22 resultados para strategian muotoilu

em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki


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The rise of Special education numbers in Finland has caused a situation where Finland s ten largest LEA s so called kymppikunnat (ten communes) have expressed their growing concern of organizing the special education in the current institutional settings. The LEA s started the conversation of redefining special education system in 2004. Their aim was to target the governments attention to the problematics of special education. By the request of the Ministry of Education the LEA s prepared a final report concerning the central questions in the Finnish special education system. On the basis of the LEA s survey it became even clearer that the legislation, funding system and curriculum are tightly linked together. The following LEA s took part into the writing process Espoo, Helsinki, Jyväskylä, Kuopio, Lahti, Lappeenranta, Tampere, Turku and Vantaa. The report was hand over to the Ministry of Education at 18.8.2006. After the delivery the Ministry organized special education development group meetings 17 times in the year 2007. The result of the LEA s report and the development meetings was a new Special Education Strategy 2007. I am observing the dialogue between administrational levels in governmental institutions change process. The research is a content analysis where I compare the Erityistä tukea tarvitsevan oppilaan opetuksen järjestämisen uudistaminen osana yhtenäistä perusopetusta- kohti laatua ja joustavuutta (The renewal of the organization of teaching for student with special educational needs as part of unified education for all - towards quality and flexibility) document to Erityisopetuksen strategia (Special education strategy) document. My aim was to find out how much of their own interests have the LEA s been able to integrate into the official governmental documentation. The data has been organized and analyzed quantitatively with Macros created as additional parts in Microsoft Excel software. The document material has also been arranged manually on sentence based categorization into an Excel matrix. The results have been theoretically viewed from the special education reform dialogue perspective, and from the angle of the change process of a bureaucratic institution. My target has been to provide a new viewpoint to the change of special education system as a bureaucratic institution. The education system has traditionally been understood as a machine bureaucracy. By the review provided in my pro gradu analysis it seems however that the administrational system in special education is more of a postmodern network bureaucracy than machine bureaucracy. The system appears to be constructed by overlapping, crossing and complex networks where things are been decided. These kinds of networks are called "governance networks . It seems that the governmental administrational - and politic levels, the third sector actors and other society s operators are mixed in decision making.

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Tutkielman tavoitteena on tuottaa neulakinnasrekonstruktio Euran Luistarin kalmiston haudan 56 neulakinnasfragmenttien pohjalta. Hauta on tutkittu vuonna 1969, jolloin kalmistoalueen arkeologiset kaivaukset aloitettiin. Haudan löytöjen perusteella on aikaisemmin tehty kokonainen pukurekonstruktio, Euran muinaispuku. Luistarin hauta 56 on ruumishauta ja se on tehty naisvainajalle rautakaudella, 1000-luvun alkupuolella jKr. Neulakinnastekniikalla on valmistettu neuloksia jo tuhansia vuosia. Eri neulakinnastekniikoita on yritetty kuvata useilla teorioilla, joista paras lienee Egon H. Hansenin merkintätapa. Suomalaisen kansanperinteen mukaan maassamme on tehty neuleita kolmella erilaisella neulakinnastekniikalla: suomeksi , venäjäksi ja pyöräyttäen . Luistarin haudan 56 neulakinnastekniikalla valmistetut tekstiilifragmentit löytyivät vainajan vatsalta suuren puukontupen päältä sekä kämmenluiden ja sormusten yhteydestä. Fragmentteja saatiin kaivauksissa talteen yhteensä kuusi, joista suurin on kooltaan 6x9 cm. Fragmentit on sijaintinsa perusteella tulkittu kintaiden jäänteiksi. Hautaustilanteessa kintaat ovat ilmeisesti sijainneet vainajan vatsalla, eivätkä käsiin puettuina, sillä fragmentteja ei löytynyt kaikkien sormusten yhteydestä. Myös eräistä muista rautakautisista ruumishaudoista on löydetty neulakintaiden jäänteitä. Luistarin haudan 56 neulakinnasfragmenteista on tutkittu valmistustekniikka, lankojen paksuudet ja kierteisyydet. Selkeänä erottuvat kolme väriä on tulkittu mikroskooppitarkastelussa siniseksi, punaiseksi ja keltaiseksi. Pieni punaisen kerroksen pätkä aivan suurimman fragmentin reunassa on tulkittu peukalon tyveksi. Muita Suomesta löytyneitä rautakautisia neulakinnasfragmentteja ja niistä saatuja tietoja on käytetty vertailuaineistona. Kinnasrekonstruktioon käytetyt langat on värjätty luonnonväreillä. Värjäyksessä on käytetty osittain nykypäivän keinoja, mutta niin, että lopputulos poikkeaisi mahdollisimman vähän muinaistekniikoilla tehdystä. Punainen lanka on värjätty värimataralla eli krapilla, keltainen kanervalla ja sininen luonnonindigolla. Kintaiden muotoilu perustuu suomalaiseen neulakinnastraditioon ja lähialueiltamme löytyneisiin keskiaikaisiin neulakintaisiin.

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Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena on selvittää, millaisia tiedonhakustrategioita tiedonhakijatkäyttävät etsiessään tietoa Internetistä. Käyttäjät luokitellaan kolmeen ryhmään tiedonhakustrategiansa mukaan. Haku-suuntautuneet käyttäjät käyttävät enimmäkseen hakukoneita, niin koko Internetin kattavia kuin sivustojen sisäisiäkin. Linkkisuuntautuneet taas joko tietävät tai arvaavat kohdesivuston osoitteen tai käyttävät laajoja hierarkkisia hakemistoja tiedon löytämiseen. He navigoivat mielummin sivustollakin linkkejä käyttäen eivätkä yleensä käytä hakutoimintoa. Eriytyneet käyttäjät eivät säännönmukaisesti suosi kumpaakaan tapaa, vaan valitsevat strategian tehtävän mukaan. Tietoa kerättiin kahdella tavalla: WWW-sivulla olleella kyselylomakkeella ja tiedonhakutestillä, jossa käyttäjille annettiin suoritettavaksi erilaisia tiedonhakutehtäviä. Tiedonhakutehtävät lajiteltiin kolmeen ryhmään sen mukaan, mitä strategiaa ne suosivat: hakustrategiaa suosivat, linkkistrategiaa suosivat ja neutraalit tehtävät. Tutkimusongelmana oli selvittää, kuinka tehtävän tyyppi ja ATK- ja Internet-kokemus vaikuttavat tiedonhakustrategian valintaan. Kävi ilmi, ettei käyttäjien suuntautuneisuus tiettyyn strategiaan vaikuta tiedonhakustrategian valintaan, vaan ainoastaan tehtävän tyyppi oli merkitsevä tekijä. Aikaisemman tutkimustiedon valossa kokeenet suosivat haku-suuntautunutta strategiaa. Tässä tutkimuksessa havaittiin, että kokemus lisäsi molempien strategioiden käyttöä yhtäläisesti, mutta tämä ilmiö oli havaittavissa ainoastaan kysely-lomakkeen pohjalta, ei testeissä. Molempien tiedonhakustrategioiden käyttö lisääntyy kokemuksen myötä, mutta suhteelliset osuudet pysyvät samoina. Syyksi sille, että kokeneet eivät suosineet hakustrategiaa, esitetään sitä, että tehtävät olivat liian helppoja, jolloin kokemus ei pääse auttamaan. Oleellisia eroja suoritusajoissa tai hakustrategian vaihdon tiheydessä ei havaittu suhteessa kokemukseen, ainoastaan suhteessa tehtävän tyyppiin.Tämäkin selitettiin toisentyyppisten tehtävien helppoudella. Tutkimuksessa pohditaan lisäksi asiantuntijuuden syntyä tiedonhakukontekstissa sekä esitetään metatietohypoteesi, jonka mukaan tiedonhakustrategian valintaan vaikuttaa tärkeänä tekijänä käyttäjän metatieto hakupalveluista. Metatietoon kuuluu tieto siitä, mitä hakukoneita on saatavilla, mitä tietoa verkosta kannattaa hakea, millä yrityksillä ja yhteisöillä on sisältörikkaat sivut jne, ja minkä tyyppistä tietoa yleensä on saatavilla. Kaikenkaikkiaan strategian valintaan esitetään taustalle kolmen tason tiedon vaikutusta: 1) oma asiantuntemus haettavasta alasta, 2) metatieto Internetin tiedonhakupalveluista sekä 3) tekninen tieto siitä, kuinka hakukoneet toimivat. Avainsanat: tiedonhaku, tiedonhakustrategia, hakukone, WWW, metatieto, kognitiivinen psykologia

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The educational reform, launched in Finland in 2008, concerns the implementation of the Special Education Strategy (Opetusministeriö 2007) under an improvement initiative called Kelpo. One of the main proposed alterations of the Strategy relates to the support system of comprehensive school pupils. The existed two-level model (general and special support) is to be altered by the new three-level model (general, intensified and special support). There are 233 municipalities involved nationwide in the Kelpo initiative, each of which has a municipal coordinator as a national delegate. The Centre for Educational Assessment [the Centre] at the University of Helsinki, led by Professor Jarkko Hautamäki, carries out the developmental assessment of the initiative’s developmental process. As a part of that assessment the Centre interviewed 151 municipal coordinators in November 2008. This thesis considers the Kelpo initiative from Michael Fullan’s change theory’s aspect. The aim is to identify the change theoretical factors in the speech of the municipal coordinators interviewed by the Centre, and to constitute a view of what the crucial factors in the reform implementation process are. The appearance of the change theoretical factors, in the coordinators’ speech, and the meaning of these appearances are being considered from the change process point of view. The Centre collected the data by interviewing the municipal coordinators (n=151) in small groups of 4-11 people. The interview method was based on Vesala and Rantanen’s (2007) qualitative attitude survey method which was adapted and evolved for the Centre’s developmental assessment by Hilasvuori. The method of the analysis was a qualitative theory-based content analysis, processed using the Atlas.ti software. The theoretical frame of reference was grounded on Fullan’s change theory and the analysis was based on three change theoretical categories: implementation, cooperation and perspectives in the change process. The analysis of the interview data revealed spoken expressions in the coordinators’ speech which were either positively or negatively related to the theoretical categories. On the grounds of these change theoretical relations the existence of the change process was observed. The crucial factors of reform implementation were found, and the conclusion is that the encounter of the new reform-based and already existing strategies in school produces interface challenges. These challenges are particularly confronted in the context of the implementation of the new three-level support model. The interface challenges are classified as follows: conceptual, method-based, action-based and belief-based challenges. Keywords: reform, implementation, change process, Michael Fullan, Kelpo, intensified support, special support

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Designed by the Media The Media publicity of Design in the Finnish Economic Press The meaning of design has increased in consumer societies. Design is the subject of debate and the number of media discussions has also increased steadily. Especially the role of industrial design has been emphasised. In this study I examine the media publicity of design in the Finnish economic press from the late 1980s to the beginning of the 2000s. The research question is connected to media representations: How is design represented in the Finnish economic press? In other words, what are the central topics of design in the economic press, and to what issues are the media debates connected? The usually repeated phrase that design discussions take place only on the cultural pages of the daily press or in cultural contexts is being changed. Design is also linked to the consumer culture and consumers everyday practices. The research material has been collected from the Finnish economic press. The qualitative sample consists of articles from Kauppalehti, Taloussanomat and from several economic papers published by the Talentum Corporation. The approach of the research is explorative, descriptive and hermeneutic. This means that the economic press articles are used to explore how design is represented in the media. In addition, the characteristics of design represented in the media are described in detail. The research is based on the interpretive tradition of studying textual materials. Background assumptions are thus grounded in hermeneutics. Erving Goffman s frame analysis is applied in analysing the economic press materials. The frames interpreted from the articles depict the media publicity of design in the Finnish economic press. The research opens up a multidimensional picture of design in the economic press. The analysis resulted in five frames that describe design from various points of view. In the personal frame designers are described in private settings and through their personal experiences. The second frame relates to design work. In the frame of mastery of the profession, the designers work is interpreted widely. Design is considered from the aspects of controlling personal know-how, co-operation and the overall process of design. The third frame is connected to the actual substance of the economic press. In the frame of economy and market, design is linked to international competitiveness, companies competitive advantage and benefit creation for the consumers. The fourth frame is connected to the actors promoting design on a societal level. In the communal frame, the economic press describes design policy, design research and education and other actors that actively develop design in the societal networks. The last frame is linked to the traditions of design and above all to the examination of the cultural transition. In the frame of culture the traditions of design are emphasised. Design is also connected to the industrial culture and furthermore to the themes of the consumer culture. It can be argued that the frames construct media publicity of design from various points of view. The frames describe situations, action and the actors of design. The interpreted media frames make it possible to understand the relation of interpreted design actions and the culture. Thus, media has a crucial role in representing and recreating meanings related to design. The publicity of design is characterised by the five focal themes: personification, professionalisation, commercialisation, communalisation and transition of cultural focus from the traditions of design to the industrial culture and the consumer culture. Based on my interpretation these themes are guided by the mediatisation of design. The design phenomenon is defined more often on the basis of the media representations in the public discourses. The design culture outlined in this research connects socially constructed and structurally organised action. Socially constructed action in design is connected to the experiences, social recreation and collective development of design. Structurally, design is described as professional know-how, as a process and as an economic profit generating action in the society. The events described by the media affect the way in which people experience the world, the meanings they connect to the events around themselves and their life in the world. By affecting experiences, the media indirectly affects human actions. People have become habituated to read media representations on a daily basis, but they are not used to reading and interpreting the various meanings that are incorporated in the media texts.

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Gravitaation kvanttiteorian muotoilu on ollut teoreettisten fyysikkojen tavoitteena kvanttimekaniikan synnystä lähtien. Kvanttimekaniikan soveltaminen korkean energian ilmiöihin yleisen suhteellisuusteorian viitekehyksessä johtaa aika-avaruuden koordinaattien operatiiviseen ei-kommutoivuuteen. Ei-kommutoivia aika-avaruuden geometrioita tavataan myös avointen säikeiden säieteorioiden tietyillä matalan energian rajoilla. Ei-kommutoivan aika-avaruuden gravitaatioteoria voisi olla yhteensopiva kvanttimekaniikan kanssa ja se voisi mahdollistaa erittäin lyhyiden etäisyyksien ja korkeiden energioiden prosessien ei-lokaaliksi uskotun fysiikan kuvauksen, sekä tuottaa yleisen suhteellisuusteorian kanssa yhtenevän teorian pitkillä etäisyyksillä. Tässä työssä tarkastelen gravitaatiota Poincarén symmetrian mittakenttäteoriana ja pyrin yleistämään tämän näkemyksen ei-kommutoiviin aika-avaruuksiin. Ensin esittelen Poincarén symmetrian keskeisen roolin relativistisessa fysiikassa ja sen kuinka klassinen gravitaatioteoria johdetaan Poincarén symmetrian mittakenttäteoriana kommutoivassa aika-avaruudessa. Jatkan esittelemällä ei-kommutoivan aika-avaruuden ja kvanttikenttäteorian muotoilun ei-kommutoivassa aika-avaruudessa. Mittasymmetrioiden lokaalin luonteen vuoksi tarkastelen huolellisesti mittakenttäteorioiden muotoilua ei-kommutoivassa aika-avaruudessa. Erityistä huomiota kiinnitetään näiden teorioiden vääristyneeseen Poincarén symmetriaan, joka on ei-kommutoivan aika-avaruuden omaama uudentyyppinen kvanttisymmetria. Seuraavaksi tarkastelen ei-kommutoivan gravitaatioteorian muotoilun ongelmia ja niihin kirjallisuudessa esitettyjä ratkaisuehdotuksia. Selitän kuinka kaikissa tähänastisissa lähestymistavoissa epäonnistutaan muotoilla kovarianssi yleisten koordinaattimunnosten suhteen, joka on yleisen suhteellisuusteorian kulmakivi. Lopuksi tutkin mahdollisuutta yleistää vääristynyt Poincarén symmetria lokaaliksi mittasymmetriaksi --- gravitaation ei-kommutoivan mittakenttäteorian saavuttamisen toivossa. Osoitan, että tällaista yleistystä ei voida saavuttaa vääristämällä Poincarén symmetriaa kovariantilla twist-elementillä. Näin ollen ei-kommutoivan gravitaation ja vääristyneen Poincarén symmetrian tutkimuksessa tulee jatkossa keskittyä muihin lähestymistapoihin.

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Our present-day understanding of fundamental constituents of matter and their interactions is based on the Standard Model of particle physics, which relies on quantum gauge field theories. On the other hand, the large scale dynamical behaviour of spacetime is understood via the general theory of relativity of Einstein. The merging of these two complementary aspects of nature, quantum and gravity, is one of the greatest goals of modern fundamental physics, the achievement of which would help us understand the short-distance structure of spacetime, thus shedding light on the events in the singular states of general relativity, such as black holes and the Big Bang, where our current models of nature break down. The formulation of quantum field theories in noncommutative spacetime is an attempt to realize the idea of nonlocality at short distances, which our present understanding of these different aspects of Nature suggests, and consequently to find testable hints of the underlying quantum behaviour of spacetime. The formulation of noncommutative theories encounters various unprecedented problems, which derive from their peculiar inherent nonlocality. Arguably the most serious of these is the so-called UV/IR mixing, which makes the derivation of observable predictions especially hard by causing new tedious divergencies, to which our previous well-developed renormalization methods for quantum field theories do not apply. In the thesis I review the basic mathematical concepts of noncommutative spacetime, different formulations of quantum field theories in the context, and the theoretical understanding of UV/IR mixing. In particular, I put forward new results to be published, which show that also the theory of quantum electrodynamics in noncommutative spacetime defined via Seiberg-Witten map suffers from UV/IR mixing. Finally, I review some of the most promising ways to overcome the problem. The final solution remains a challenge for the future.

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Pro gradu -tutkielmani on laadullinen aineistolähtöinen tutkimus seurakuntien keskijohdon kokemuksista seurakuntien yhdistymisprosessin johtamisesta. Toteutin keväällä 2010 laadullisen Internet-kyselyn, jossa pyysin keskijohtoa arvioimaan ylemmän esimiehensä johtamistoimenpiteitä organisaatioiden yhdistymisprosessin suunnittelu-, käynnistämis- ja vakiinnuttamisvaiheen aikana. Tutkimusjoukoksi valitsin seurakuntayhdistymisen vuoden 2009 alussa toteuttaneiden seurakuntien keskijohdon, joka toimii hengellisessä työssä. Vastausprosentiksi muodostui 61 %. Luokittelin aineistoni sisällönanalyysin keinoin. Saamieni vastausten perusteella luokittelin johtamistoimenpiteiden perusteella ideaalityypin johtajasta, joka voisi toteuttaa seurakuntien yhdistymisprosessin keskijohdon kannalta onnistuneesti. Luokittelussani löysin viisi johtajuustyyppiä: läsnäoleva, asiantuntijuuteen luottava, oikeudenmukainen, suunnitteleva ja hallinnon hallitseva johtajuus. Kukin johtajuustyyppi muodostui useammasta johtamistavasta. Johtamistavat muodostin vastaajien mainitsemista johtamistoimenpiteiden kuvauksista. Tarkastelin näitä johtajuustyyppejä ja niihin liittyviä johtamistapoja myös ajallisessa perspektiivissä. Muodostin ajallista tarkastelua varten aiemmasta tutkimuksesta suunnittelu-, käynnistämis- ja vakiinnuttamisvaiheet. Järjestelin Internet-kyselyn avoimet kysymykset näiden muutosvaiheiden mukaan. Tutkimustuloksinani totean, että keskijohdon mielestä organisaatioiden yhdistäminen tulisi nähdä ensisijaisesti strategian päivittämisen prosessina. Tutkimukseni tulokset vahvistavat Strandmanin esittämän strategian päivittämisen prosessin mallin sisältöjä muutamia muutoksia huomioiden. Olen muokannut tutkimustuloksieni perusteella Strandmanin esittämän mallin organisaation yhdistämistilanteeseen sopivaksi. Mielenkiintoisena tutkimustuloksena pidän myös havaintoani, ettei keskijohto näe kirkkoherraa hengellisenä johtajana muutostilanteessa. Kirkkoherra näyttäytyy keskijohdolle työyhteisönsä hallinnollisena johtajana. Tutkimukseni nostaa esiin kokonaiskirkollisesti mielenkiintoisen muutoksen, jossa kirkkoherran rooli muuttuu seurakunnan hengellisestä johtajasta seurakunnan hallinnolliseksi johtajaksi, ja hengellinen johtajuus siirtyy työalaa tai -aluetta johtavalle kappalaiselle eli keskijohdolle.

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This thesis examines the interrelationship and dynamics between the Indian United Progressive Alliance government’s foreign policy and its nuclear weapons policy. The purpose of the study is to situate nuclear policy within a foreign policy framework, and the fundamental research problem is thus how does the Indian nuclear policy reflect and respond to the Indian foreign policy? The study examines the intentions in the Indian foreign and nuclear policies, and asks whether these intentions are commensurable or incommensurable. Moreover, the thesis asks whether the UPA government differs from its predecessors, most notably the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance government in its foreign and nuclear policies. Answers to these questions are based on the interpretation of political texts and speeches as suggested by Quentin Skinner’s notion of meaning3, what does a writer or speaker mean by what he or she says in a given text, and by J.L. Austin’s speech act theory. This linguistic perspective and the approach of intertextualizing, place the political acts within their contingent intellectual and political contexts. The notion of strategic culture is therefore introduced to provide context for these juxtapositions. The thesis firstly analyses the societal, historical and intellectual context of India’s foreign and nuclear policy. Following from this analysis the thesis then examines the foreign and nuclear policies of Prime Minister Manmo-han Singh’s UPA government. This analysis focuses on the texts, speeches and statements of Indian authorities between 2004 and 2008. This study forwards the following claims: firstly, the UPA Government conducts a foreign policy that is mainly and explicitly inclusive, open and enhancing, and it conducts a nuclear policy that is mainly and implicitly excluding, closed and protective. Secondly, despite the fact that the notion of military security is widely appreciated and does not, as such, necessarily collide with foreign policy, the UPA Government conducts a nuclear policy that is incommensurable with its foreign policy. Thirdly, the UPA Gov-ernment foreign and nuclear policies are, nevertheless, commensurable re-garding their internal intentions. Finally, the UPA Government is conduct-ing a nuclear policy that is gradually leading India towards having a triad of nuclear weapons with various platforms and device designs and a function-ing and robust command and control system encompassing political and military planning, decision-making and execution. Regarding the question of the possible differences between the UPA and NDA governments this thesis claims that, despite their different ideological roots and orientations in domestic affairs, the Indian National Congress Party conducts, perhaps surprisingly, quite a similar foreign and nuclear policy to the Bharatiya Janata Party.

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This study explores the EMU stand taken by the major Finnish political parties from 1994 to 1999. The starting point is the empirical evidence showing that party responses to European integration are shaped by a mix of national and cross-national factors, with national factors having more explanatory value. The study is the first to produce evidence that classified party documents such as protocols, manifestos and authoritative policy summaries may describe the EMU policy emphasis. In fact, as the literature review demonstrates, it has been unclear so far what kind of stand the three major Finnish political parties took during 1994–1999. Consequently, this study makes a substantive contribution to understanding the factors that shaped EMU party policies, and eventually, the national EMU policy during the 1990s. The research questions addressed are the following: What are the main factors that shaped partisan standpoints on EMU during 1994–1999? To what extent did the policy debate and themes change in the political parties? How far were the policies of the Social Democratic Party, the Centre Party and the National Coalition Party shaped by factors unique to their own national contexts? Furthermore, to what extent were they determined by cross-national influences from abroad, and especially from countries with which Finland has a special relationship, such as Sweden? The theoretical background of the study is in the area of party politics and approaches to EU policies, and party change, developed mainly by Kevin Featherstone, Peter Mair and Richard Katz. At the same time, it puts forward generic hypotheses that help to explain party standpoints on EMU. It incorporates a large quantity of classified new material based on primary research through content analysis and interviews. Quantitative and qualitative methods are used sequentially in order to overcome possible limitations. Established content-analysis techniques improve the reliability of the data. The coding frame is based on the salience theory of party competition. Interviews with eight party leaders and one independent expert civil servant provided additional insights and improve the validity of the data. Public-opinion surveys and media coverage are also used to complete the research path. Four major conclusions are drawn from the research findings. First, the quantitative and the interview data reveal the importance of the internal influences within the parties that most noticeably shaped their EMU policies during the 1990s. In contrast, international events play a minor role. The most striking feature turned out to be the strong emphasis by all of the parties on economic goals. However, it is important to note that the factors manifest differences between economic, democratic and international issues across the three major parties. Secondly, it seems that the parties have transformed into centralised and professional organisations in terms of their EMU policy-making. The weight and direction of party EMU strategy rests within the leadership and a few administrative elites. This could imply changes in their institutional environment. Eventually, parties may appear generally less differentiated and more standardised in their policy-making. Thirdly, the case of the Social Democratic Party shows that traditional organisational links continue to exist between the left and the trade unions in terms of their EMU policy-making. Hence, it could be that the parties have not yet moved beyond their conventional affiliate organisations. Fourthly, parties tend to neglect citizen opinion and demands with regard to EMU, which could imply conflict between the changes in their strategic environment. They seem to give more attention to the demands of political competition (party-party relationships) than to public attitudes (party-voter relationships), which would imply that they have had to learn to be more flexible and responsive. Finally, three suggestions for institutional reform are offered, which could contribute to the emergence of legitimised policy-making: measures to bring more party members and voter groups into the policy-making process; measures to adopt new technologies in order to open up the policy-formation process in the early phase; and measures to involve all interest groups in the policy-making process.

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National identity signifies and makes state s defence- and foreign policy behaviour meaningful. National consciousness is narrated into existence by narratives upon one s own exceptionalism and Otherness of the other nations. While national identity may be understood merely as a self-image of a nation, defence identity refers to the borders of Otherness and issues that have been considered as worth defending for. As national identities and all the world order models are human constructions, they may be changed by the human efforts as well; states and nations may deliberately promote communitarian or even cosmopolitan equality and tolerance without borders of Otherness. The main research question of the thesis is: How does Poland constitute herself as a nation and a state agent in the current world order and to what extent have contextual foreign and defence policy interactions changed the Polish defence identity during the post-Cold War era? The main empirical argument of the thesis is: Poland is a narrated idea of a Christian Catholic nation-state, which the Polish State, the Catholic Church of Poland, the Armed Forces of Poland as well as a majority of the Polish nation share. Polish defence identity has been almost impenetrable to contextual foreign and defence policy interactions during the post-Cold War era. While Christian religious ontology binds corporate Poland together, allowing her to survive any number of military and political catastrophes, it simultaneously brings her closer to the USA, raises tensions in the infidel EU-context, and restrains corporate Poland s pursuit of communitarian, or even cosmopolitan, global equality and tolerance. It is not the case that corporate Poland s foreign and defence policy orientation is instinctively Atlanticist by nature, as has been argued. Rather, it has been the State s rational project to overcome a habituated and reified fear of becoming geopolitically sandwiched between Russian and German Others by leaning on the USA; among the Polish nation, support for the USA has been declining since 2004. It is not corporate Poland either that has turned into a constructive European , as has been argued, but rather the Polish nation that has, at least partly, managed to emancipate itself from its habituation to a betrayal by Europe narrative, since it favours the EU as much as it favours NATO. It seems that in the Polish case a truly common European CFSP vis-à-vis Russia may offer a solution that will emancipate the Polish State from its habituated EU-sceptic role identity and corporate Poland from its narrated borders of Otherness towards Russia and Germany, but even then one cannot be sure whether any other perspective than the Polish one on a common stand towards Russia would satisfy the Poles themselves.

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The study analyses European social policy as a political project that proceeds under the guidance of the European Commission. In the name of modernisation, the project aims to build a new idea for the welfare state. To understand the project, it is necessary to distance oneself from both the juridical competence of the European Union and the traditional national welfare state models. The question is about sharing problems, as well as solutions to them: it is the creation and sharing of common views, concepts and images that play a key role in European integration. Drawing on texts and speeches produced by the European Commission, the study throws light on the development of European social policy during the first years of the 2000s. The study "freeze-frames" the welfare debate having its starting points in the nation states in the name of the entity of Europe. The first article approaches the European social model as a story in itself, a preparatory, persuasive narrative that concerns the management of change. The article shows how the audience can be motivated to work towards a set target by using discursive elements in a persuasive manner: the function of a persuasive story is to convince the target audience of the appropriateness of the chosen direction and to shape their identity so that they are favourably disposed to the desired political targets. This is a kind of "intermediate state" where the story, despite its inner contradictions and inaccuracies, succeeds in appearing as an almost self-evident path towards a modern social policy that Europe is currently seen to be in need of. The second article outlines the European social model as a question of governance. Health as a sector of social policy is detached from the old political order, which was based on the welfare state, and is closely linked to economy. At the same time the population is primarily seen as an economic resource. The Commission is working towards a "Europe of Health" that grapples with the problem of governance with the help of the "healthisation" of society, healthy citizenship and health economics. The way the Commission speaks is guided by the Union's powerful interest to act as "Europe" in the field of welfare policy. At the same time, the traditional separateness of health policy is effaced in order to be able to make health policy reforms a part of the Union's wider modernisation targets. The third article then shows the European social policy as its own area of governance. The article uses an approach based on critical discourse analysis in examining the classification systems and presentation styles adopted by Commission communications, as well as the identities that they help build. In analysing the "new start" of the Lisbon strategy from the perspective of social policy, the article shows how the emphasis has shifted from the persuasive arguments for change with necessary common European targets in the early stages of the strategy towards the implementation of reforms: from a narrative to a vision and from a diagnosis to healing. The phase of global competition represents "the modern" with which European society with its culture and ways of life now has to be matched. The Lisbon strategy is a way to direct this societal change, thus building a modern European social policy. The fourth article describes how the Commission uses its communications policy to build practices and techniques of governance and how it persuades citizens to participate in the creation of a European project of change. This also requires a new kind of agency: agents for whom accountability and responsibilities mean integration into and commitment to European society. Accountability is shaped into a decisive factor in implementing the European Union's strategy of change. As such it will displace hierarchical confrontations and emphasise common action with a view to modernising Europe. However, the Union's discourse cannot be described as being a political language that would genuinely rouse and convince the audience at the level of everyday life. Keywords: European social policy, EU policy, European social model, European Commission, modernisation of welfare, welfare state, communications, discoursiveness.

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FAMILIES AND SCHOOLS AND THE POLITICS OF RESPONSIBILITIES - a genealogical study on family and school as carers and educators of the child population in modern society This study aims to uncover the politics behind such discourses in the media which have claimed the family to be totally responsible for children and which ignore the various responsibilities accorded to the state in matters concerning the child population. Using Max Weber s and Michael Mann s theorizing on the history of power relationships, feminist social history on patriarchy and Foucauldian power analytic concept of dispositif the study traces two competing child policies which have influenced the historical formation of modern generational order in Western societies. One of them is based on the interests of the hegemonic bourgeois elite and the other on the interests of the non-elite population, which were expressed during the phase of building the welfare state in Finland in the 1960 1980 s. The central strategies of the bourgeois child policy are 1) to construct the childhood years as a time for preparation and formation of the individual according to the interests of the elite, 2) to construct the family as the sole site of holistic care and responsibility of children in society, and 3) compulsory schooling of children of the non-elite population in state organized schools. To implement these strategies the elite uses strategically patriarchal cultural formations/dispositifs in modernized versions. The result has been the formation of a sexually divided and hierarchical order of care and education, where, on the one hand, there is the less important feminine care of children done by mothers at home and, on the other, the real education of the school, where children are made the object of authoritarian shaping and where the needs and the personal experiences of the child are ignored. The welfare order of care and education is based on the ethos of welfare society, where the state and the families are seen to share the responsibility for the child population. In this vein, families and schools are seen as partners who both have a caring attitude to children s welfare and learning. The study shows that discourses and terminology in the mainstream educational policy texts in Finland create a chaotic linguistic game which makes it difficult to have a rational discussion about the roles of family and school in the holistic care and education of children. This has opened the door to political discourses where familist interpretations of the question of responsibility are claimed to be based on law.

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Biojalostamo lisäisi talouskasvua ja työllisyyttä Tutkimuksessa selvitettiin biojalostamotoiminnan aluetaloudellisia vaikutuksia Kymenlaakson ja Satakunnan maakuntiin. Biodieselin valmistus kohentaisi molemmilla alueilla talouskasvua yhteensä 3,0–3,5 prosenttiyksiköllä eli noin 200 miljoonalla eurolla vuoteen 2020 mennessä. Työllisyys paranisi Kymenlaaksossa 437 ja Satakunnassa 420 henkilötyövuodella. Biojalostamotoiminta näyttäisi tukevan työllisyyttä suhteellisesti vähemmän kuin talouskasvua johtuen alan pääomavaltaisuudesta. Kymenlaakso hyötyisi biojalostamosta hiukan enemmän kuin Satakunta johtuen aluetalouksien rakenteellisista eroista. Metsäteollisuuden menetyksiä voitaisiin kompensoida Kymenlaakso on kärsinyt metsäteollisuuden supistumisesta tähän asti suurimmat menetykset. Biojalostamon perustaminen Kymenlaaksoon voisi merkittävästi korvata paperin tuotannon laskusta aiheutuneita menetyksiä. Talouskasvun suhteen biojalostamo voisi korvata puolet menetyksistä. Työllisyysmenetyksistä biojalostamotoiminta pystyisi kompensoimaan noin neljäsosan. Tukien merkitystä biojalostamon aluetaloudellisiin vaikutuksiin selvitettiin tukityypeittäin ja -tasoittain. Sekä raaka-aine- että tuotantotukivaikutukset jäivät simuloinneissa vaatimattomiksi. Tukien tehottomuutta selittää niiden pienuus. Muut toimialat kärsivät biojalostamoalan tukemisesta, mikä vähentää tukien aluetaloudellista vaikuttavuutta. Toisaalta reaalimaailmassa tuet voivat olla ratkaisevassa asemassa bioenergia-alan käynnistyessä ja sen kehityksen alkumetreillä. Bioenergia-strategian mukainen kehitys tuottaisi tulosta Bioenergian käytön lisäämisen aluetaloudellista vaikuttavuutta tutkittiin Keski-Suomen maakuntaa koskevan tapaustutkimuksen avulla. Vaikutusten laskenta pohjautui maakunnan bioenergian käytön tavoitteiden mukaisiin määriin. Mikäli bioenergian käyttö kasvaisi Keski-Suomessa neljällä terawattitunnilla vuoteen 2015 mennessä, vaikutus talouskasvuun olisi yhteensä 0,5 prosenttiyksikköä eli 35 miljoonaa euroa. Maakunnan työllisyys paranisi yli 200 henkilötyövuodella. Todennäköisesti myönteisiä aluetalousvaikutuksia vahvistaisi vielä alueen energiaostoista johtuvien vuotojen väheneminen energiaomavaraisuuden kasvaessa. Keski-Suomelle voisi kertyä hyötyjä myös bioenergiateknologian alan laitevalmistuksen osaamisen lisääntymisen kautta. Biojalostamotoiminta on täysin uudenlaista toimintaa, joten tilastollista seurantatietoa tältä alalta ei ole käytettävissä. Julkisia teknis-taloudellisia selvityksiä biodieselin tuotannosta on saatavilla suhteellisen niukasti. Koska simuloinneista saadut tulokset perustuvat biojalostamolle oletettuun kustannusrakenteeseen, tuloksia on tästä syystä käsiteltävä vain suuntaa-antavina. Ruralia-instituutti suosittaa biojalostamotoiminnan aluetaloudellisten vaikutusten seuraamista ja laskelmien päivittämistä, kun tarkempaa tietoa biojalostamon tuotannon kustannuksista ja tuotteiden kysynnän rakenteesta on saatavilla. Biojalostamon kustannusrakenne. Biojalostamotoiminta kompensoisi noin puolet massa- ja paperiteollisuuden supistumisesta aiheutuneista talouskasvun menetyksistä Kymenlaaksossa.

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Strategisen johtamisen oppi on tunkeutunut nykyään lähes kaikenlaisiin organisaatioihin suuryrityksistä julkisorganisaatioihin ja kolmannelle sektorille. Siitä on muodostunut suosittu johtamiskäytäntö, jota pidetään yleisesti jopa välttämättömyytenä ja itsestään selvänä tapana johtaa ja tehdä päätöksiä. Tässä kirjassa tuodaan esille, miten strategiapuhe ei kuitenkaan ole mikään viaton tai neutraali tapa tuottaa todellisuuttamme; se pitää sisällään erilaisia valtarakennelmia ja vaihtoehdottomuutta. Tutkimus antaa myös mielenkiintoisen näkökulman erityisesti isossa kaupunkiorganisaatiossa tehtävään strategiatyöhön. Kirja tarjoaa näköaloja ja tutkimuksellisia avauksia erityisesti strategian retoriikkaan, keskustelukäytäntöihin, strategian kääntämisen ilmiöön, osallistumisen problematiikkaan sekä strategian ja maineenhallinnan yhteyteen.