957 resultados para Slavic languages.
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Tutkielman lähtökohtana on oikeusjuttu, joka Venäjällä nostettiin kirjailija Vladimir Sorokinia vastaan kesällä 2002. Sorokinia ja hänen kustantamoaan Ad Marginemia syytettiin pornografian levittämisestä romaanissa Goluboe salo (1999), tarkemmin sanoen sivuilla 256 262, joilla kuvataan kommunistijohtajien Stalinin ja Hruščëvin homoseksuaalinen akti. Syytteen takana oli konservatiivinen, presidentti Vladimir Putinia ihannoiva nuorisoliike Iduščie vmeste ("Yhdessäkulkijat"). Oikeusjuttu ja siihen liittyneet tapahtumat - prosessia kutsuttiin venäläisissä tiedotusvälineissä yksinkertaisesti "Sorokinin jutuksi" ("delo Sorokina") - nostattivat Venäjällä laajan ja vilkkaan ns. kirjasodan kaunokirjallisuuden moraalitehtävästä ja kirjailijan vastuusta/vapaudesta. Työssä selvitellään, miksi nimenomaan kirjailija Vladimir Sorokin ja nimenomaan romaani Goluboe salo aiheuttivat skandaalin, mitä argumentteja polemiikissa esiintyi ja miten tapahtumat heijastavat Venäjän yhteiskunnallista tilannetta, etenkin kaunokirjallisuuden nykyistä asemaa. Metodologisesti tutkielma sijoittuu kirjallisuussosiologian ja reseptiotutkimuksen (vastaanottotutkimuksen) alalle. Tutkielman aineisto - 71 lehtiartikkelia - on koottu 31 venäläisestä valtakunnallisesta sanoma- ja aikakauslehdestä Integrum-tietokantaa hyväksikäyttäen. "Sorokinin juttua" analysoidaan artikkeleiden valossa kolmesta näkökulmasta: suhteessa 1) seksuaalisuuden ja 2) kaunokirjallisuuden asemaan Venäjällä sekä lyhyemmin suhteessa 3) muutamiin yleisyhteiskunnallisiin aspekteihin. Taustaksi selvitellään venäläisen postmodernismin teoriaa ja nk. kirjallisuusinstituution toimintaa. Tutkielmassa esitetään, että skandaali kertoo osaltaan niistä ongelmista, joiden kanssa Venäjä 2000-luvulla joutuu painiskelemaan. "Sorokinin juttu" laajeni pitkälti yli perinteisen pornografiakysymyksen; kirjasodassa tuli tiedotusvälineissä käsiteltyä seksuaalisuuden ja kaunokirjallisuuden aseman lisäksi mm. sananvapautta, tapauksen poliittisia konnotaatioita, "älymystön" ja "kansan" suhdetta, neuvostomenneisyyden pimeitä puolia sekä Venäjän suhdetta länteen. Jupakka myös nähtiin erinomaisena PR:nä Sorokinille. Goluboe salo näyttää joutuneen oikeusprosessin kohteeksi, koska siinä a) tuodaan venäläiseen kaunokirjallisuuteen avoin ja yksityiskohtainen seksuaalisuuden ja ruumiintoimintojen kuvaus b) herjataan häpeämättömästi venäläisen kaunokirjallisuuden kanonisoituja klassikoita sekä kritisoidaan terävästi neuvostomenneisyyttä, jota Venäjä ei ole vielä kyennyt tyhjentävästi käsittelemään. Skandaalissa asettuivat vastakkain ns. traditionalistinen ja postmodernistinen kirjallisuuskäsitys; edellisen mukaan kirjailijoiden tulisi kantaa yhteiskunnallinen vastuunsa, jälkimmäinen tahtoo nähdä kaunokirjallisuuden itsenäisempänä ilmiönä. Tutkimuksen lopputuloksena valtaenemmistö aineistosta näyttää enemmän tai vähemmän puolustavan Sorokinia - tosin ei niinkään hänen romaaninsa kirjallisten ansioiden vuoksi (joita harvat kiittivät), vaan silkasta periaatteesta: sanan- ja valinnanvapautta ei tahdota nähdä enää kahlittavan. Avainsanat: Sorokin - pornografia - kaunokirjallisuus - kirjallisuussosiologia - vastaanotto
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This thesis is a preliminary phonological description of the Tibetan-related Denjongka language of Sikkim, India. Because the language has not been much researched and the previous studies have focused on other issues than phonology, the present paper is the first of its kind. The data for this thesis was gathered in Gangtok, the capital of Sikkim, from March to May 2004. I had four language informants from four different locations in Sikkim who spoke different dialects of Denjongka. One of the informants, from whom I recorded c. 900 words and 530 sentences, was used as the main data source for the analysis. First, I will give some ethnographic background information on the people who speak Denjongka. Next, I will discuss first the segmental and then the suprasegmental phonology of the language, which were analysed much in line with American structuralism. I also used acoustic analysis enabled by the Praat-program. Eight vowel phonemes were found. The phonemic status of /E/, however, is still suspect. I present some preliminary evidence for roundedness, frontness and height assimilation among the vowels. In the interpretation adopted in this analysis, there are no diphthongs in Denjongka. Forty consonant phonemes were found: 17 plosives, 7 affricates, 5 fricatives, 5 nasals, 4 liquids and 2 approximants. Denjongka plosives and affricates have four-way aspiration/voicing distinction: voiceless aspirated, voiceless unaspirated, voiceless slightly aspirated (devoiced), and voiced unaspirated. Two voiceless nasals and two voiceless liquids were found. Two phonation types were found to be contrastive, lax/breathy and tense/creaky. Nasalisation and length in vowels are phonemic. Denjongka is an incipient tone language. Tonal phenomena, which involve mainly pitch and phonation type, are complex. Pitch is most of the time predictable from the initial consonant and the phonation type. In some cases, however, pitch is the only contrastive feature between words. The description of Denjongka in this paper differs from the traditional four-tone system, which has been used in many descriptions of Tibetan-related languages. In the four-tone system, pitch is contrastive both in the high and low register, whereas in the present analysis pitch has been established to contrast only in the high register. Lastly, the appendices include a comparative word list of the four Denjongka dialects studied in this thesis.
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Although statistical data in some developed countries indicate that migrant workers are nearly 30% more likely to have work-related injuries than local workers, no equivalent official injury/ incident statistics on the health and safety (H&S) of migrant workers are currently tracked in Australia. With increasing numbers of migrant workers having joined Australia’s extractive industries infrastructure and commercial construction industry, this suggests the need for some investigation. A particular issue is that lack of H&S communication is one of the key factors leading to construction industry accidents/ incidents as it prevents workers from effectively receiving H&S safety training and acquiring H&S information. Migrant workers whose first languages are not English are particularly affected by this problem and ways are needed to improve their situation. The research aims to do this by evaluating the H&S communication problems of migrant workers and identify an effective H&S communication structure. An overview of the challenge being addressed by the research is firstly provided, followed by a description of the research framework, and a report of the initial findings, from which recommendations are provided for improving H&S performance in the construction industry.
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One of the most fundamental questions in the philosophy of mathematics concerns the relation between truth and formal proof. The position according to which the two concepts are the same is called deflationism, and the opposing viewpoint substantialism. In an important result of mathematical logic, Kurt Gödel proved in his first incompleteness theorem that all consistent formal systems containing arithmetic include sentences that can neither be proved nor disproved within that system. However, such undecidable Gödel sentences can be established to be true once we expand the formal system with Alfred Tarski s semantical theory of truth, as shown by Stewart Shapiro and Jeffrey Ketland in their semantical arguments for the substantiality of truth. According to them, in Gödel sentences we have an explicit case of true but unprovable sentences, and hence deflationism is refuted. Against that, Neil Tennant has shown that instead of Tarskian truth we can expand the formal system with a soundness principle, according to which all provable sentences are assertable, and the assertability of Gödel sentences follows. This way, the relevant question is not whether we can establish the truth of Gödel sentences, but whether Tarskian truth is a more plausible expansion than a soundness principle. In this work I will argue that this problem is best approached once we think of mathematics as the full human phenomenon, and not just consisting of formal systems. When pre-formal mathematical thinking is included in our account, we see that Tarskian truth is in fact not an expansion at all. I claim that what proof is to formal mathematics, truth is to pre-formal thinking, and the Tarskian account of semantical truth mirrors this relation accurately. However, the introduction of pre-formal mathematics is vulnerable to the deflationist counterargument that while existing in practice, pre-formal thinking could still be philosophically superfluous if it does not refer to anything objective. Against this, I argue that all truly deflationist philosophical theories lead to arbitrariness of mathematics. In all other philosophical accounts of mathematics there is room for a reference of the pre-formal mathematics, and the expansion of Tarkian truth can be made naturally. Hence, if we reject the arbitrariness of mathematics, I argue in this work, we must accept the substantiality of truth. Related subjects such as neo-Fregeanism will also be covered, and shown not to change the need for Tarskian truth. The only remaining route for the deflationist is to change the underlying logic so that our formal languages can include their own truth predicates, which Tarski showed to be impossible for classical first-order languages. With such logics we would have no need to expand the formal systems, and the above argument would fail. From the alternative approaches, in this work I focus mostly on the Independence Friendly (IF) logic of Jaakko Hintikka and Gabriel Sandu. Hintikka has claimed that an IF language can include its own adequate truth predicate. I argue that while this is indeed the case, we cannot recognize the truth predicate as such within the same IF language, and the need for Tarskian truth remains. In addition to IF logic, also second-order logic and Saul Kripke s approach using Kleenean logic will be shown to fail in a similar fashion.
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The benefits that accrue from the use of design database include (i) reduced costs of preparing data for application programs and of producing the final specification, and (ii) possibility of later usage of data stored in the database for other applications related to Computer Aided Engineering (CAE). An INTEractive Relational GRAphics Database (INTERGRAD) based on relational models has been developed to create, store, retrieve and update the data related to two dimensional drawings. INTERGRAD provides two languages, Picture Definition Language (PDL) and Picture Manipulation Language (PML). The software package has been implemented on a PDP 11/35 system under the RSX-11M version 3.1 operating system and uses the graphics facility consisting of a VT-11 graphics terminal, the DECgraphic 11 software and an input device, a lightpen.
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The development of botanical Finnish: Elias Lönnrot as the creator of new terminology In the 19th century the Finnish language was intentionally developed to meet the demands of civilised society and Finnish-language science. The development of the language involved several people from different fields of science. This study examines this enormous project in the field of botany. By which methods were scientific terms formed, and for which reasons were those terms used? Why has a certain word been chosen to represent a particular concept? The material of this study is the terminology of plant morphology in Finnish that Elias Lönnrot developed in the middle of the 19th century. The terms of plant morphology denote and describe the parts of the plant and the relationships between those parts. For instance, the terms emi pistill , hede stamen , terälehti petal and verholehti sepal , which are nowadays familiar in the general language, were used for the first time in Lönnrot s texts. The study integrates the methods of lexicology and terminology. In lexicology, the word and its various meanings serve as the focus, whereas the theory of terminology focuses on the concept and concept systems. A new, consciously developed terminology can be understood through the old, familiar vocabulary and structures as well as through the new, logical term system. Lönnrot s botanical terminology can be divided into three groups depending on their origin: 1) 19% of all terms have been accepted from the existing vocabulary and used in their original meanings, 2) 11% of all terms have been chosen from the existing vocabulary and used in the new, specific botanical meanings, and 3) 70% of all terms have been created on the basis of the existing vocabulary and used in the new, specific botanical meanings. Therefore, the study reveals that domestic materials primarily morphosemantic neologisms form the Finnish terminology of plant morphology. Characteristic of Lönnrot s botanical terms is the utilisation of the vocabulary of various Finnish dialects and particular repeating elements. Repeating elements include, for example, the prefixes that come from botanical Latin or Swedish as well as the particular Finnish derivation types. Such structures form term systems that reflect scientific concept systems. Two thirds of the created new words are formed loosely or precisely according to either Latin or Swedish terms; one third is formed completely differently from its equivalents in the foreign languages. Approximately half of the chosen terms are formed differently from the Latin and Swedish terms. It is worth noting that many loan translations use rare vocabulary from Finnish dialects as equivalents to foreign parts of terms. Lönnrot aimed to inspire scientific terminology with Finland s own language, thus making scientific text accessible to the Finnish agricultural population.
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The objective of my dissertation Pull (or Draught, or Moves) at the Parnassus , is to provide a deeper understanding of Nordic Middle Class radicalism of the 1960 s as featured in Finland-Swedish literature. My approach is cultural materialist in a broad sense; social class is regarded a crucial aspect of the contents and contexts of the novels and literary discussions explored. In the first volume, Middle Class With A Human Face , novels by Christer Kihlman, Jarl Sjöblom, Marianne Alopaeus, and Ulla-Lena Lundberg, respectively, are read from the points of view of place, emotion, and power. The term "cryptotope" is used to designate the hidden places found to play an important role in all of these four narratives. Also, the "chronotope of the provincial small town", described by Mikhail Bakhtin in 1938, is exemplified in Kihlman s satirical novel, as is the chronotope of of war (Algeria, Vietnam) in those of Alopaeus and Lundberg s. All the four novels signal changes in the way general "scripts of emotions", e.g. jealousy, are handled and described. The power relations in the novels are also read, with reference to Michel Foucault. As the protagonists in two of them work as journalists, a critical discussion about media and Bourgeois hegemony is found; the term "repressive legitimation" is created to grasp these patterns of manipulation. The Modernist Debate , part II of the study, concerns a literary discussion between mainly Finland-Swedish authors and critics. Essayist Johannes Salminen (40) provided much of the fuel for the debate in 1963, questioning the relevance to contemporary life of the Finland-Swedish modernist tradition of the 1910 s and 1920 s. In 1965, a group of younger authors and critics, including poet Claes Andersson (28), followed up this critique in a debate taking place mainly in the newspaper Vasabladet. Poets Rabbe Enckell (62), Bo Carpelan (39) and others defended a timeless poetry. This debate is contextualized and the changing literary field is analyzed using concepts provided by sociologist Pierre Bourdieu. In the thesis, the historical moment of Middle Class radicalism with a human face is regarded a temporary luxury that new social groups could afford themselves, as long as they were knocking over the statues and symbols of the Old Bourgeoisie. This is not to say that all components of the Sixties strategy have lost their power. Some of them have survived and even grown, others remain latent in the gene bank of utopias, waiting for new moments of change.
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This dissertation is an onomastic study of Finland s stock of ship names (nautonomasticon) recorded over the period 1838 1938. The primary material investigated consists of 2 066 examples of ship names from the fleets of coastal towns, distributed over five sample years. The material is supplemented with two bodies of comparative data; one that consists of 2 535 examples of boat names from the archipelago area at the corresponding time, and another that comprises 482 examples of eighteenth century Finnish ship names. This study clarifies the categories of names that appear the frequency of the names, formation, morphology, linguistic origin, functions, and semantic qualities. By comparing the material with boat names from previous centuries, and from other countries, the characteristics of Finnish vessel names are further highlighted. Additional clarification is brought to the chronological, regional, and social variations, and to the emergence of various forms of systematic naming. This dissertation builds on older research from other countries, and uses traditional onomastic methods alongside a more modern methodology. The approach is interdisciplinary, meaning that the names are explored using facts not only from nautical history, but also from a range of other historical disciplines such as economics, culture, art, and literature. In addition, the approach is socio-onomastic, i.e. that the variations in names are studied in a societal context. Using a synchronised perspective, cognitive linguistic theories have provided the tools for this exploration into the metaphorical and the prototypical meaning of the names, and the semantic domains that the names create. The quantitative analysis has revealed the overall picture of Finnish boat names. Personal names, names from mythology, and place names, emerge as significant categories, alongside nonproprial names in Swedish and Finnish. The interdisciplinary perspective has made it possible to explain certain trends in the stock of boat names, for example, the predisposition towards names from classical mythology, the breakthrough of names taken from the national epos Kalevala, names in the Finnish language from around the middle of the nineteenth century, and the continuing rise of place names during the latter part of the period 1838 1938. The socio-onomastic perspective has also identified clear differences between those ship names used in towns, and those ship names used in the archipelago, and it has clarified how naming conventions tend to spread from town centres to peripheral areas. The cognitive linguistic methods have revealed that the greater part of the vessel names can be interpreted as metaphors, in particular personifications, and that many names are related in their content and also form semantic networks and cognitive systems. The results indicate that there is a mental nautonomasticon that consists of a standard set of traditional ship names, but they also reveal the existence of conscious or unconscious cognitive systems (rules and conventions) that guide the naming of boats.
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This study discusses the conceptual metaphors of Inari Saami, an endangered, indigenous, Finno-Ugrian language spoken in northern Finland. The research focuses on systematical mappings between source and target domains in conventional Inari Saami metaphors and metonymies. The research material consists of the Inarinsaamen idiomisanakirja [Inari Saami idiom dictionary] which has been compiled by the author in collaboration with an Inari Saami co-author; the Inarilappisches Wörterbuch; Inarinsaamelaista kansantietoutta [Inari Saami folk knowledge]; and Aanaarkiela čájttuzeh [Inari Saami sample texts]. The metaphors and metonymies found in these literary sources are divided into categories on the basis of the target domains and according to the classic model of Lakoff ja Johnson (1980). This method reveals the systematical recurrence of source domains inside each category and thus discovers the systematical patterns of metaphoric mapping, the conceptual metaphors . As a result 44 conceptual metaphors and 16 conceptual metonymies are presented through approximately 500 glossed examples. These findings are discussed against the background of what is known about the cognitive and neural processing of metaphors on the one hand, and what is known about Inari Saami culture on the other. This theoretical framework highlights culture as the underlying force behind conceptual metaphors. The recurring metonymies seem to follow a culturally salient indexicality. For example, the Inari Saami conceptual metonymy TIME IS NATURE reflects the seasonal changes in the year s cycle, which was the salient index of time in traditional Inari Saami culture. The recurring metaphors, for their part, follow a culturally salient iconicity. The conceptual metaphor PRIDE IS ANTLERS is based on an iconicity which is experienced and interpreted by the Inari Saami. A proud person is associated with a reindeer who shows off his impressive antlers. The conceptual metaphor/metonymy seems to be a reflection of culture rather than a cognitive means of understanding an abstract domain in terms of a concrete domain, as hypothesized by certain theoreticians. Repeating this study with other languages may lead to the possibility of typologizing the metaphorical systems of the world s languages and understanding the diversity of metaphor systems in the endangered languages of the world.
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The thesis studies the translation process for the laws of Finland as they are translated from Finnish into Swedish. The focus is on revision practices, norms and workplace procedures. The translation process studied covers three institutions and four revisions. In three separate studies the translation process is analyzed from the perspective of the translations, the institutions and the actors. The general theoretical framework is Descriptive Translation Studies. For the analysis of revisions made in versions of the Swedish translation of Finnish laws, a model is developed covering five grammatical categories (textual revisions, syntactic revisions, lexical revisions, morphological revisions and content revisions) and four norms (legal adequacy, correct translation, correct language and readability). A separate questionnaire-based study was carried out with translators and revisers at the three institutions. The results show that the number of revisions does not decrease during the translation process, and no division of labour can be seen at the different stages. This is somewhat surprising if the revision process is regarded as one of quality control. Instead, all revisers make revisions on every level of the text. Further, the revisions do not necessarily imply errors in the translations but are often the result of revisers following different norms for legal translation. The informal structure of the institutions and its impact on communication, visibility and workplace practices was studied from the perspective of organization theory. The results show weaknesses in the communicative situation, which affect the co-operation both between institutions and individuals. Individual attitudes towards norms and their relative authority also vary, in the sense that revisers largely prioritize legal adequacy whereas translators give linguistic norms a higher value. Further, multi-professional teamwork in the institutions studied shows a kind of teamwork based on individuals and institutions doing specific tasks with only little contact with others. This shows that the established definitions of teamwork, with people co-working in close contact with each other, cannot directly be applied to the workplace procedures in the translation process studied. Three new concepts are introduced: flerstegsrevidering (multi-stage revision), revideringskedja (revision chain) and normsyn (norm attitude). The study seeks to make a contribution to our knowledge of legal translation, translation processes, institutional translation, revision practices and translation norms for legal translation. Keywords: legal translation, translation of laws, institutional translation, revision, revision practices, norms, teamwork, organizational informal structure, translation process, translation sociology, multilingual.
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Det har knappast undgått någon som är språkligt medveten att finlandssvenskan och sverigesvenskan skiljer sig åt till vissa delar. Olikheterna återfinns på olika språkliga nivåer. Mest kända och omskrivna är de lexikologiska skillnaderna, dvs. skillnaderna på ordplanet. Betydligt mindre uppmärksamhet har ägnats syntaktiska skillnader, dvs. skillnader i hur satser och meningar byggs upp. För att öka kunskapen om finlandssvensk syntax initierade Språkvetenskapliga nämnden vid Svenska litteratursällskapet i Finland projektet Svenskan i Finland – syntaktiska drag i ett jämförande perspektiv, som pågick åren 2004–2006. Min avhandling har kommit till inom ramen för det projektet. Prepositionerna (t.ex. av, i, på, för, till, åt osv.) är så kallade funktionsord som har till uppgift att binda samman de mer betydelsetunga orden till satser och meningar. Den finlandssvenska prepositionsanvändningen skiljer sig i viss mån från den sverigesvenska, och ”åt” är en av de prepositioner som ofta lyfts fram som exempel. Finlandssvenskarna säger t.ex. ”han gav en bok åt Lena” i stället för ”han gav en bok till Lena” eller ”han gav Lena en bok”. De säger ”berätta något åt någon” (i stället för ”för”) och de säger ”ringa åt någon” i stället för ”ringa någon”. Ett huvudsyfte med min undersökning är att ta reda på hur pass stora skillnaderna är om man ser till samtliga belägg på ”åt” i ett material och inte bara till sådana som man fäster sig vid för att man vet att de avviker i finlandssvenskan. Undersökningen är korpusbaserad. Det betyder att jag letat efter alla belägg på kombinationer av verb och prepositionen ”åt” i rätt stora textmassor som finns tillgängliga i elektronisk form. Materialet ligger i Språkbanken i Finland och omfattar huvudsakligen tidningstext och skönlitteratur. Jag har använt mig av en textmassa på sammanlagt ungefär 40 miljoner löpande ord, drygt 23 miljoner finlandssvenska och drygt 19 miljoner sverigesvenska. Det materialet gav ca 20 000 åt-belägg att studera, och det visade sig något oväntat att ”åt” inte alls är vanligare i finlandssvenskan än i sverigesvenskan när det gäller skriftspråk, åtminstone inte i professionella skribenters språk. Om man kompenserar för att den finlandssvenska och den sverigesvenska korpusen inte är helt lika i fråga om genrefördelning och ålder, kommer man fram till i stort sett samma frekvens för ”åt” i båda korpusarna. För den närmare analysen av vilka mönster åt-beläggen uppvisar har jag först och främst utnyttjat konstruktionsgrammatik men också ramsemantik och valensteori. Konstruktionsgrammatiken är ingen enhetlig teori, men tanken om grammatiska konstruktioner är gemensam. Konstruktioner representerar allt från generella syntaktiska mönster till specifika mönster för språkliga enskildheter. Uppfattningen om vad som ska inbegripas i begreppet varierar, men definitionen av ”konstruktion” som ”par (eller konstellationer) av form och betydelse” är gemensam. ”Konstruktion” avser aldrig konkreta belägg i texter eller yttranden utan alltid det abstrakta mönstret bakom dessa. Och varje yttrande är resultatet av att en stor mängd konstruktioner samverkar. I min analys har jag utgått ifrån att beläggen med ”åt” kan återföras på olika konstruktioner eller mönster utifrån vad som är gemensamt för grupper av belägg. Jag har sett på vad åt-frasen i samverkan med verbet har för funktion i beläggen. En åt-fras är syntaktiskt en prepositionsfras och består av en preposition och en rektion. Exempelvis utgör ordparet ”åt skogen” en prepositionsfras där ”skogen” är rektion. Ur mitt material har jag kunnat abstrahera fram fem övergripande mönster där referenten för rektionen har olika så kallade semantiska roller. Åt-frasen kan i kombination med verbet ange mål eller riktmärke, som i t.ex. svänga åt höger, dra åt helvete, ta sig åt hjärtat, luta åt en seger för IFK. Den kan för det andra ange mottagare (t.ex. ge varsin kaka åt hundarna, bygga en bastu åt sina svärföräldrar, skaffa biljetter åt en kompis). För det tredje kan åt-frasen avse en referent som har nytta (eller skada) av en aktion (t.ex. klippa häcken åt grannen, ställa in digitalboxen åt sin moster). Åt-frasen kan slutligen avse den eller det som är föremål antingen för en kommunikationsaktion (vinka åt sin son, skratta åt eländet) eller en attityd eller känsla (glädja sig åt framgången). Utöver dessa huvudmönster finns det ett antal smärre grupper av belägg som bildar egna mönster, men de utgör sammanlagt under 3 % i bägge korpusarna. Inom grupperna kan undermönster urskiljas. I t.ex. mottagargruppen representerar ”ge varsin kaka åt hundarna” överföringskonstruktion, ”bygga en bastu åt sina svärföräldrar” produktionskonstruktion och ”skaffa biljetter åt en kompis” ombesörjningskonstruktion. Alla typer är gemensamma för bägge materialen, men andelen belägg som representerar de olika typerna skiljer sig betydligt. I det sverigesvenska materialet står t.ex. det mönster där åt-frasen avser mål eller riktmärke för en mycket större andel av beläggen än i finlandssvenskan. Också andelen belägg där åt-frasen avser någon som har nytta (eller skada) av en aktion är mycket högre i det sverigesvenska materialet. I det finlandssvenska materialet står i gengäld mottagarbeläggen för över 50 % av beläggen medan andelen i det sverigesvenska materialet är bara 30 %. Inom gruppen utgör belägg av produktions- och ombesörjningstyp dessutom en mindre andel i det finlandssvenska materialet än i det sverigesvenska. Dessa står till sin funktion nära den typ som avser den som har nytta av aktionen. De konkreta beläggen på överföring (ge varsin kaka åt hundarna) utgör en större andel i det finlandssvenska materialet än i det sverigesvenska (ca 8 % mot 3 %), men typiskt för båda materialen är hög kollokationsgrad (”kollokation” avser par eller grupper av ord som uppträder oftare tillsammans än de statiskt sett skulle göra vid helt slumpmässig förekomst). Största delen av mottagarbeläggen utgörs av fraser av typen ”ge arbete åt någon, ge eftertryck åt något, ge liv åt något; ägna tid åt något, ägna sitt liv åt något, ägna uppmärksamhet åt något”. De här slutsatserna gäller alltså skriftspråk. I talspråk ser fördelningen annorlunda ut. Typiskt för prepositionen ”åt” är överhuvudtaget hög kollokationsgrad. Det förefaller som om språkanvändarna har tydliga, färdiga mallar för var ”åt” kan komma in. Det enda mönster som verkar helt produktivt, i den meningen att elementen är i stort sett fritt kombinerbara, är kombinationer av verb och åt-fras där åt-frasen avser den som har nytta av något. Att någon utför något för någons räkning verkar överlag kunna uttryckas med prepositionen ”åt”: t.ex. ”tvätta bilen åt pappa, ringa efter en taxi åt kunden”. Till och med belägg av typen ”hon drömde åt honom att bli ordinarie adjunkt” förekommer i någon mån. Konstruktionen är produktiv i båda språkvarieteterna men uppenbart är att konstruktion med mottagare har tolkningsföreträde i vissa fall i finlandssvenskan: ”Filip skrev ett brev åt sin syster” tolkas av sverigesvenskar som att Filip skrev brevet för systerns räkning, medan finlandssvenskar överlag uppenbarligen tolkar det som att Filip skrev till sin syster, att systern var mottagare av brevet. Ungefär 20 % av alla belägg i båda materialen representerar fall där ”åt” utgör partikel. Verb och ”åt” är närmare förbundna med varandra än när ”åt” utgör normal preposition. Exempel på partikelbelägg är ”han kom inte åt strömbrytaren, det gick åt mängder med saft, landet får dra åt svångremmen, de roffade åt sig de bästa platserna”. Också partikelmaterialet ser på ett generellt plan väldigt lika ut i båda språkvarieteterna. Den största skillnaden uppvisar den reflexiva typen ”roffa åt sig”. Medan typen är mycket homogen i det sverigesvenska materialet är variationen större i det finlandsvenska. Dels uppträder fler verb i kombinationen (han köpte åt sig ett par jeans), dels vacklar ordföljden (han nappade åt sig ett paraply ~ han nappade ett paraply åt sig). Att ”åt” används mer i vissa funktioner i finlandsvenskan brukar förklaras med påverkan från finskans allativ (ändelsen -lle: hän antoi kirjan Astalle > hon gav en bok åt Asta). Allt tyder dock på att den finlandssvenska åt-användningen delvis är en relikt. I äldre sverigesvenska källor träffar man på ”åt” i sådana kontexter som numera är typiska för finlandsvenskan. Det finlandssvenska språkområdet ligger ute i periferin i relation till det språkliga centrum som förändringar sprider sig från (för svenskans del främst Stockholmstrakten) och typiskt för perifera områden är att de uppvisar ålderdomliga drag också när inga kontaktfenomen spelar in. Allativen kan naturligtvis ha bidragit till att bevara användningen av ”åt” i finlandssvenskan. Att det är just ”åt” som används” beror antagligen på att prepositionen har flest funktioner gemensamt med allativen rent kognitivt om man jämför med de betydligt mer frekventa prepositionerna ”till” och ”för”. Uppenbart är också att åt-användningen därtill lever sitt eget liv i finlandssvenskan. I vissa varieteter av finlandssvenska kan man t.ex. höra yttranden av typ ”alla fiskarna dog åt dom”. Som språklig enskildhet har det ingen finsk förebild med allativ. Yttrandet är ett exempel på töjning av en svensk konstruktion. Modell finns dels i det mönster där åt avser den som har nytta eller skada av något, dels i relationell användning av ”åt”: han är hantlangare åt Eriksson ~ han är Erikssons hantlangare. Vid språkkontakt är det överlag konstruktioner som har förebild i det låntagande språket som lånas in från det långivande språket, medan konstruktioner som saknar förebild är betydligt mindre benägna att vinna insteg.
Resumo:
This study concerns the most common word pair in spoken Swedish, de e (it is, third person pronoun + copula-verb in present tense). The aim of the study is twofold, with an empirical aim and a theoretical aim. The empirical aim is to investigate if and how the string de e can be understood and described as a construction in its own right with characteristics that distinguishes it from other structures and resources in spoken Swedish. The theoretical aim is to test how two different linguistic theories and methods, interactional linguistics and construction grammar, can be combined and used to describe and explain patterns in languaging that traditional grammar does take into account. The empirical analysis is done within the interactional linguistic framework with sequence analyses of excerpts from authentic conversation data. The data consists of approximately ten hours of recorded conversation from Finland and Sweden. The sequence analysis suggests that the string de e really is used as a resource in its own right. In most cases, the string is also used in ways consistent with abstract grammatical patterns described by traditional grammar. Nevertheless, there are instances where de e is used in ways not described before: with numerals and infinitive phrases as complements, without any complements at all and together with certain complements (bra, de) in idiomatic ways. Furthermore, in the instances where de e is used according to known grammatical patterns the function of the particular string de e is clearly contextually specific and in various ways linked to the micro-context in which it is used. A new model is suggested for understanding and concluding the results from the sequence analyses. It consists of two different types of constructions grammatical and interactional. The grammatical constructions show how the string is used in eleven structurally different ways. The interactional constructions show seven different sequential positions and functions in which the string occurs. The two types of constructions are also linked to each other as potentials. This is a new way to describe how interactants use and responds to a concrete string like de e in conversation.