11 resultados para Eksegetiikka


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The purpose of this study is to examine the reception of Matthew 5 in Martin Luther s sermons; in other words to investigate how Luther interprets and applies Jesus teaching of the better righteousness and the law in Mt 5. The study applies the reception-historical approach and contributes to the history of effects and the history of interpretation in New Testament exegesis. The study shows that Luther understands the better righteousness of Mt 5 as good works and fulfillment of the law. Luther s interpretation coheres with the intention of the Evangelist, even if Luther s overall concept of righteousness is foreign to Matthew. In Luther s view righteousness is twofold: The greater righteousness of Mt 5 is the second and the actual righteousness (iustitia activa), which follows the first and the foreign righteousness (iustitia passiva). The first righteousness (faith) is for Luther the work of God, while the second righteousness (good works) is co-operation between a Christian and God. In this co-operation the law, as it is taught by Jesus, is not the opposite of the gospel, but the gospel itself in the sense of Christ as an example . The task of the law is to show the dependence of a Christian on God and to help one to love and to serve one s neighbour (brothers as well as enemies) properly. The study underlines a feature in Luther s thinking that has received little attention in Lutheran theology: Luther insists on preaching the law to Christians. In his view Mt 5 is directed to all Christians and particularly to pastors, for whom Jesus here gives an example of how to preach the law. Luther believes similarly to Matthew that Jesus reveals the real meaning of Mosaic Law and confirms its validity for Christians in Mt 5. Like Matthew, Luther insists on the practicability of the commandments of Mt 5 in his view Christians fulfil the law also with joy yet his interpretation of Mt 5 attenuates the radical nature of its commandments. Luther s reception of the individual pericopes of Mt 5 is considerably generative and occasionally contradictory, which is explained by the following factors, among others: Luther receives many ideas from tradition and reads them and his own theological concepts into Matthew s Gospel. He interprets Mt 5 through his understanding of some Old Testament passages as well as Paul. Most of all, Luther s reception of Mt 5 is shaped by his own experience as a preacher, by his relation to his religious enemies, rulers and to the congregation of Wittenberg. Here Luther shares with Matthew the experience of being opposed and concern about the upright living of the believers, which in both cases also explains the polemical tone of the paraenesis.

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I examine the portrayal of Jesus as a friend of toll collectors and sinners in the Third Gospel. I aim at a comprehensive view on the Lukan sinner texts, combining questions of the origin and development of these texts with the questions of Luke s theological message, of how the text functions as literature, and of the social-historical setting(s) behind the texts. Within New Testament scholarship researchers on the historical Jesus mostly still hold that a special mission to toll collectors and sinners was central in Jesus public activity. Within Lukan studies, M. Goulder, J. Kiilunen and D. Neale have claimed that this picture is due to Luke s theological vision and the liberties he took as an author. Their view is disputed by other Lukan scholars. I discuss methods which scholars have used to isolate the typical language of Luke s alleged written sources, or to argue for the source-free creation by Luke himself. I claim that the analysis of Luke s language does not help us to the origin of the Lukan pericopes. I examine the possibility of free creativity on Luke s part in the light of the invention technique used in ancient historiography. Invention was an essential part of all ancient historical writing and therefore quite probably Luke used it, too. Possibly Luke had access to special traditions, but the nature of oral tradition does not allow reconstruction. I analyze Luke 5:1-11; 5:27-32; 7:36-50; 15:1-32; 18:9-14; 19:1-10; 23:39-43. In most of these some underlying special tradition is possible though far from certain. It becomes evident that Luke s reshaping was so thorough that the pericopes as they now stand are decidedly Lukan creations. This is indicated by the characteristic Lukan story-telling style as well as by the strongly unified Lukan theology of the pericopes. Luke s sinners and Pharisees do not fit in the social-historical context of Jesus day. The story-world is one of polarized right and wrong. That Jesus is the Christ, representative of God, is an intrinsic part of the story-world. Luke wrote a theological drama inspired by tradition. He persuaded his audience to identify as (repenting) sinners. Luke's motive was that he saw the sinners in Jesus' company as forerunners of Gentile Christianity.

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In the course of my research for my thesis The Q Gospel and Psychohistory, I moved on from the accounts of the Cynics ideals to psychohistorical explanations. Studying the texts dealing with the Cynics and the Q Gospel, I was amazed by the fact that these texts actually portrayed people living in greater poverty than they had to. I paid particular attention to the fact that the Q Gospel was born in traumatising, warlike circumstances. Psychiatric traumatology helped me understand the Q Gospel and other ancient documents using historical approaches in a way that would comply with modern behavioural science. Even though I found some answers to the questions I had posed in my research, the main result of my research work is the justification of the question: Is it important to ask whether there is a connection between the ethos expressed by means of the religious language of the Q Gospel and the predominantly war-related life experiences typical to Palestine at the time. As has been convincingly revealed by a number of studies, traumatic events contribute to the development of psychotic experiences. I approached the problematic nature, significance and complexity of the ideal of poverty and this warlike environment by clarifying the history of psychohistorical literary research and the interpretative contexts associated with Sigmund Freud, Jacques Lacan and Melanie Klein. It is justifiable to question abnormal mentality, but there is no reliable return from the abnormal mentality described in any particular text to the only affecting factor. The popular research tendency based on the Oedipus complex is just as controversial as the Oedipus complex itself. The sociological frameworks concerning moral panics and political paranoia of an outer and inner danger fit quite well with the construction of the Q Gospel. Jerrold M. Post, M.D., Professor of Psychiatry, Political Psychology and Interna-tional Affairs at George Washington University, and founder and director of the Center for the Analysis of Personality and Political Behavior for the Central Intelligence Agency, has focused on the role played by charisma in the attracting of followers and detailed the psychological styles of a "charismatic" leader. He wrote the books Political Paranoia and Leaders and Their Followers in a Dangerous World: the Psychology of Political Behavior among others. His psychoanalytic vocabulary was useful for my understanding of the minds and motivations involved in the Q Gospel s formation. The Q sect began to live in a predestined future, with the reality and safety of this world having collapsed in both their experience and their fantasies. The deep and clear-cut divisions into good and evil that are expressed in the Q Gospel reveal the powerful nature of destructive impulses, envy and overwhelming anxiety. Responsible people who influenced the Q Gospel's origination tried to mount an ascetic defense against anxiety, denying their own needs, focusing their efforts on another objective (God s Kingdom) and a regressive, submissive earlier phase of development (a child s carelessness). This spiritual process was primarily an ecclesiastic or group-dynamical tactic to give support to the power of group leaders.

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This thesis examines the mythology in and social reality behind a group of texts from the Nag Hammadi and related literature, to which certain leaders of the early church attached the label, Ophite, i.e., snake people. In the mythology, which essentially draws upon and rewrites the Genesis paradise story, the snake's advice to eat from the tree of knowledge is positive, the creator and his angels are demonic beasts and the true godhead is depicted as an androgynous heavenly projection of Adam and Eve. It will be argued that this unique mythology is attested in certain Coptic texts from the Nag Hammadi and Berlin 8502 Codices (On the Origin of the World, Hypostasis of the Archons, Apocryphon of John, Eugnostos, Sophia of Jesus Christ), as well as in reports by Irenaeus (Adversus Haereses 1.30), Origen (Contra Celsum 6.24-38) and Epiphanius (Panarion 26). It will also be argued that this so-called Ophite evidence is essential for a proper understanding of Sethian Gnosticism, often today considered one of the earliest forms of Gnosticism; there seems to have occurred a Sethianization of Ophite mythology. I propose that we replace the current Sethian Gnostic category by a new one that not only adds texts that draw upon the Ophite mythology alongside these Sethian texts, but also arranges the material in smaller typological units. I also propose we rename this remodelled and expanded Sethian corpus "Classic Gnostic." I have divided the thesis into four parts: (I) Introduction; (II) Myth and Innovation; (III) Ritual; and (IV) Conclusion. In Part I, the sources and previous research on Ophites and Sethians will be examined, and the new Classic Gnostic category will be introduced to provide a framework for the study of the Ophite evidence. Chapters in Part II explore key themes in the mythology of our texts, first by text comparison (to show that certain texts represent the Ophite mythology and that this mythology is different from Sethianism), and then by attempting to unveil social circumstances that may have given rise to such myths. Part III assesses heresiological claims of Ophite rituals, and Part IV is the conclusion.

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The main focus of this study is the epilogue of 4QMMT (4QMiqsat Ma aseh ha-Torah), a text of obscure genre containing a halakhic section found in cave 4 at Qumran. In the official edition published in the series Discoveries of the Judaean Desert (DJD X), the extant document was divided by its editors, Elisha Qimron and John Strugnell, into three literary divisions: Section A) the calendar section representing a 364-day solar calendar, Section B) the halakhot, and Section C) an epilogue. The work begins with text critical inspection of the manuscripts containing text from the epilogue (mss 4Q397, 4Q398, and 4Q399). However, since the relationship of the epilogue to the other sections of the whole document 4QMMT is under investigation, the calendrical fragments (4Q327 and 4Q394 3-7, lines 1-3) and the halakhic section also receive some attention, albeit more limited and purpose oriented. In Ch. 2, after a transcription of the fragments of the epilogue, a synopsis is presented in order to evaluate the composite text of the DJD X edition in light of the evidence provided by the individual manuscripts. As a result, several critical comments are offered, and finally, an alternative arrangement of the fragments of the epilogue with an English translation. In the following chapter (Ch. 3), the diversity of the two main literary divisions, the halakhic section and the epilogue, is discussed, and it is demonstrated that the author(s) of 4QMMT adopted and adjusted the covenantal pattern known from biblical law collections, more specifically Deuteronomy. The question of the genre of 4QMMT is investigated in Ch. 4. The final chapter (Ch. 5) contains an analysis of the use of Scripture in the epilogue. In a close reading, both the explicit citations and the more subtle allusions are investigated in an attempt to trace the theology of the epilogue. The main emphases of the epilogue are covenantal faithfulness, repentance and return. The contents of the document reflect a grave concern for the purity of the cult in Jerusalem, and in the epilogue Deuteronomic language and expressions are used to convince the readers of the necessity of a reformation. The large number of late copies found in cave 4 at Qumran witness the significance of 4QMMT and the continuous importance of the Jerusalem Temple for the Qumran community.

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Previous scholarship has often maintained that the Gospel of Philip is a collection of Valentinian teachings. In the present study, however, the text is read as a whole and placed into a broader context by searching for parallels from other early Christian texts. Although the Valentinian Christian identity of the Gospel of Philip is not questioned, it is read alongside those texts traditionally labelled as "mainstream Christian". It is obvious from the account of Irenaeus that the boundaries between the Valentinians and other Christians were not as clear or fixed as he probably would have hoped. This study analyzes the Valentinian Christian Gospel of Philip from two points of view: how the text constructs the Christian identity and what kind of Christianity it exemplifies. Firstly, it is observed how the author of the Gospel of Philip places himself and his Christian readers among the early Christianities of the period by emphasizing the common history and Christian features but building especially on particular texts and traditions. Secondly, it is noted how the Christian nature of an individual develops according to the Gospel of Philip. The identity of an individual is built and strengthened through rituals, experiences and teaching. Thirdly, the categorizations, attributes, beliefs and behaviour associated on the one hand with the "insiders", the true Christians, and, on the other, with outsiders in the Gospel of Philip, are analyzed using social identity theory the insiders and outsiders are described through stereotyping in the text. Overall, the study implies that the Gospel of Philip strongly emphasizes spiritual progress and transformation. Rather than depicting the Valentinians as the perfect Christians, it underlines their need for constant change and improvement. Although the author seeks to clearly distinguish the insiders from the outsiders, the boundaries of the categories are in fact fluid in the Gospel of Philip. Outsiders can become insiders and the insiders are also in danger of falling out again.

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Tämä pro gradu -tutkielma tarjoaa sujuvan suomenkielinen käännöksen Hymnien kirjan (1QH) yhteisöllisistä hymneistä. Käännökseni perustuu uuteen 1QH:n tieteelliseen editioon (DJD 2009). Editiossa on hyödynnetty käsikirjoituksen materiaalisen rekonstruktion tuloksia, uusia lukutapoja ja tekstiä on täydennetty muiden Hymnien kirjan käsikirjoitusten avulla. Vertailen omaa käännöstäni García Martínezin ET Tigchelaarin (1997), Abeggin et al. (2005), sekä Newsomin (2009) käännöksiin. Käännän yhteensä 14 hymniä, jotka olen otsikoinut itsenäisesti. 1950-1960-luvuilla kehitetyt teoriat Hymnien kirjan hymnien luokittelusta, käytöstä ja kirjoittajasta ovat dominoineet Hymnien kirjan tutkimusta 2010-luvulle asti. Hyödynnän tässä tutkielmassa Hymnien kirjan tutkimuksessa vakiintunutta hymnien jaottelua opettajan hymneihin ja yhteisöllisiin hymneihin. Hymnien jaottelu on kyseenalaistettu viimeaikaisessa tutkimuksessa, mutta vallitsevan tutkimustilanteen valossa näyttää siltä, että jaottelu on edelleen käyttökelpoinen. Kuitenkin molempien ryhmien määritelmiä ja ryhmien suhdetta toisiinsa on tutkimuksessa tarkennettu. Hymnien luokittelua koskevan uuden teorian, samoin kuin eri Hymnien kirjan käsikirjoitusten suhdetta koskevan teorian puuttuminen, ovat tämän hetkisiä haasteita Hymnien kirjan tutkimuksessa. Luvussa neljä tarkastelen, voisiko Hymnien kirja olla osa laajempaa genreä, jonka nimesin Hodajot-kirjallisuudeksi. Tämän laajemman genren olemassaolo saattaisi selittää yhteisöllisten hymnien moninaisuuden sekä Hymnien kirjan käsikirjoitusten väliset erot hymnien määrässä ja järjestyksessä. Hodajot-kirjallisuuteen voidaan laskea kuuluvaksi Hymnien kirjan käsikirjoitukset (1QH, 1QHb, 4QHa f), Hymnien kirjan kaltaiset tekstit (4Q433,4Q433a, 4Q440, 4Q440a) ja 17 Hymnien kirjaa muistuttavaa käsikirjoitusta. Tähän genreen kuuluvista hymneistä aina osa valikoitui erilaisiin Hymnien kirjankin käsikirjoituksiin. Erityisesti käsikirjoitus 4QHa todistaa, että yhteisöllisistä hymneistä oli olemassa myös erilaisia kokoelmia kuin käsikirjoituksen 1QH kokoelma. Esitän luvussa 4.2. kritiikkiä aiempaa tutkimusta kohtaan, jossa käsikirjoituksen 4QHa hymnijärjestystä käytetään todisteena käsikirjoituksen 1QHa yhteisöllisten hymnien editoinnista. Lisäksi ehdotan, että yksittäisten yhteisöllisten hymnien redaktion tutkiminen saattaisi tuoda lisää valoa Hodajot-kirjallisuus -teoriaan. Luvussa kuusi tarkastelen erilaisia yhteisöllisiä hymnejä profetian näkökulmasta. Tutkimukseni perustuu uuteen kuvaan Toisen temppelin ajan profetiasta. Profetian ytimenä nähdään jumalallisen tiedon vastaanottaminen ilmestyksen avulla. Hymnien kirjassa profetia on nk. ilmoitettua viisautta. Koska kattavaa tutkimusta profetiasta Hymnien kirjassa ei ole, ei aikaisemmassa tutkimuksessa ole kiinnitetty huomiota moniin klassisiin profetiaan liittyviin termeihin, joita yhteisöllisissä hymneissä esiintyy. Klassisten profetiaan liittyvien termien ja ilmoitetun viisauden esiintyminen samassa tekstissä puhuu sen puolesta, että yhteisöllisissä hymneissä ilmoitettu viisaus todella nähtiin profetiana. Aikaisemmassa tutkimuksessa on keskusteltu Hymnien kirjan didaktisesta funktiosta. Tutkimukseni perusteella yksi yhteisöllisten hymnien didaktinen funktio on se, että ne opettavat yhteisön jäsenelle hänen identiteetistään suhteessa profetiaan.

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Tutkimukseni tarkoituksena on tutkia kaikkein varhaisimpia Uuden testamentin kanonisia ja apokryfisia käsikirjoituksia sekä niiden kirjureita. Huomion keskipisteenä ovat kyseisten käsikirjoitusten ulkoiset piirteet, kuten esimerkiksi kirjoitusmateriaali, muoto, koko ja käsiala. Näiden avulla vertaan kanonisia käsikirjoituksia apokryfisiin ja pyrin selvittämään, erosivatko näiden kopiointimenetelmät toisistaan. Yksi keskeisimmistä kysymyksistä on se, voidaanko ulkoisten piirteiden avulla päätellä jotain käsikirjoitusten asemasta ja arvostuksesta. Tutkimuksen aluksi esittelen tutkimusaineistoni käsikirjoitukset ja tekstit. Päädyin vertaamaan kanonisia evankeliumeita kaikkiin 100- ja 200-luvuilta löydettyihin apokryfisiin käsikirjoituksiin, joihin sisältyy esimerkiksi Tuomaan ja Pietarin evankeliumit sekä Hermaan paimen. Kaikki tämän ajanjakson kristilliset käsikirjoitukset ovat löytyneet Egyptistä, minkä vuoksi tutkimukseni keskittyy Egyptiin ja sen kirjureihin. Ennen varsinaista käsikirjoitusten analyysiä käsittelen käsikirjoitusten löytöpaikkoja, kaanonin sekä antiikin kirjureiden historiaa. Ensimmäiseksi käsittelen käsikirjoitusten materiaalia, eli papyrusta ja pergamenttia. Tässä suhteessa kanoniset käsikirjoitukset eivät eroa apokryfisista, vaan aineistot ovat tämän suhteen identtisiä. Tämän jälkeen huomio kiinnittyy käsikirjoitusten muotoon, eli siihen kirjoitettiinko käsikirjoitukset koodeksiin vai kääröön. Analyysin edetessä paljastuu, että apokryfisissa käsikirjoituksissa käytettiin useammin käärömuoto kuin kanonisissa käsikirjoituksissa. Voidaan esittää, että kristityt kirjoittivat koodeksiin kaikkein arvostetuimmat tekstit, joten käärömuoto voi kertoa käsikirjoituksen sisältävän tekstin alemmasta arvostuksesta. Tutkimuksen seuraavissa osioissa käsitellään koodeksien kokoa, marginaaleja, palstoja sekä käsialan kokoa. Lukujen perusteella voidaan sanoa, että kanoniset koodeksit muodostavat hieman yhtenäisemmän linjan kuin apokryfiset koodeksit. Kanonisten koodeksien kirjureiden toimintatavat ovat siis olleet hieman yhtenäisempiä. Käsikirjoitusten käsialan tarkempi analyysi paljastaa kuitenkin, että niin kanoniset kuin apokryfiset käsikirjoitukset kirjoitettiin suhteellisen hyvällä käsialalla. Tutkimuksen viimeisessä luvussa käy ilmi, että apokryfisten koodeksien epäyhtenäisyys johtuu osittain niiden erilaisista käyttötarkoituksista. Apokryfisia koodekseja valmistettiin enemmän kristittyjen henkilökohtaiseen käyttöön verrattuna kanonisiin koodekseihin. Tästä huolimatta suurin osa käsikirjoituksista oli seurakuntien liturgisessa käytössä. Toisin sanoen niin kanonisia evankeliumeita kuin apokryfisia tekstejä luettiin ääneen seurakuntien kokoontumisissa, mikä kertoo niiden arvosta.

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Righteousness, justice or faithfulness? The Hebrew Root ṣdq in the Psalter of the Finnish Church Bible of 1992 This study attempts to answer three questions. Firstly, what do the derivates of the root ṣdq mean in the Hebrew Psalter? Secondly, with which equivalents are these Hebrew words translated in the Psalter of the Finnish Church Bible of 1992 and why? And thirdly, how is the translation of the root ṣdq in the Psalter placed in comparison with the translations of the root ṣdq in certain ancient and modern Bible translations? The root ṣdq has a very wide semantic field in Biblical Hebrew. The basic meaning of the root ṣdq is ‘right’ or ‘to be in the right’. The traditional English equivalent of the root ṣdq is righteousness. In many European languages the equivalent of the root ṣdq has some connection with the word ‘right’, but this is not the case in Finnish. The Finnish word vanhurskaus has been present since the first Finnish Bible translation by Mikael Agricola in 1548. However, this word has nothing to do with the Finnish word for ‘right’. The word vanhurskaus has become a very specific religious and theological word in Finnish, and it can be a word that is not obvious or at all understandable even to a native Finnish speaker. In the Psalter of the earlier Finnish Church Bible of 1938 almost every derivate of the root ṣdq (132/139) was translated as vanhurskaus. In the Psalter of the Finnish Church Bible of 1992 less than half of these derivates (67/139) are translated as that. Translators have used 20 different equivalents of the Hebrew derivates of the root ṣdq. But this type of translation also has its own problems. The most disputed is the fact that in it the Bible reader finds no connections between many Bible verses that have obvious connections with each other in the Hebrew Bible. For example, in verse Ps. 118, 15 one finds a Finnish word for ‘saved’ and in verse Ps. 142, 8 one finds another Finnish word for ‘friends’, while in the Hebrew Bible the same word is used in both verses, ṣaddîqīm. My study will prove that it is very challenging to compare or fit together the semantics of these two quite different languages. The theoretical framework for the study consists of biblical semantic theories and Bible translation theories. Keywords: religious language, Bible translations, Book of Psalms.

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Tässä pro gradu -tutkielmassa tutkin sitä, mitä voimme tietää historian Jeesuksen opettaneen avioerosta ja uudelleen avioitumisesta. Tutkielmassa käytän jatkumonäkökulmaa, jonka mukaan Jeesus-traditioita tarkastellaan suhteessa Jeesuksen ajan Palestiinan juutalaiskontekstiin sekä suhteessa varhaiskristilliseen vaikutushistoriaan. Päästäkseni käsiksi mahdollisimman luotettaviin Jeesus-traditioihin, käytän apuna historiallis-kriittisiä metodeja. Jeesus-traditioiden autenttisuuden arvioimiseen käytän Theissenin ja Winterin metodologiaa, joka sisältää kokonaisesityksen autenttisuuskriteereistä. Jeesuksen opetus avioerosta ja uudelleen avioitumisesta oli ehdotonta. Avioero ja uudelleen avioituminen kokonaisuudessaan oli Jeesuksen mukaan verrannollinen aviorikokseen, josta Tooran mukaan seurasi kuolemanrangaistus. Jeesus ei antanut mitään myönnytystä avioeroon, jolloin hänen opetus voidaan tiivistää sanoihin ei mistään syystä. Uudelleen avioituminen oli myös kiellettyä entisen puolison eläessä, jolloin tämä opetus voidaan tiivistää sanoihin vain kunnes kuolema erottaa. Varhaiskristityjen oli vaikea noudattaa Jeesuksen ehdottomuutta, jolloin Matteuksen redaktori antoi myönnytyksen avioeroon ja uudelleen avioitumiseen vain huoruuden tähden. Samoin Paavali antoi myönnytyksen kristityille avioitua uudelleen, jos ei-kristitty otti avioeron. Varhaiskristillisessä vaikutushistoriassa Jeesuksen sanat nähtiin halakhana eli Tooran normatiivisena tulkintana. Todennäköisesti Jeesuksen sanat avioerosta ja uudelleen avioitumisesta olivat kuitenkin haggadahin kaltaista eli kuvainnollista opetusta. Jeesuksen sanat liittyivät yksittäisiin tilanteisiin, joissa Jeesus kritisoi juutalaisten miesten helppoa mahdollisuutta ottaa avioero, jotta pääsisivät uudelleen avioitumaan toisen naisen kanssa ja saadakseen pitää huomattavat myötäjäisvarat itsellään. Näin emme voi tietää mitä Jeesus kokonaisuudessaan ajatteli avioerosta ja uudelleen avioitumisesta. Lähtökohdiltaan avioliitto oli kuitenkin tarkoitettu eliniäksi, eikä sitä saanut purkaa.

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The subject and methodology of biblical scholarship has expanded immense-ly during the last few decades. The traditional text-, literary-, source- and form-critical approaches, labeled historical-critical scholarship , have faced the challenge of social sciences. Various new literary, synchronic readings, sometimes characterized with the vague term postmodernism, have in turn challenged historicalcritical, and social-scientific approaches. Widened limits and diverging methodologies have caused a sense of crisis in biblical criticism. This metatheoretical thesis attempts to bridge the gap between philosophical discussion about the basis of biblical criticism and practical academic biblical scholarship. The study attempts to trace those epistemological changes that have produced the wealth of methods and results within biblical criticism. The account of the cult reform of King Josiah of Judah as reported in 2 Kings 22:1 23:30 serves as the case study because of its importance for critical study of the Hebrew Bible. Various scholarly approaches embracing 2 Kings 22:1 23:30 are experimentally arranged around four methodological positions: text, author, reader, and context. The heuristic model is a tentative application of Oliver Jahraus s model of four paradigms in literary theory. The study argues for six theses: 1) Our knowledge of the world is con-structed, fallible and theory-laden. 2) Methodological plurality is the neces-sary result of changes in epistemology and culture in general. 3) Oliver Jahraus s four methodological positions in regard to literature are also an applicable model within biblical criticism to comprehend the methodological plurality embracing the study of the Hebrew Bible. 4) Underlying the methodological discourse embracing biblical criticism is the epistemological ten-sion between the natural sciences and the humanities. 5) Biblical scholars should reconsider and analyze in detail concepts such as author and editor to overcome the dichotomy between the Göttingen and Cross schools. 6) To say something about the historicity of 2 Kings 22:1 23:30 one must bring together disparate elements from various disciplines and, finally, admit that though it may be possible to draw some permanent results, our conclusions often remain provisional.