997 resultados para Guerras civis
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The first decades of the 19th century constituted a period of profound change for Chile, the principal results of which were to be seen in the consolidation of the process of independence from Spanish dominion in 1818. The consequences were not limited to a revolution of military and political nature; they also included a renovation of the cultural panorama -at least among the educated patriots who made an effort to distance themselves ideologically from the Monarchy-, with the implicit challenge of establishing a new order for Chile, based on legitimate and universally recognizable foundations. The inspirational framework for these efforts is usually associated with other revolutionary examples -France and the United States- that preceded the emancipation processes in Spanish America, as well as with the discourses of illustrated liberalism. As we will attempt to demonstrate in this study, a new reading of the texts written by the Creoles that lead the Chilean independence process may, nonetheless, also reveal the relevance of the classical tradition as a model for the configuration and legitimization of the first Republican projects that especially admired the ideals of Republicanism.
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Many 16th century Spanish chroniclers and missionaries, arriving at what they interpreted as a New World, saw the Devil as a “hermeneutic wildcard” that allowed them to comprehend indigenous religions. Pedro Cieza de León, a soldier in the conquest of Peru, is a case in point. Cieza considers the Devil responsible for the most aberrant religious practices and customs of the Indians, although he views the natives in a positive light, as men susceptible to divine salvation. From a providentialist perspective of the history of the conquest, Cieza interprets that the evangelization and conversion of the Indians and the implantation of Christian civilization by the Spanish Crown, were able to defeat the Devil.
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In Marxist frameworks “distributive justice” depends on extracting value through a centralized state. Many new social movements—peer to peer economy, maker activism, community agriculture, queer ecology, etc.—take the opposite approach, keeping value in its unalienated form and allowing it to freely circulate from the bottom up. Unlike Marxism, there is no general theory for bottom-up, unalienated value circulation. This paper examines the concept of “generative justice” through an historical contrast between Marx’s writings and the indigenous cultures that he drew upon. Marx erroneously concluded that while indigenous cultures had unalienated forms of production, only centralized value extraction could allow the productivity needed for a high quality of life. To the contrary, indigenous cultures now provide a robust model for the “gift economy” that underpins open source technological production, agroecology, and restorative approaches to civil rights. Expanding Marx’s concept of unalienated labor value to include unalienated ecological (nonhuman) value, as well as the domain of freedom in speech, sexual orientation, spirituality and other forms of “expressive” value, we arrive at an historically informed perspective for generative justice.
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The integration of cultural elements into the operational planning process is a complex task that requires practical and theroretical tools for a wide comprehension of the context to help solve the problem. This article shows the results of an empirical research which presents conflicting cultural factors as the starting point for the construction of mediating structures. The main result of our research is a partial cognitive structure, a system of ideas, represented in a template listing the basic conflictive factors at the tactical level that military could find in the development of their tasks. The template is also a valuable aid to design military training curricula and to be applied to any post-conflict stability operation in complex environments resulting from irregular or asymmetric conflicts.
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Objetivos: O presente estudo tem como principal objetivo caraterizar as redes sociais pessoais dos idosos com idade igual ou superior a 65 anos, relativamente às caraterísticas estruturais, funcionais e relacionais-contextuais, analisando-as segundo o estado civil. Metodologia: Para avaliar as variáveis em estudo foram utilizados: o instrumento de Análise da Rede Social Pessoal, versão para idosos (IARSP – Idosos) (Guadalupe, 2010; Guadalupe & Vicente, 2012) com o objetivo de avaliar as dimensões da rede social pessoal dos idosos e um inquérito por questionário para caracterização sociodemográfica. Participantes: A amostra é constituída por 446 idosos com idades compreendidas entre os 65 anos e os 98 anos (M = 76,09; DP = 7,59). Os participantes são na sua maioria do sexo feminino (n = 285, 63,9%). A maioria dos idosos é casada/união de facto (n = 230, 51,6%) e em minoria encontram-se os divorciados/separados (n = 21, 4,7%) e têm filhos (n=389, 87,2%). Resultados: Os resultados demonstram que o estado civil apresenta associações estatisticamente significativas com as variáveis sociodemográficas sexo, idade, viver só, parentalidade e escolaridade. Registam-se diferenças significativas relativamente ao estado civil no que diz respeito à maioria das características estruturais da rede, quanto às características funcionais, nomeadamente o acesso a novos vínculos, a reciprocidade de apoio, a satisfação com a rede e com o suporte social, e quanto às características relacionais-contextuais apenas se assinalam relativamente à distância de residência. Conclusões: O nosso estudo revela que as redes sociais pessoais dos idosos se diferenciam a nível estrutural e funcional segundo o estado civil destes idosos. Os idosos casados apresentam redes maiores mais centradas nas relações familiares na rede do que os idosos com outros estados civis. Os idosos solteiros são os que apresentam redes menores, mais investidas nas relações de amizade e de vizinhança e menos nas relações familiares comparativamente com os outros tipos de relacionamento. / Objectives: This study aims to characterize the personal social networks of the elderly aged 65 years or more, for structural, functional and relational-contextual features, analyzing them according to marital status. Methodology: To assess the variables studied the following was used: the analysis tool of the Personal Social Network, version for elderly (IARSP - Elderly) (Guadalupe, 2010; Guadalupe & Vicente, 2012) in order to assess the dimensions of the personal social network of the elderly and a questionnaire for socio-demographic characterization. Participants: The sample comprises 446 elderly, aged between 65 years and 98 years (M = 76.09, SD = 7.59). Participants are mostly female (n = 285, 63.9%). Most seniors are married / consensual union (n = 230, 51.6%) and a minority is divorced / separated (n = 21, 4.7%) and have children (n = 389, 87. 2%). Results: The results show that marital status has statistically significant associations with the sociodemographic variables, gender, age, living alone, and parenting and education. There are significant differences with regard to marital status relating to most of the structural characteristics of the network, for the functional features, namely access to new links, reciprocal support, satisfaction with the network and social support, and as to the relational-contextual characteristics these only appear in relation to the distance of residence. Conclusions: Our study shows that personal social networks of the elderly are different on a structural and functional level according to the marital status of these seniors. Married elderly have larger networks more centered on family relationships on the network than the elderly with other marital statuses. The single elderly are those with smaller networks, more invested in the relations of friendship and neighborhood and less on family relationships compared to other types of relationship.
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The main objective of the study about the citizenship development in elderly attended by the Conviver Program of the City Hall of Campina Grande in Paraiba, Brazil was to evaluate how the actions of the Program contribute for the citizenship practice according to the users. The Citizenship analyzed is the existence of political, civil and social rights according to Marshall. For that it was utilized a descriptive research and a study of case based on technical procedure. The research was settled by the people who are benefited by the Conviver Program of the Snow Hair Group and the sample was formed by the active participants that it is in the Group for over ten years, corresponding to a total of ten elderly. For the data collection was utilized basic questionnaire in function of the low schooling of the interviewed, according to Marshall (2002) theory about the citizenship construction from each person. It was utilized the methodological procedure proposed by Bardin (2006), categorical analysis, in the qualitative data analysis, that was divided in four parts. In relation to Political Rights, noted that the program has stimulated your Watched on the exercise of voting and being voted. On the Civil Rights was observed that the Program has given incentive to actions which provide the users the justice rights in and in occupational activities as a job. In relation to Social Rights it was observed that the Conviver Program has contributed in order that its users can lead their lives according to the standards imposed by the society, which have being failed in the education area. As for the type of citizenship it was verified that the Program has given incentive to the served users, becoming more evidence on the speech basis
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From 1974 to 1986 the Iberian Peninsula was the arena of major political changes. The process then undertaken was characterized by the transition from two Iberian authoritarian regimes to two democracies, which enabled both countries to join the European Economic Community (EEC) on 1 January 1986. However, the political vicissitudes until full membership of what became the European Union (EU) was achieved were very different and were decisively, although not exclusively, influenced by the fact Portugal was a republic and Spain a monarchy. In Portugal the 1974 revolution took place with consequent shift of the head of state while in Spain the engine of change was precisely the head of state: King Juan Carlos I. It is also true that despite the dangers to democracy (terrorism in Spain and some radicalism in Portugal) both societies supported the political parties committed to the democratic process in elections, which helped avoid tensions that could have defeated the process. Likewise, it is possible to argue that in Spain a plan to achieve democracy within the rule of law (an archetypal transition) was designed by the head of state, while in Portugal there was no pre-established plan – the programme of the Armed Forces Movement (Movimento das Forças Armadas [MFA]) was a weak and precarious compromise between different visions of the road to follow, enabling an intense political struggle that almost led to civil war and a dangerous state of crisis.
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The main thesis of this article is that the increasing recourse to the use of unmanned aerial systems in asymmetric warfare and the beginning routinization of U.S. drone operations represent part of an evolutionary change in the spatial ordering of global politics -- Using a heuristic framework based on actor-network theory, it is argued that practices of panoptic observation and selective airstrikes, being in need of legal justification, contribute to a reterritorialization of asymmetric conflicts -- Under a new normative spatial regime, a legal condition of state immaturity is constructed, which establishes a zone of conditional sovereignty subject to transnational aerial policing -- At the same time, this process is neither a deterministic result of the new technology nor a deliberate effect of policies to which drones are merely neutral instruments -- Rather, military technology and political decisions both form part of a long chain of action which has evolved under the specific circumstances of recent military interventions
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91 p.
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El creciente peso que han alcanzado los mercados y diferentes actores económicos dentro de la escena política mundial, sugieren que estamos frente a un nuevo paradigma en lo que concierne al funcionamiento del Estado nación. El concepto de Geoeconomía surge como respuesta a los cambios que se han comenzado a configurar a partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XX, a su vez que ilustra como a través de la concepción de estrategias de control económico se puede alcanzar dominio y poder en términos internacionales, bien sea a través de los Estados de manera directa o bajo su influencia o beneplácito a través de grandes grupos económicos. En efecto, el presente trabajo de investigación aborda desde la óptica Geoeconómica la progresiva colonización que ha emprendido el sistema financiero colombiano, y más propiamente el Grupo Bancolombia, sobre una serie de activos financieros estratégicos en Centroamérica. Del mismo modo, explica cómo este fenómeno ha traído consigo cambios sustanciales en la dinámica de las relaciones internacionales de Colombia con sus vecinos, a su vez que ha propiciado las condiciones de legitimidad necesarias para una serie de actores privados que podrían llegar incluso a ser capaces de moldear en cierta medida la política interior y exterior del país, tal y como ha sucedido en algunos episodios recientes.
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1.º Congresso Internacional de Educação, Psicologia e Neurociências: Sinapses, Educar no Século XXI. Vila Franca do Campo: 30 de março e 1 de abril.
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Os militares portugueses enviados para as trincheiras da Grande Guerra, pedaços vivos do Portugal rural do princípio do século XX, eram na sua maioria homens analfabetos ou com escassa instrução. A actuação militar em território estrangeiro e inserida num contexto que obrigava à comunicação com tropas de outros países, propiciava o estabelecimento de pontes comunicativas que passavam invariavelmente pela transposição linguística. Todavia, a forma improvisada, inventiva e/ou criativa como os portugueses se expressavam ante soldados e civis franceses, ainda que errónea e por vezes confusa à luz da gramática oficial, não constituiu por si só um obstáculo ao entendimento e à compreensão.
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Análise histórica das disposições constitucionais relacionadas ao Art. 37. " A administração pública direta, indireta ou fundacional, de qualquer dos Poderes da União, dos Estados, do Distrito Federal e dos Municípios obedecerá aos princípios de legalidade, impessoalidade, moralidade, publicidade e, também, ao seguinte: [...] X - a revisão geral da remuneração dos servidores públicos, sem distinção de índices entre servidores públicos civis e militares, far-se-á sempre na mesma data; [...]." Texto promulgado em 5/10/1988.
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Las relaciones diplomáticas entre Corea del Sur y Colombia se establecieron en el año 1962. A lo largo del desarrollo de sus relaciones existe un fenómeno muy notorio. La relación entre ambas partes permaneció durante décadas en un nivel de cooperación pasiva y de bajo perfil. Sin embargo, a partir del año 2006 comienza a profundizarse el grado de cooperación. A partir de ese año, empieza a aumentarse el volumen del comercio, evolucionando de manera activa la cooperación económica entre ambos países. Luego, hacia el año 2008, se consolida la cooperación entre ambos países no solamente en materia de comercio, sino que también se diversifica hacia la diplomacia, la cultura, la industria de defensa, el intercambio de funcionarios, etc. profundizando el nivel de cooperación hasta alcanzar el mejor momento en la historia en las relaciones entre ambos países. La cantidad de empresas surcoreanas instaladas en Colombia se ha multiplicado 6 veces en menos de 6 años. Ambos países firmaron un TLC en febrero del año 2013, cooperando activamente en sectores de altas barreras de ingreso como la industria de defensa. También hubo un intercambio activo de funcionarios incluyendo las mutuas visitas de los presidentes. ¿Cuáles serían las razones por las que las relaciones entre ambos países han evolucionado de manera profunda a partir de 2006/08? Se podrían destacar entre otras causas, la mejora en el ambiente de apertura en Colombia, que ha hecho que muchos países, al igual de Corea del Sur, tengan mayores incentivos y analicen las posibilidades de invertir allí. Durante mucho tiempo, Colombia ha sido un país marcado por la inseguridad, por sus guerras civiles y por la presencia del narcotráfico, atravesando por un cambio a partir de que el Presidente Uribe toma el poder en el año 2002. Las fuerzas guerrilleras perdieron fuerza, la seguridad ha ido mejorando y la economía comenzó a crecer. A partir de que el Presidente Uribe logra ser reelegido e inicia su segundo mandato en 2006, las empresas extranjeras comienzan a ingresar de manera activa en Colombia. También el gobierno colombiano mantiene una política económica abierta, y especialmente selecciona la región asiática como nuevo punto focal para la cooperación y el fortalecimiento de sus relaciones...
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The main objective of the study about the citizenship development in elderly attended by the Conviver Program of the City Hall of Campina Grande in Paraiba, Brazil was to evaluate how the actions of the Program contribute for the citizenship practice according to the users. The Citizenship analyzed is the existence of political, civil and social rights according to Marshall. For that it was utilized a descriptive research and a study of case based on technical procedure. The research was settled by the people who are benefited by the Conviver Program of the Snow Hair Group and the sample was formed by the active participants that it is in the Group for over ten years, corresponding to a total of ten elderly. For the data collection was utilized basic questionnaire in function of the low schooling of the interviewed, according to Marshall (2002) theory about the citizenship construction from each person. It was utilized the methodological procedure proposed by Bardin (2006), categorical analysis, in the qualitative data analysis, that was divided in four parts. In relation to Political Rights, noted that the program has stimulated your Watched on the exercise of voting and being voted. On the Civil Rights was observed that the Program has given incentive to actions which provide the users the justice rights in and in occupational activities as a job. In relation to Social Rights it was observed that the Conviver Program has contributed in order that its users can lead their lives according to the standards imposed by the society, which have being failed in the education area. As for the type of citizenship it was verified that the Program has given incentive to the served users, becoming more evidence on the speech basis