Naiset kodeissaan kokoontuvissa seurakunnissa ensimmäisellä ja toisella vuosisadalla

Kahden ensimmäisen vuosisadan kristityt kokoontuivat tavallisesti seurakuntalaisten kodeissa. Varhaiskristillisistä teksteistä selviää, että jotkut näistä kodeista olivat naisten omistuksessa. Lisäksi varhaiskristillisissä kirjoituksissa mainitaan naisia, joiden kodeissa mahdollisesti kokoontui seurakunta. Lähdetekstien informaatio näistä naisista on yleisesti ottaen hyvin niukkaa. Lähdetekstien lisäksi tietoja heistä voidaan kuitenkin pyrkiä saamaan tarkastelemalla esimerkiksi heidän sosiaalista kontekstiaan. Erityisen tärkeitä teemoja sosiaalisen kontekstin tarkastelussa ovat kreikkalais-roomalaiset naiset omaisuutensa itsenäisinä omistajina sekä ensimmäisten vuosisatojen kodeissa kokoontuvat seurakunnat näiden naisten toimintaympäristöinä. Tämän tutkielman aiheeseen liittyviä teemoja ovat muun muassa kreikkalais-roomalaisten naisten omistus- ja vaikutusmahdollisuudet, kreikkalais-roomalaisen kodin ”yksityisyys”, seurakuntien luonne kreikkalais-roomalaisiin yhdistyksiin verrattuna sekä suhtautuminen antiikin kirjoituksiin primäärilähteinä. Edellä mainittujen teemojen tutkimuksessa on viime vuosikymmenien ja vuosien aikana löydetty uusia näkökulmia, jotka valaisevat myös kuvaa naisista, joiden kodeissa kokoontui seurakunta. Kreikkalais-roomalaisilla naisilla oli suhteellisen usein mahdollisuus omistaa oma omaisuutensa. Tämän edellytyksenä oli yleensä naisen isän kuolema sekä se, että mahdollinen avioliitto oli solmittu siten, ettei nainen ollut tullut miehensä vallan alaiseksi. Omaisuutta ei ollut pelkästään yläluokkaisilla naisilla, vaan myös esimerkiksi vapautetut orjat saattoivat työllään ansaita huomattaviakin omaisuuksia. Itsenäisesti omaisuutensa omistavat naiset olivat useimmiten todennäköisesti leskiä. Nämä naiset olivat tottuneet yhteiskunnassaan siihen, että varakkailla henkilöillä oli erilaisia velvollisuuksia, joihin kuuluivat muun muassa erilaiset julkiset tehtävät sekä erilaisten ryhmien ja yksittäisten henkilöiden suojelijoina toimiminen. Naisia toimi muun muassa kreikkalais-roomalaisten yhdistysten suojelijoina, jolloin he esimerkiksi tarjosivat kodeissaan yhdistyksille kokoontumistilat. Yhdistykset olivat yksi tärkeimmistä kodeissa kokoontuvien seurakuntien taustamalleista; seurakuntia voidaan sanoa yhdeksi yhdistyskulttuurin ilmentymäksi. Muita tärkeitä taustamalleja olivat juutalaisuus sekä kreikkalais-roomalaiset perhekunnat. Kaikki nämä taustamallit antoivat ainakin osittain positiivisen kuvan toimintamahdollisuuksista naiselle, jonka kodissa kokoontui seurakunta. Tutkimuksessa ajatellaan nykyään yleisesti, että naisten asema kristinuskossa muuttui huonommaksi kristinuskon alkuaikojen jälkeen. Siitä, miksi tämä tapahtui, ei olla yksimielisiä. Tähän kysymykseen vastaavia teorioita ei voida pitää tyydyttävinä, koska ne erehtyvät jo alkuoletuksissaan yksinkertaistamaan kuvaa maailmasta, jossa varhaiset kristityt elivät. Täydellistä vastausta kysymykseen ei voidakaan saavuttaa, mutta ottamalla monipuolisesti huomioon erilaisia ilmiöön vaikuttaneita tekijöitä päästään luultavasti lähemmäs oikeaa lopputulosta. Kahden ensimmäisen vuosisadan naiset olivat kodeissaan kokoontuvissa seurakunnissa johtajanasemissa. He todennäköisesti johtivat Herran aterian viettoa ja ”kaitsivat” seurakuntaansa. Kreikkalais-roomalaisessa yhteiskunnassa vallitsi yleisemminkin toimintatapoja, joiden mukaan nainen voitti tarpeeksi suurella varakkuudella sukupuolensa asettamat esteet. Kristityt seurasivat tätä toimintatapaa. Naisten johtavat asemat kodeissaan kokoontuvissa seurakunnissa eivät siis mitä todennäköisimmin johtuneet kristittyjen pyrkimyksistä sukupuolten väliseen tasa-arvoon tai kristittyjen naisten emansipaatiosta. Sen sijaan nämä asemat olivat seurausta naisten suhteellisesta varakkuudesta.

"Wicca=..." : Sosiaalisen identiteetin vaikutus wiccan määrittelyyn Suomiwicca-keskustelulistalla

Kysymys wiccan määrittelystä nousi ajankohtaiseksi vuosituhannen vaihteessa, kun joukko wiccoja päätti hakea uskonnolleen virallisen yhdyskunnan asemaa. Yritys ei onnistunut, sillä opetusministeriö piti wiccaa liian hajanaisena, eikä katsonut sen täyttävän laissa määriteltyjä uskonnon tunnusmerkkejä. Tutkielman tarkoitus on paneutua nimenomaan virallistamis-prosessin puitteissa käytyyn määrittelykeskusteluun diskurssianalyysin tarjoamin keinoin. Aineistona käytän projektin avuksi perustettua Suomiwicca-keskustelulistaa. Keskeisiä kysymyksiä ovat mm. miksi määrittely loppujen lopuksi on niin vaikeaa, ja miten siihen liittyviä ongelmia on pyritty ratkaisemaan. Samalla kiinnitän huomiota yleiseen uskonnon määrittelyyn uskonnonvapauslain näkökulmasta sekä länsimaissa tapahtuvaan uskonnollisuuden individualistumiseen. Määrittelyvaikeuksien juuret nousevat wiccan historiasta ja avoimen lähteen uskonnolle tyypillisistä piirteistä. Aineistossani lisäväriä keskusteluun tuovat lainsäädännön vaatimukset sekä oman sosiaalisen identiteetin varjeleminen. Teoreettisena viitekehyksenä toimiikin H. Tajfelin ja J. C. Turnerin sosiaalisen identiteetin teoria. Määrittelyyn kiinteässä yhteydessä olevan kategorisoinnin kognitiiviset periaatteet on niin ikään huomioitu. Analyysi paljastaa, että määrittely koetaan vaikeaksi, koska wicca on luonteeltaan epä-dogmaattinen, yksilön autonomiaa korostava mysteeriuskonto. Tällaista uskontoa ei kukaan voi eikä kenenkään pitäisi määritellä, vaan wiccalaisuus perustuu itsemäärittelyyn. Silti tunnustetaan, ettei kaikki wiccaksi nimetty ole wiccaa, ja käytännössä itsemäärittelyn rinnalle astuu muita tekijöitä. Eroa wiccan ja ei-wiccan välille yritetään tehdä mm. erottautumalla sosiaalista identiteettiä heikentävistä liikkeistä (esim. satanismi, new age), jotka ulkopuoliset usein yhdistävät wiccaan. Erotteluja tehdään myös wiccan sisällä. Kritiikin kohteeksi joutuvat sekä yksittäiset henkilöt että eklektinen wicca-suuntaus kokonaisuutena. Oikeudesta wicca-nimitykseen ja siihen liittyvään sosiaaliseen identiteettiin pidetään kuitenkin lujasti kiinni, ja vihjailuja epäaitoudesta pidetään loukkaavina. Käytännössä itsemäärittely osoittatuu siis toimimattomaksi ja liian löyhäksi strategiaksi, vaikka onkin sopusoinnussa wiccan ideologian kanssa. Itseidentifikaatio on toki oleellinen osa wiccana olemista, mutta sen lisäksi on oltava uskottava, ja tultava muiden wiccojen hyväksymäksi perheyhtäläisyyden perusteella. Perheyhtäläisyyspiirteiden sijasta listalla keskitytään kuitenkin wiccaa monoteettisesti määrittävän piirteen etsimiseen. Tällaiseksi ehdotetaan mm. redeä, jumalkäsitystä sekä luontosuhdetta, mutta tulkinnallisten erimieli-syyksien vuoksi yhtäkään niistä ei kelpuuteta. Sen sijaan selkeyttä wiccakenttään näyttää tuovan taksonomisten jaotteluiden tekeminen ja wicca-suuntausten erojen korostaminen. Näin kaikki wiccaksi nimittäytyvät tunnustetaan wiccoiksi, mutta kenenkään sosiaalinen identiteetti ei silti heikkene. Strategia vaikuttaa lupaavalta, mutta sen tasa-arvoinen toteutuminen vaatii vielä hiomista ja uudenlaisten jaottelujen vakiinnuttamista. Tämä kuitenkin todistaa, ettei tyydyttävän määritelmän löytyminen ole täysin mahdotonta, kunhan kaikki wicca-ryhmittymät huomioidaan eikä keneltäkään yritetä väkisin riistää sosiaalista identiteettiä.

Asunnoton yhteiskunnan jäsenenä : Sosiaalisesti syrjäytyneen osallistumismahdollisuudet ja deliberatiivinen demokratia

Tutkielmassani selvitän, millä tavalla sosiaalisesti syrjäytyneen, kuten asunnottoman, on mahdollista osallistua yhteiskunnan toimintaan ja itseään koskevaan päätöksentekoon. Tutkimuskysymykseni ovat: Toteutuvatko perustuslain 14 § ja 19 §:ssä säädetyt oikeudet, ja ovatko viranomaisten toimet riittäviä edistämään syrjäytyneiden asunnottomien itsenäistä asumista sekä lisäämään vaikutusmahdollisuuksia itseään koskevassa päätöksenteossa. Voisiko deliberatiivisen demokratiamallin avulla vahvistaa syrjäytyneiden yhteiskunnallista osallistumista, ja siten helpottaa asunnottomuusongelmaa. Asunnottomia oli vuonna 2006 noin 7 400 henkilöä. Syitä joutua asunnottomaksi on useita. Valtaosalla ongelmat ovat kasautuneet, minkä jälkeen itsenäinen selviäminen on hankaloitunut. Asunnottomilla on usein monia eri ongelmia kuten pitkäaikaissairauksia, työttömyyttä ja päihteiden väärinkäyttöä. Avioero on yksi keskeisistä yksittäisistä syistä etenkin miehille päätyä asunnottomaksi. Maahanmuuttajien asunnottomuus voi olla seurausta pyrkimyksestä integroitua yhteiskuntaan: Muuttaessa sijoituspaikkakunnalta esimerkiksi ystävien, työn tai opiskelun vuoksi kasvukeskukseen, maahanmuuttajan voi olla vaikeaa saada asuntoa. Näin työn tai koulutuspaikan vastaanottaminen voi pakottaa maahanmuuttajan ottamaan riskin menettää asunto. Sosiaalisesti syrjäytyneeksi voidaan määritellä ihminen, joka ei kykene tai halua sopeutua normaalina pidettyyn elämään yhteiskunnassa. Tämä tutkimuksissa käytetty normaalin elämän määritelmä muotoutuu yhteiskunnan arvojen ja käytäntöjen pohjalta. Syrjäytyminen voi tarkoittaa myös sitä, että ihminen kokee itsensä ulkopuoliseksi yhteiskunnasta. Syrjäytymistä aiheuttavatkin siten toistuvat syrjinnän ja voimattomuuden kokemukset sekä hankaluus vaikuttaa itseään koskevaan päätöksentekoon. Asunnottomien yö –tapahtumassa syksyllä 2007 vapaaehtoiset haastattelivat asunnottomuutta kokeneita. Haastattelut on julkaistu internetissä ja ne ovat vapaasti tutkijoiden, toimittajien ja poliitikkojen käytettävissä. Useissa haastatteluissa asunnottomat kertovat, että he eivät koe olevansa täysivaltaisia yhteiskunnan jäseniä. Haastatteluissa kritisoidaan sitä, että poliitikot ja sosiaalityöntekijät päättävät asunnottomuuden hoidosta sekä asunnottomia koskevista asioista ilman, että asunnottomilla on mahdollisuutta vaikuttaa päätöksentekoon. Turhautumisen tunne paistoi läpi useissa haastatteluissa. Useissa vastauksissa asunnottomat vaativat poliitikkoja ja sosiaalityöntekijöitä perehtymään asunnottomien arjen elämään. Deliberatiivisessa demokratiassa yksi keskeisistä ajatuksista on, että vain sellaiset päätökset, jotka on tehty kaikille avoimen keskustelun ja vapaan tahdonmuodostuksen pohjalta voivat saada hyväksynnän ja luottamuksen kansalta sekä muodostua sitoviksi. Deliberatiivisessa demokratiakäsityksessä on kyse siitä, että asioista päätetään yhdessä, julkisen ja tasa-arvoisen keskustelun sekä harkinnan pohjalta. Keskeistä on myös, että kaikkien, joita päätökset koskettavat, täytyy voida osallistua päätöksiä edeltävään keskusteluun. Erityisesti Young ja Bohman korostavat, että myös sosiaalisesti syrjäytyneellä tulee olla mahdollisuus osallistua poliittiseen keskusteluun ja itseään koskevaan päätöksentekoon. Muun muassa koulutuksen kautta opitaan rauhallinen, asiallinen ja kielellisesti oikea argumentaatiotapa. Ihmisten erilaisuus ja kouluttamattomuus eivät Youngin mukaan saa estää mahdollisuutta osallistua yhteiskunnassa käytävään poliittiseen keskusteluun. Tutkimuskysymykseeni, lisäävätkö viranomaiset toiminnallaan yksilön mahdollisuutta vaikuttaa itseään koskevaan päätöksentekoon ja edistävätkö he yksilön mahdollisuuksia osallistua yhteiskunnalliseen toimintaan, vastaan eivät. Kuitenkin viranomaisten mahdollisuudet edistää perustuslaissa säädettyjä velvollisuuksia ovat poliittisten päättäjien budjetoinnin vuoksi rajoitettuja. Helsingin sosiaaliasiamiehet pitivät huolestuttavana sitä, että sosiaalityöntekijät pakotetaan toimimaan sekä lainsäädännön että ammattietiikkansa vastaisesti. Sosiaaliasiamiesten raportin perusteella voisi päätellä, että ainakin Helsingissä viranomaisilla olisi tahtoa toimia lain velvoittamalla tavalla. Asunnottomista suurin osa asuu Helsingissä ja Pääkaupunkiseudulla, joten tämän perusteella tutkimuskysymykseeni voi vastata yleistäen Helsingin esimerkin pohjalta. Syrjäytymistutkijoiden tulkinnan mukaan syrjäytyminen ja siitä pahimmillaan seuraava asunnottomuus johtuvat osittain ihmisten kokemien vaikutusmahdollisuuksien puutteesta. Deliberatiivisen demokratian tavoitteena on luoda sellainen demokraattinen malli, jossa poliittinen keskustelu ja vaikutusmahdollisuudet olisivat kaikkien yhteiskunnan jäsenten saavutettavissa. Syrjäytymistutkimuksen valossa deliberatiivinen demokratia voisi olla malli, jonka avulla vahvistettaisiin sosiaalisesti syrjäytyneiden kuten asunnottomien vaikutusmahdollisuuksia. Myös asunnottomien haastatteluissa nousi esille toive tulla kuulluksi. Moni kommentoi, että asunnottomuuden hoidosta ja heidän asioistaan päättävät sellaiset ihmiset, joilla ei ole todellista tietoa asunnottomien arjesta ja toiveista. Deliberatiivisen demokratian malli voisi näiden tutkimusten valossa olla keino lisätä osallistumismahdollisuuksia ja vähentää sitä kautta myös syrjäytymistä ja asunnottomuutta.

Mammapalstat : Voimaantuminen vanhoillislestadiolaisten äitien internetyhteisöissä

Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena oli selvittää, millaisia voimaantumisen kokemuksia äideillä on vanhoillislestadiolaisten äitien suljetuissa internetyhteisöissä. Lisäksi tutkimuksessa tarkasteltiin sitoutumista voimaantumisen tuloksena. Tutkimuksen kohteena oli kolme vanhoillislestadiolaisten äitien internetyhteisöä, joita kutsutaan mammapalstoiksi. Tutkimusote oli kvalitatiivinen. Aineisto kerättiin keväällä 2007. Tutkimusaineistona oli kymmenen vanhoillislestadiolaisen äidin haastattelut eri puolilla Suomea. Haastattelujen tarkoituksena oli saada äitien kokemuksia voimaantumisesta tietyillä osa-alueilla ja siitä syystä haastattelut suoritettiin teemahaastatteluina. Tutkimuksen teoreettinen viitekehys pohjautui Siitosen voimaantumisen teoriaan, jonka ytimenä on voimaantuminen yksilön henkilökohtaisena prosessina. Tutkimuksessa käytetiin soveltavasti apuna myös Siitosen katalyytti-ideaa, jonka mukaan vahva voimaantuminen johtaa vahvaan sitoutumiseen. Teoreettinen viitekehys toimi suuntaa antavana, mutta analyysissa jätettiin tilaa myös tutkittavan ilmiön aineistolähtöisille ominaispiirteille. Sisällönanalyysissa aineistosta kerättiin kaikki voimaantumiseen liittyvät ilmaukset ja ne jaettiin sisällön mukaisiin ryhmiin. Jaottelun tuloksena muodostui neljä voimaantumisen ulottuvuutta, jotka kuvaavat kukin voimaantumisen kokemuksia mammapalstoilla eri näkökulmasta. Näitä ulottuvuuksia olivat virtuaalisuus, identifikaatio, yhteisöllisyys ja itsetietoisuus.Virtuaalinen ulottuvuus kuvaa niitä tekijöitä, jotka internetin ja tekniikan puolesta vaikuttavat voimaantumiseen. Internetissä toimivat mammapalstat toivat etäisyyttä niin taustayhteisöön kuin muihin äiteihinkin, mikä helpotti vaikeista asioista keskustelua. Identifikaation eli samastumisen ulottuvuus luo näkökulman äitien yhteiseen taustaan vanhoillislestadiolaiseen liikkeeseen kuuluvina. Voimaantumiseen vaikuttivat positiivisesti äitien samankaltainen arvomaailma ja elämäntilanne, kun voitiin jakaa asioita ymmärtävässä seurassa.Yhteisöllinen ulottuvuus valottaa voimaantumiseen vaikuttavia tekijöitä yhteisön toiminnan kautta. Toimiva ja tasa-arvoiseksi koettu yhteisö toi hyväksytyksi tulemisen kokemuksia, mikä lisäsi äitien uskoa omiin kykyihin selvitä elämässä.Itsetietoisuuden ulottuvuus kuvaa vertaistuen merkitystä yksilön itseluottamuksen kasvulle ja siten voimaantumiselle. Analyysin tuloksena mammapalstat päädyttiin näkemään äitien itsensä määrittäminä henkisinä tiloina äidiksi kasvamisessa ja uuteen rooliin sopeutumisessa. Voimaantumisen prosessi toimi haastateltujen kohdalla kahdella tasolla: Voimaantuminen johti taustayhteisön normistoon sopeutumiseen. Äidit myös sitoutuivat oman hyvinvointinsa hoitamiseen ja kehittämiseen. Tutkimuksen päätuloksena oli, että mammapalstat toimivat osana vanhoillislestadiolaisten äitien elämänhallintaa. Mammapalstat auttoivat äitejä luottamaan tulevaisuuteen ja selviytymään yhteiskunnan ja taustayhteisön normistoon sopeutumisen ristipaineessa. Äitiys nähtiin vanhoillislestadiolaisen liikkeen kantavaksi rakenteeksi ja siten äitiydessä tapahtuvat muutokset koskettavat koko liikettä.

Dental Service Utilization, Dental Health Production and Equity in Dental Care: the Finnish Experience

This thesis is grounded on four articles. Article I generally examines the factors affecting dental service utilization. Article II studies the factors associated with sector-specific utilization among young adults entitled to age-based subsidized dental care. Article III explores the determinants of dental ill-health as measured by the occurrence of caries and the relationship between dental ill-health and dental care use. Article IV measures and explains income-related inequality in utilization. Data employed were from the 1996 Finnish Health Care Survey (I, II, IV) and the 1997 follow-up study included in the longitudinal study of the Northern Finland 1966 Birth Cohort (III). Utilization is considered as a multi-stage decision-making process and measured as the number of visits to the dentist. Modified count data models and concentration and horizontal equity indices were applied. Dentist s recall appeared very efficient at stimulating individuals to seek care. Dental pain, recall, and the low number of missing teeth positively affected utilization. Public subvention for dental care did not seem to statistically increase utilization. Among young adults, a perception of insufficient public service availability and recall were positively associated with the choice of a private dentist, whereas income and dentist density were positively associated with the number of visits to private dentists. Among cohort females, factors increasing caries were body mass index and intake of alcohol, sugar, and soft drinks and those reducing caries were birth weight and adolescent school achievement. Among cohort males, caries was positively related to the metropolitan residence and negatively related to healthy diet and education. Smoking increased caries, whereas regular teeth brushing, regular dental attendance and dental care use decreased caries. We found equity in young adults utilization but pro-rich inequity in the total number of visits to all dentists and in the probability of visiting a dentist for the whole sample. We observed inequity in the total number of visits to the dentist and in the probability of visiting a dentist, being pro-poor for public care but pro-rich for private care. The findings suggest that to enhance equal access to and use of dental care across population and income groups, attention should focus on supply factors and incentives to encourage people to contact dentists more often. Lowering co-payments and service fees and improving public availability would likely increase service use in both sectors. To attain favorable oral health, appropriate policies aimed at improving dental health education and reducing the detrimental effects of common risk factors on dental health should be strengthened. Providing equal access with respect to need for all people ought to take account of the segmentation of the service system, with its two parallel delivery systems and different supplier incentives to patients and dentists.

State Agent, Identity and the "New World Order" : Reconstructing Polish Defence Identity after the Cold War Era

National identity signifies and makes state s defence- and foreign policy behaviour meaningful. National consciousness is narrated into existence by narratives upon one s own exceptionalism and Otherness of the other nations. While national identity may be understood merely as a self-image of a nation, defence identity refers to the borders of Otherness and issues that have been considered as worth defending for. As national identities and all the world order models are human constructions, they may be changed by the human efforts as well; states and nations may deliberately promote communitarian or even cosmopolitan equality and tolerance without borders of Otherness. The main research question of the thesis is: How does Poland constitute herself as a nation and a state agent in the current world order and to what extent have contextual foreign and defence policy interactions changed the Polish defence identity during the post-Cold War era? The main empirical argument of the thesis is: Poland is a narrated idea of a Christian Catholic nation-state, which the Polish State, the Catholic Church of Poland, the Armed Forces of Poland as well as a majority of the Polish nation share. Polish defence identity has been almost impenetrable to contextual foreign and defence policy interactions during the post-Cold War era. While Christian religious ontology binds corporate Poland together, allowing her to survive any number of military and political catastrophes, it simultaneously brings her closer to the USA, raises tensions in the infidel EU-context, and restrains corporate Poland s pursuit of communitarian, or even cosmopolitan, global equality and tolerance. It is not the case that corporate Poland s foreign and defence policy orientation is instinctively Atlanticist by nature, as has been argued. Rather, it has been the State s rational project to overcome a habituated and reified fear of becoming geopolitically sandwiched between Russian and German Others by leaning on the USA; among the Polish nation, support for the USA has been declining since 2004. It is not corporate Poland either that has turned into a constructive European , as has been argued, but rather the Polish nation that has, at least partly, managed to emancipate itself from its habituation to a betrayal by Europe narrative, since it favours the EU as much as it favours NATO. It seems that in the Polish case a truly common European CFSP vis-à-vis Russia may offer a solution that will emancipate the Polish State from its habituated EU-sceptic role identity and corporate Poland from its narrated borders of Otherness towards Russia and Germany, but even then one cannot be sure whether any other perspective than the Polish one on a common stand towards Russia would satisfy the Poles themselves.

Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights : A comparative analysis of the conceptual relationship between democracy and rights in contemporary political theories

Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights is a research in normative political theory, based on comparative analysis of contemporary democratic theories, classified roughly as conventional liberal, deliberative democratic and radical democratic. Its focus is on the conceptual relationship between alternative sources of democratic legitimacy: democratic inclusion and liberal rights. The relationship between rights and democracy is studied through the following questions: are rights to be seen as external constraints to democracy or as objects of democratic decision making processes? Are individual rights threatened by public participation in politics; do constitutionally protected rights limit the inclusiveness of democratic processes? Are liberal values such as individuality, autonomy and liberty; and democratic values such as equality, inclusion and popular sovereignty mutually conflictual or supportive? Analyzing feminist critique of liberal discourse, the dissertation also raises the question about Enlightenment ideals in current political debates: are the universal norms of liberal democracy inherently dependent on the rationalist grand narratives of modernity and incompatible with the ideal of diversity? Part I of the thesis introduces the sources of democratic legitimacy as presented in the alternative democratic models. Part II analyses how the relationship between rights and democracy is theorized in them. Part III contains arguments by feminists and radical democrats against the tenets of universalist liberal democratic models and responds to that critique by partly endorsing, partly rejecting it. The central argument promoted in the thesis is that while the deconstruction of modern rationalism indicates that rights are political constructions as opposed to externally given moral constraints to politics, this insight does not delegitimize the politics of universal rights as an inherent part of democratic institutions. The research indicates that democracy and universal individual rights are mutually interdependent rather than oppositional; and that democracy is more dependent on an unconditional protection of universal individual rights when it is conceived as inclusive, participatory and plural; as opposed to robust majoritarian rule. The central concepts are: liberalism, democracy, legitimacy, deliberation, inclusion, equality, diversity, conflict, public sphere, rights, individualism, universalism and contextuality. The authors discussed are e.g. John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas, Seyla Benhabib, Iris Young, Chantal Mouffe and Stephen Holmes. The research focuses on contemporary political theory, but the more classical work of John S. Mill, Benjamin Constant, Isaiah Berlin and Hannah Arendt is also included.

Lähellä, mutta niin kaukana : Tutkimus naisten muuttoliikkeestä Suomen ja uudelleen itsenäistyneen Viron välillä

Immigration is one of the most topical international issues of our time. Worldwide, the number of immigrants has doubled over the last twenty years, and migration patterns have become so diversified that they now constitute a kind of “chaos”. The number and significance of women as migrants has also increased, which is earning women growing attention among scholars. This study looks at the migration of women, in particular mothers of small children, in both directions between Finland and Estonia, following the latter’s re- independence. The data consists of in-depth interviews conducted in 2005 with 24 Finnish and 24 Estonian immigrant women. The focus was on the women’s expectations and experiences of their new country of residence, acculturation – i.e. adjusting to a new environment, social networks in the country of origin and the new country, and models of motherhood following immigration. The primary research question was formulated as follows: Which factors have influenced the formation of female immigrants’ social ties, thus contributing to the formation of motherhood strategies and afecting internal family dynamics in the new country? The research consists of four previously published independent articles as well as a summary chapter. The study’s findings indicate that Finnish and Estonian women migrated for diferent reasons and at diferent times, and that their migration patterns also difered. Estonian migration occurred mainly in the 1990s, and most immigrants intended to return later to their country of origin. Regardless of the reason for migrating that they gave to immigration officials, other key reasons often included the desire for a more stable living environment and better income. Only four of the Estonian women had immigrated together with an Estonian husband, while two- thirds came because of marriage to a Finnish man. Most of the Finnish women, on the other hand, migrated after 2000 and either came with their family as a result of a spouse’s job transfer, or came by themselves to further their studies. In most cases, the migration was a temporary solution intended to promote one’s own or one’s spouse’s career advancement. Because the reasons for migrating were diferent between Finnish and Estonian women, their expectations of the new country and their status in it were also diferent. In terms of both social and economic standing, the position of Finnish immigrants was categorically better. The reason for migrating had an impact on one’s orientation toward the receiving society. Estonian women and Finns who migrated for marriage or edu cational reasons became immediately active in forming institutional and social ties in the new society. Conversely, the women had migrated because of work had little contact with Estonian society, and their social networks consisted of other Finnish immigrants. Furthermore, they maintained strong institutional and social ties to Finland and therefore felt no need to anchor themselves to Estonian society. The Finnish and Estonian women who were better integrated into the receiving country also maintained strong social ties to their country of origin. Women who became integrated into the receiving country as a result of giving birth to children utilized various services directed at families with children. In part, such services conveyed to the women the conceptions that were prevalent in the surrounding society concerning the treatment of children and the expectations on mothers, both of which difer to some extent in Finland and Estonia. had an impact on strategies of motherhood, internal family dynamics, and gender Regardless of the reason for migrating, or the country of origin, immigration equality. Most Estonian women had to do without the child-care help provided by relatives; before immigrating, some women had even had daily child-care assistance from family members. However, Estonian women who were married to Finns did receive help from the spouse and sometimes also the spouse’s relatives. Conversely, Finnish women who had immigrated because of a spouse’s job transfer were faced with the opposite situation, in which they bore the main responsibility for domestic work and child care. They were, however, in a position to pay for domestic help. Hence, the women who had integrated into a new society had to construct their own perceptions of motherhood by reconciling the motherhood models of both the cause of a spouse’s job transfer found that being a stay-at-home mother challenged previously self-evident behaviors. Receiving country and the country of origin, whereas women who had migrated because of a spouse’s job transfer found that being a stay-at-home mother challenged previously self-evident behaviors.

Human Rights in Action

In the post-World War II era human rights have emerged as an enormous global phenomenon. In Finland human rights have particularly in the 1990s moved from the periphery to the center of public policy making and political rhetoric. Human rights education is commonly viewed as the decisive vehicle for emancipating individuals of oppressive societal structures and rendering them conscious of the equal value of others; both core ideals of the abstract discourse. Yet little empirical research has been conducted on how these goals are realized in practice. These factors provide the background for the present study which, by combining anthropological insights with critical legal theory, has analyzed the educational activities of a Scandinavian and Nordic network of human rights experts and PhD students in 2002-2005. This material has been complemented by data from the proceedings of UN human rights treaty bodies, hearings organized by the Finnish Foreign Ministry, the analysis of different human rights documents as well as the manner human rights are talked of in the Finnish media. As the human rights phenomenon has expanded, human rights experts have acquired widespread societal influence. The content of human rights remains, nevertheless, ambiguous: on the one hand they are law, on the other, part of a moral discourse. By educating laymen on what human rights are, experts act both as intermediaries and activists who expand the scope of rights and simultaneously exert increasing political influence. In the educational activities of the analyzed network these roles were visible in the rhetorics of legality and legitimacy . Among experts both of these rhetorics are subject to ongoing professional controversy, yet in the network they are presented as undisputable facts. This contributes to the impression that human rights knowledge is uncontested. This study demonstrates how the network s activities embody and strengthen a conception of expertise as located in specific, structurally determined individuals. Simultaneously its conception of learning emphasizes the adoption of knowledge by students, emphasizing the power of experts over them. The majority of the network s experts are Nordic males, whereas its students are predominantly Nordic females and males from East-European and developing countries. Contrary to the ideals of the discourse the network s activities do not create dialogue, but instead repeat power structures which are themselves problematic.

Hard Custom, Hard Dance : Social Organisation, (Un)Differentiation and Notions of Power in a Tabiteuean Community, Southern Kiribati

Hard Custom, Hard Dance: Social Organisation, (Un)Differentiation and Notions of Power in a Tabiteuean Community, Southern Kiribati is an ethnographic study of a village community. This work analyses social organisation on the island of Tabiteuea in the Micronesian state of Kiribati, examining the intertwining of hierarchical and egalitarian traits, meanwhile bringing a new perspective to scholarly discussions of social differentiation by introducing the concept of undifferentiation to describe non-hierarchical social forms and practices. Particular attention is paid to local ideas concerning symbolic power, abstractly understood as the potency for social reproduction, but also examined in one of its forms; authority understood as the right to speak. The workings of social differentiation and undifferentiation in the village are specifically studied in two contexts connected by local notions of power: the meetinghouse institution (te maneaba) and traditional dancing (te mwaie). This dissertation is based on 11 months of anthropological fieldwork in 1999‒2000 in Kiribati and Fiji, with an emphasis on participant observation and the collection of oral tradition (narratives and songs). The questions are approached through three distinct but interrelated topics: (i) A key narrative of the community ‒ the story of an ancestor without descendants ‒ is presented and discussed, along with other narratives. (ii) The Kiribati meetinghouse institution, te maneaba, is considered in terms of oral tradition as well as present-day practices and customs. (iii) Kiribati dancing (te mwaie) is examined through a discussion of competing dance groups, followed by an extended case study of four dance events. In the course of this work the community of close to four hundred inhabitants is depicted as constructed primarily of clans and households, but also of churches, work co-operatives and dance groups, but also as a significant and valued social unit in itself, and a part of the wider island district. In these partly cross-cutting and overlapping social matrices, people are alternatingly organised by the distinct values and logic of differentiation and undifferentiation. At different levels of social integration and in different modes of social and discursive practice, there are heightened moments of differentiation, followed by active undifferentiation. The central notions concerning power and authority to emerge are, firstly, that in order to be valued and utilised, power needs to be controlled. Secondly, power is not allowed to centralize in the hands of one person or group for any long period of time. Thirdly, out of the permanent reach of people, power/authority is always, on the one hand, left outside the factual community and, on the other, vested in community, the social whole. Several forms of differentiation and undifferentiation emerge, but these appear to be systematically related. Social differentiation building on typically Austronesian complementary differences (such as male:female, elder:younger, autochtonous:allotochtonous) is valued, even if eventually restricted, whereas differentiation based on non-complementary differences (such as monetary wealth or level of education) is generally resisted, and/or is subsumed by the complementary distinctions. The concomitant forms of undifferentiation are likewise hierarchically organised. On the level of the society as a whole, undifferentiation means circumscribing and ultimately withholding social hierarchy. Potential hierarchy is both based on a combination of valued complementary differences between social groups and individuals, but also limited by virtue of the undoing of these differences; for example, in the dissolution of seniority (elder-younger) and gender (male-female) into sameness. Like the suspension of hierarchy, undifferentiation as transformation requires the recognition of pre-existing difference and does not mean devaluing the difference. This form of undifferentiation is ultimately encompassed by the first one, as the processes of the differentiation, whether transformed or not, are always halted. Finally, undifferentiation can mean the prevention of non-complementary differences between social groups or individuals. This form of undifferentiation, like the differentiation it works on, takes place on a lower level of societal ideology, as both the differences and their prevention are always encompassed by the complementary differences and their undoing. It is concluded that Southern Kiribati society be seen as a combination of a severely limited and decentralised hierarchy (differentiation) and of a tightly conditional and contextual (intra-category) equality (undifferentiation), and that it is distinctly characterised by an enduring tension between these contradicting social forms and cultural notions. With reference to the local notion of hardness used to characterise custom on this particular island as well as dance in general, it is argued in this work that in this Tabiteuean community some forms of differentiation are valued though strictly delimited or even undone, whereas other forms of differentiation are a perceived as a threat to community, necessitating pre-emptive imposition of undifferentiation. Power, though sought after and displayed - particularly in dancing - must always remain controlled.

The Finnish Competition State and Entrepreneurial Policies in the Helsinki Region

The thesis examines the intensification and characteristics of a policy that emphasises economic competitiveness in Finland during the 1990s and early 2000s. This accentuation of economic objectives is studied at the level of national policy-making as well as at the regional level through the policies and strategies of cities and three universities in the Helsinki region. By combining the analysis of state policies, urban strategies and university activities, the study illustrates the pervasiveness of the objective of economic competitiveness and growth across these levels and sheds light on the features and contradictions of these policies on a broad scale. The thesis is composed of five research articles and a summary article. At the level of national policies, the central focus of the thesis is on the growing role of science and technology policy as a state means to promote structural economic change and its transformation towards a broader, yet ambivalent concept of innovation policy. This shift brings forward a tension between an increasing emphasis on economic aspects – innovations and competitiveness – as well as the expanding scope of issues across a wide range of policy sectors that are being subsumed under this market- and economy oriented framework. Related to science and technology policy, attention is paid to adjustments in university policy in which there has been increasing pressure for efficiency, rationalisation and commercialisation of academic activities. Furthermore, political efforts to build an information society through the application of information and communication technologies are analysed with particular attention to the balance between economic and social objectives. Finally, changes in state regional policy priorities and the tendency towards competitiveness are addressed. At the regional level, the focus of the thesis is on the policies of the cities in Finland’s capital region as well as strategies of three universities operating in the region, namely the University of Helsinki, Helsinki University of technology and Helsinki School of Economics. As regards the urban level, the main focus is on the changes and characteristics of the urban economic development policy of the City of Helsinki. With respect to the universities, the thesis examines their attempts to commercialise research and thus bring academic research closer to economic interests, and pays particular attention to the contradictions of commercialisation. Related to the universities, the activities of three intermediary organisations that the universities have established in order to increase cooperation with industry are analysed. These organisations are the Helsinki Science Park, Otaniemi International Innovation Centre and LTT Research Ltd. The summary article provides a synthesis of the material presented in the five original articles and relates the results of the articles to a broader discussion concerning the emergence of competition states and entrepreneurial cities and regions. The main points of reference are Bob Jessop’s and Neil Brenner’s theses on state and urban-regional restructuring. The empirical results and considerations from Finland and the Helsinki region are used to comment on, specify and criticise specific parts of the two theses.

The Culture of Women's Housework : A Case Study of Bihar, India

This study examines gendered housework in India, particularly in Bihar. The perspective adopted in the study was in part derived from the data but also from sociological literature published both in Western countries and in India. The primary attention is therefore paid to modern and traditional aspects in housework. The aim is not to compare Indian practices to those of Western societies, but rather to use Western studies as a fruitful reference point. In that light, Indian housework practices appear to be traditional. Consequently, traditions are given a more significant role than is usually the case in studies on gendered housework, particularly in Western countries. The study approaches the topic mainly from the socio-cultural perspective; this provides the best means to understand the persistence of traditional habits in India. To get a wide enough picture of the division of labour, three methods were applied in the study: detailed time-use data, questionnaire and theme interviews. The data were collected in 1988 in two districts of Bihar, one rural and the other urban. The different data complement each other well but also bring to light contradictory findings: on a general level Biharian people express surprisingly modern views on gender equality but when talking in more detail (theme interviews) the interviewees told about how traditional housework practices still were in 1988. In the analysis of the data set four principal themes are discussed. Responsibility is the concept by which the study aims at understanding the logic of the argumentation on which the persistence of traditional housework practices is grounded. Contrary to the Western style, Biharian respondents appealed not to the principle of choice but to their responsibility to do what has to be done. The power of tradition, the early socialization of children to the traditional division of labour and the elusive nature of modernity are all discussed separately. In addition to the principle of responsibility, housework was also seen as an expression of affection. This was connected to housework in general but also to traditional practices. The purity principle was the third element that made Biharian interviewees favour housework in general, but as in the case of affection it too was interwoven with traditional practices. It seems to be so that if housework is in general preferred, this leads to preferring the traditional division of labour, too. The same came out when examining economic imperatives. However, the arguments concerning them proved to be rational. In analysing them it became clear that the significance of traditions is also much dependent on the economics: as far as the average income in India is very low, the prevalence of traditional practices in housework will continue. However, to make this work, cultural arguments are required: their role is to mediate more smoothly the iron rules of the economy. Key words: family, gendered housework, division of labour, responsibility, family togetherness, emotion, economy of housework, modernity, traditionality

Gender, Politics and Democratisation in Cameroon

Gender perceptions, religious belief systems, and political thought have excluded women from politics, for ages, around the world. Combining feminist and modernisation theorists in my theoretical framework, I examine the trends in patriarchal Europe and I highlight the gender-sensitive model of the Nordic countries. Retracing local gender patterns from precolonial to postcolonial eras in sub-Saharan Africa, I explore the links between perceptions, needs, resources, education and women's political participation in Cameroon. Democratisation is supposed to open up political participation, to grant equal opportunities to all adults. One ironic feature of the liberalisation process in Cameroon has been the decrease of women in parliamentarian representation (14% in 1988, 6% in 1992, 5% in 1997 and 10% in 2002). What social, cultural and institutional mechanisms produced this paradoxical outcome, the exclusion of half the population? The gender complementarity of the indigenous context has been lost to male prevalence privileged by education, church, law, employment, economy and politics in the public sphere; most women are marginalised in the private sphere. Nation building and development have failed; ethnicism and individualism are growing. Some hope lies in the growing civil society. From two surveys and 21 focus groups across Cameroon, in 2000 and 2002, some significant results of the processed empirical data reveal low electoral registration (34.5% women and 65.9% men), contrasted by the willingness to run for municipal elections (33.3 % women and 45.2% men). The co-existence of customary and statutory laws, the corrupt political system and fraudulent practices, contribute to the marginalisation of women and men who are interested in politics. A large majority of female respondents consider female politicians more trustworthy and capable than their male counterparts; they even foresee the appointment of a female Prime Minister. The Nordic countries have institutionalised gender equality in their legislation, policies and practices. France has improved women's political inclusion with the parity laws; Rwanda is another model of women's representation, thanks to its post-conflict constitution. From my analysis, Cameroonian institutions, men and more so women, may learn and borrow from these experiences, in order to design and implement a sustainable and gender-balanced democracy. Keywords: democratisation, politics, gender equality, feminism, citizenship, Cameroon, Nordic countries, Finland, France, United Kingdom, quotas, societal social psychology.

Vaikeavammaisen nuoren aikuistuminen : Yksilöllinen ja erilainen elämänkulku

Transition to adulthood of severely disabled adolescents. Diversity in individual life courses. The focus of this study is to examine the transition to adulthood of severely disabled adolescents as part of their life course. The data for this study were gathered through interviews with nine severely disabled adolescents, who were interviewed several times over a period of eight years. At the beginning of the study the adolescents were between 18 and 24 years old. The informants had severe disabilities manifesting themselves as physical incapacity, cerebral palsy, vision or hearing impairment, neurological disease, or developmental disability. One of the adolescents communicated with symbols. All except one used a wheelchair. As severely disabled adolescents, they received benefits from Kela for persons with severe disabilities, such as the higher-rate or special disability allowance or disability pension, the higher-rate or special pensioners' care allowance, or medical rehabilitation services. The interviews focused on a number of selected themes such as relationships, family, education, work, leisure-time activities, dating, decision-making, independence, happiness, and one s self-image and identity. Data were also derived from interviews with five experts. Two of the experts interviewed were severely disabled themselves. The theoritical foundation of the study lies in perviuos research on the severly disabled, the transition to adulthood and the life course. The method of analysis and interpretation is qualitative and based on interviews with the adolescents. In terms of the analytical process, the focus is on recognizing individual events in the transition process to adulthood and identifying the meanings assigned to them by the adolescents. The narratives also provide a method to shed light on the individuality of the transition. The individual situations of severely disabled adolescents vary, and their disability impacts the range of options available to them as they plan their life course. The medical and social models of disability also have an effect on life courses. Although severely disabled adolescents are able to attain some goals, they remain outsiders in many respects. Key words: Disabled person, severely disabled person, adolescent, transition to adulthood, identity, life course.

Medicalising Prohibition : Harm reduction in Finnish and International Drug Policy

The increase in drug use and related harms in the late 1990s in Finland has come to be referred to as the second drug wave. In addition to using criminal justice as a basis of drug policy, new kinds of drug regulation were introduced. Some of the new regulation strategies were referred to as "harm reduction". The most widely known practices of harm reduction include needle and syringe exchange programmes for intravenous drug users and medicinal substitution and maintenance treatment programmes for opiate users. The purpose of the study is to examine the change of drug policy in Finland and particularly the political struggle surrounding harm reduction in the context of this change. The aim is, first, to analyse the content of harm reduction policy and the dynamics of its emergence and, second, to assess to what extent harm reduction undermines or threatens traditional drug policy. The concept of harm reduction is typically associated with a drug policy strategy that employs the public health approach and where the principal focus of regulation is on drug-related health harms and risks. On the other hand, harm reduction policy has also been given other interpretations, relating, in particular, to human rights and social equality. In Finland, harm reduction can also be seen to have its roots in criminal policy. The general conclusion of the study is that rather than posing a threat to a prohibitionist drug policy, harm reduction has come to form part of it. The implementation of harm reduction by setting up health counselling centres for drug users with the main focus on needle exchange and by extending substitution treatment has implied the creation of specialised services based on medical expertise and an increasing involvement of the medical profession in addressing drug problems. At the same time the criminal justice control of drug use has been intensified. Accordingly, harm reduction has not entailed a shift to a more liberal drug policy nor has it undermined the traditional policy with its emphasis on total drug prohibition. Instead, harm reduction in combination with a prohibitionist penal policy constitutes a new dual-track drug policy paradigm. The study draws on the constructionist tradition of research on social problems and movements, where the analysis centres on claims made about social problems, claim-makers, ways of making claims and related social mobilisation. The research material mainly consists of administrative documents and interviews with key stakeholders. The doctoral study consists of five original articles and a summary article. The first article gives an overview of the strained process of change of drug policy and policy trends around the turn of the millennium. The second article focuses on the concept of harm reduction and the international organisations and groupings involved in defining it. The third article describes the process that in 1996 97 led to the creation of the first Finnish national drug policy strategy by reconciling mutually contradictory views of addressing the drug problem, at the same as the way was paved for harm reduction measures. The fourth article seeks to explain the relatively rapid diffusion of needle exchange programmes after 1996. The fifth article assesses substitution treatment as a harm reduction measure from the viewpoint of the associations of opioid users and their family members.