class positions. Such changes in the structural sphere focused in various ways on the political arena. Based on an adaptation to electoral analysis of the concept of "class formation", also formulated by Wright, associated with the use of techniques of ecological inference (especially those proposed by King and associates), it was possible to draw up an overview of class voting in period studied. As main results, three general patterns of individual voting behavior, related to each of the three analyzed class groupings were identified - a contraposition against PT candidates, by voters in privileged class locations; the adhesion, recurring throughout the study period, of workers to Lula and Dilma Rousseff; a favorable electoral shift unde rtaken by economically deprived voters in favor of those candidatures in the 2006 election.
Resumo:
The inequalities that mark the women’s lives in societies around the world have been the subject of intense discussion by the feminist movement, with developments in questioning about possibilities of full citizenship. In this scenario the Brazilian feminist movement has achieved steadily, in recent decades, an effort to participate in the formulation of the public policy agenda, as well as the realization of demands to institutionalize the legal parameters as regulations for the issue of violence against women. On the grounds of social justice, many discourses are made with a focus on reframing the institutional role of the state in the areas of constitutional law and criminal law. Considering these discourses, proposals were reformulated and the action of the state was resized, what ended in the enactment of Law 11,340 / 2006 (Maria da Penha Law), with a great impact on the Brazilian criminal justice system. Taking this perspective as its starting point, this research is focused on understanding the struggles for access to the legal field regarding the implementation of the Maria da Penha Law. This qualitative and quantitative research analyses the way the social practices and social representations which involve activists of the feminist movement and operators from the justice system are established in Juazeiro/ BA and Petrolina/PE before the institutional reshuffles of the state. As a result, it was revealed that, despite inconsistencies in the performance of the criminal justice system, the positioning of feminist activism is grounded on the assumption.
Resumo:
The creation of the National Council of Justice (CNJ) through the Constitutional Amendment nº 45/2004, derived from countless gaps in Brazilian law, mainly relating to procedural delays, ineffectiveness of judicial decisions, and the lack of mechanisms that enable, effectively, disciplinary accountability of judges. The council is constitutionally designed as a member of the Judiciary, which has administrative nature and laid assignments in art. 103-B, § 4 of the current Constitution, among which is to edit regulations to instrument its performance. However, since it came into force, the amendment raised extensive discussions, linked in particular to the constitutionality of the CNJ, which was made through the direct action of unconstitutionality nº 3367, against the alleged violation of the principles of separation of powers and federative form, as well as the limits of its regulatory powers, as has fanned out in ADI nº 3823/ DF, this one dealing on Resolution nº 07, which regulates the seal of nepotism practice in the judiciary. However, despite the Supreme Court has already pronounced on the matter, recognizing the constitutionality of the council, as well as the resolution already said, the debate is in a state of latency, and may erupt again with each new manifestation of regulatory CNJ, given the lack of agreement between doctrine and jurisprudence around the constitutional treatment of its regulatory powers. In this context undeniably reflection on the definition of the regulatory power of the CNJ, presents itself as extremely relevant, and current, in particular in the ambience of the Constitutional Rule of Law, where he strives for legal certainty and consolidation of regulatory institutions. So that it could reach a satisfactory result, skilled at resolving the problems raised, the present study analyzed the reasons that gave rise to the creation of the CNJ, demonstrating their indispensability, but also sought to characterize the status of their administrative and constitutional body, noting finally, the compatibility of its regulatory activities to constitutional principles. From this perspective, we adopted the deductive method and carried out research and bibliographic nature documentary.
Resumo:
This thesis investigates the voting behavior of the fractions of the new working class in Rio Grande do Norte, more specifically in the cities of Natal, Mossoró and Caicó, from the presidential election of 2014. This research examined the ideology, the evaluation of government and guidance the vote of a portion of the working classes of RN voters. In Brazil, from 2003, socio-economic change has occurred perceptibly, especially in a part of the working classes who ascended socially and switched to the "C economic class." Thus, there was this period, a significant expansion of this social stratum. The expansion of the "class C" in the past decade in Brazil raised the academic debate and in the media about the emergence of a "new middle class". Neri (2008) termed the "class C" of the "new middle class" and that will be the central part of their studies. But the debate on the "new middle class" can not be simplistic to the point of considering that social mobility, the main variable income, entered this segment of the population in the middle class, because it has different specificities of the popular classes. To understand this phenomenon, the income variable was outdated, adding the importance of ownership of the means of production, control of labor power and the symbolic values in the division of social classes resulting in three fractions of the new working class: the management positions, non-heads and small fighters. In this study, using as a complement to the sociological approach (ideologies and social classes) and the performance evaluation was identified that the new working class (heads) mainly reproduced the ideological and political positioning of the middle class, resulting in the rejection of PT governments (2003-2014) and it’s social, compensatory and redistributive policies. From what has been seen, the new working class (chiefs) approaches the ideological and political behavior of the middle class that will reflect in their electoral choices and class interests. The new working class (not heads and small fighters who voted in the situation) because of its classist and ideological interests approached the Workers' Party positively evaluating the Lula-Dilma governments (2003-2014) due to the implementation of compensatory policies, and redistributive programs government turned to the popular classes. In a counterpoint, the voters of the new working class (not heads and small fighters) who voted null, reproduced the discourse of mainstream media and the middle class about the rejection of compensatory policies, redistribution and government programs of Lula-Dilma governments, and consequently they disapproved of the government Dilma and her candidacy.