636 resultados para elected
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This work project studies the effect of variations in the proportion of female candidates on the quality of politicians. This effect was divided between nominated and elected body. Cross-sectional data was used for two elections, and an OLS as an IV approach. Results show that the existence of female candidates on parties’ list increases the quality of the nominated body. Moreover, contrary to what many advocate, increasing the presence of female candidates either increases or has no effect on the quality of the elected body. Results that were confirmed for the overall data and controlling for region factors only.
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The United Nations is an international organization that was created after World War II, whose main objective is to promote cooperation, social and economic development, as well as to ensure international peace and security. The Member States are key actors in the international political system. For that reason they have strategic interests in what regards taking part in the international organizations. They see it as an opportunity to achieve those goals. The United Nations Security Council has a very important role in preserving international peace and security. It is the organ of the United Nations in which fifteen member states are represented: five permanently and ten non-permanently, being that the latter are elected for two years. Participating in the Security Council is a unique opportunity for middle powers like Portugal to promote their national interests and to increase their international visibility. In addition, they can contribute to the world’s destiny during their mandate period. Portugal has exercised his third term as a non-permanent member of the Security Council in 2011-2012 biennium, defeating Canada after a successful campaign carried out by the Portuguese diplomacy. This study analyses the participation of Portugal in the Security Council´s 2011-2012 biennium. It will focus the application process and election and the role of Portugal in the Security Council, especially in its the presidency and its intervention in the presidency of the Sanctions Committee on Libya. Its aim is to show the impact of Portuguese participation in the Security Council for international peace and security, as well as the geopolitical importance for the country of being part of the Security Council.
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Dissertação de mestrado em Direito Administrativo
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Dissertação de mestrado em Administração Pública (área de especialização em Gestão Pública)
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Dissertação de mestrado em Direito Judiciário
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OBJECTIVE: To evaluate the characteristics of the patients receiving medical care in the Ambulatory of Hypertension of the Emergency Department, Division of Cardiology, and in the Emergency Unit of the Clinical Hospital of the Ribeirão Preto Medical School. METHODS: Using a protocol, we compared the care of the same hypertensive patients in on different occasions in the 2 different places. The characteristics of 62 patients, 29 men with a mean age of 57 years, were analyzed between January 1996 and December 1997. RESULTS: The care of these patients resulted in different medical treatment regardless of their clinical features and blood pressure levels. Thus, in the Emergency Unit, 97% presented with symptoms, and 64.5% received medication to rapidly reduce blood pressure. In 50% of the cases, nifedipine SL was the elected medication. Patients who applied to the Ambulatory of Hypertension presenting with similar features, or, in some cases, presenting with similar clinically higher levels of blood pressure, were not prescribed medication for a rapid reduction of blood pressure at any of the appointments. CONCLUSION: The therapeutic approach to patients with high blood pressure levels, symptomatic or asymptomatic, was dependent on the place of treatment. In the Emergency Unit, the conduct was, in the majority of cases, to decrease blood pressure immediately, whereas in the Ambulatory of Hypertension, the same levels of blood pressure, in the same individuals, resulted in therapeutic adjustment with nonpharmacological management. These results show the need to reconsider the concept of hypertensive crises and their therapeutical implications.
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Dissertação de mestrado integrado em Arquitectura
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This paper is devoted to the analysis of all constitutions equipped with electoral systems involving two step procedures. First, one candidate is elected in every jurisdiction by the electors in that jurisdiction, according to some aggregation procedure. Second, another aggregation procedure collects the names of the jurisdictional winners in order to designate the final winner. It appears that whenever individuals are allowed to change jurisdiction when casting their ballot, they are able to manipulate the result of the election except in very few cases. When imposing a paretian condition on every jurisdictions voting rule, it is shown that, in the case of any finite number of candidates, any two steps voting rule that is not manipulable by movement of the electors necessarily gives to every voter the power of overruling the unanimity on its own. A characterization of the set of these rules is next provided in the case of two candidates.
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This paper analyzes the problem that an incumbent faces during the legislature when deciding how to react to popular initiatives or policy proposals coming from different sources. We argue that this potential source of electoral disadvantage that the incumbent obtains after being elected can jeopardize the reelection possibilities of the incumbent. We analyze the decision of the incumbent when facing reelection and we characterize the conditions under which the advantages that the incumbent obtains can overcome the disadvantages. Finally, we use the results of this analysis to discuss some implications of the use of mechanisms of direct democracy like referenda and popular assemblies on electoral competition.
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In times of increasing "mediatization" of politics, when voters and their elected representatives primarily communicate through the media, the question of who gets into the news and why becomes of the utmost importance. This article examines the determinants of Swiss legislators' presence and prominence in the print media by focusing on three competing approaches drawn from communication studies. The first approach regards the media as a "mirror" of political reality and argues that the media focus on the most active deputies in parliament. Second, news values theory predicts that "authoritative" politicians in leadership positions get the most media coverage. Third, theories of "news bias" hold that the media privilege legislators who are in line with their own editorial interests. Overall, the statistical analyses show an important leadership effect and provide strong support for the second explanation. While deputies in official functions get the most extensive news coverage, media access can also be won by parliamentary activity. The least support is shown for the news bias theory, although some newspapers try to localize parliamentary news coverage by focusing on deputies from their own media market.
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Hoy en día los sistemas ERP's son muy importantes para el aumento de la productividad, control y eficacia de las empresas. Con este estudio se ve la importancia de estos sistemas y cómo cubren las necesidades de una empresa textil que hemos analizado. Para lograrlo, en este estudio se ve la importancia de los sistemas ERP's y su historia, para una mejor compresión; se exponen las características de la empresa, para una visión clara de su funcionamiento y se observa con más detalle los diferentes sistemas ERP's elegidos, sectoriales o no, para elegir cual de ellos es el que mejor se adaptaría a la empresa según unos criterios fijados.
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A firm may induce voters or elected politicians to support a policy it favors by suggesting that it is more likely to invest in a district whose voters or representatives support the policy. In equilibrium, no one vote may be decisive, and the policy may gain strong support though the majority of districts suffer from adoption of the program. When votes reveal information about the district, the firm's implicit promise or threat can be credible.
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It is not unusual for patients with "rare" conditions, such as skeletal dysplasias, to remain undiagnosed until adulthood. In such cases, a pregnancy may unexpectedly reveal hidden problems and special needs. A 28 year old primigravida was referred to us at 17 weeks for counselling with an undiagnosed skeletal dysplasia with specific skeletal anomalies suggesting the collagen 2 disorder, spondyloperipheral dysplasia (SPD; MIM 156550).She was counselled about the probability of dominant inheritance and was offered a prenatal diagnosis by sonography. US examination at 17, 18 and 20 weeks revealed fetal macrocephaly, a narrow thorax, and shortening and bowing of long bones. The parents elected to continue the pregnancy. At birth the baby showed severe respiratory distress for four weeks which then resolved. Mutation analysis of both mother and child revealed a hitherto undescribed heterozygous nonsense mutation in the C-propeptide coding region of COL2A1 confirming the diagnosis of SPD while reinforcing the genotype-phenotype correlations between C-propeptide COL2A1 mutations and the SPD-Torrance spectrum. This case demonstrates the importance of a correct diagnosis even in adulthood, enabling individuals affected by rare conditions to be made aware about recurrence and pregnancy-associated risks, and potential complications in the newborn.
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This paper analyzes the problem that an incumbent faces during the legislature when deciding how to react to popular initiatives or policy proposals coming from different sources. We argue that this potential source of electoral disadvantage that the incumbent obtains after being elected can jeopardize the reelection possibilities of the incumbent. We analyze the decision of the incumbent when facing reelection and we characterize the conditions under which the advantages that the incumbent obtains can overcome the disadvantages. Finally, we use the results of this analysis to discuss some implications of the use of mechanisms of direct democracy like referenda and popular assemblies on electoral competition.
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This dissertation focuses on the practice of regulatory governance, throughout the study of the functioning of formally independent regulatory agencies (IRAs), with special attention to their de facto independence. The research goals are grounded on a "neo-positivist" (or "reconstructed positivist") position (Hawkesworth 1992; Radaelli 2000b; Sabatier 2000). This perspective starts from the ontological assumption that even if subjective perceptions are constitutive elements of political phenomena, a real world exists beyond any social construction and can, however imperfectly, become the object of scientific inquiry. Epistemologically, it follows that hypothetical-deductive theories with explanatory aims can be tested by employing a proper methodology and set of analytical techniques. It is thus possible to make scientific inferences and general conclusions to a certain extent, according to a Bayesian conception of knowledge, in order to update the prior scientific beliefs in the truth of the related hypotheses (Howson 1998), while acknowledging the fact that the conditions of truth are at least partially subjective and historically determined (Foucault 1988; Kuhn 1970). At the same time, a sceptical position is adopted towards the supposed disjunction between facts and values and the possibility of discovering abstract universal laws in social science. It has been observed that the current version of capitalism corresponds to the golden age of regulation, and that since the 1980s no government activity in OECD countries has grown faster than regulatory functions (Jacobs 1999). Following an apparent paradox, the ongoing dynamics of liberalisation, privatisation, decartelisation, internationalisation, and regional integration hardly led to the crumbling of the state, but instead promoted a wave of regulatory growth in the face of new risks and new opportunities (Vogel 1996). Accordingly, a new order of regulatory capitalism is rising, implying a new division of labour between state and society and entailing the expansion and intensification of regulation (Levi-Faur 2005). The previous order, relying on public ownership and public intervention and/or on sectoral self-regulation by private actors, is being replaced by a more formalised, expert-based, open, and independently regulated model of governance. Independent regulation agencies (IRAs), that is, formally independent administrative agencies with regulatory powers that benefit from public authority delegated from political decision makers, represent the main institutional feature of regulatory governance (Gilardi 2008). IRAs constitute a relatively new technology of regulation in western Europe, at least for certain domains, but they are increasingly widespread across countries and sectors. For instance, independent regulators have been set up for regulating very diverse issues, such as general competition, banking and finance, telecommunications, civil aviation, railway services, food safety, the pharmaceutical industry, electricity, environmental protection, and personal data privacy. Two attributes of IRAs deserve a special mention. On the one hand, they are formally separated from democratic institutions and elected politicians, thus raising normative and empirical concerns about their accountability and legitimacy. On the other hand, some hard questions about their role as political actors are still unaddressed, though, together with regulatory competencies, IRAs often accumulate executive, (quasi-)legislative, and adjudicatory functions, as well as about their performance.