Martta vai Maria? : Aktiivisen ja kontemplatiivisen välinen suhde Mestari Eckhartin mystiikanteologiassa.

Tämän tutkimuksen tarkoitus on selvittää millainen suhde käsitteiden ”aktiivinen” ja ”kontemplatiivinen” välillä vallitsee 1200- ja 1300-lukujen taitteessa eläneen saksalaisen teologin Mestari Eckhartin mystiikanteologiassa. Lisäksi on tarkoitus selvittää mitä tuon suhteen kautta on mahdollista paljastaa Eckhartin mystiikanteologiasta laajemmin. Tutkimuksen metodi on systemaattinen analyysi ja päälähteinä käytetään Eckhartin saksankielisiä saarnoja. Erityisesti analysoidaan Eckhartin Martta-Maria -perikooppia (Lk.10:38–42) käsitteleviä saarnoja Pr.86 ja Pr.2. Lisäksi lähteinä käytetään muita Eckhartin saksankielisiä saarnoja ja muuta tuotantoa siinä määrin kuin niiden mukaan ottaminen auttaa paremmin ymmärtämään saarnojen intentioita. Jo ensimmäisistä kristillisistä vuosisadoista lähtien Luukkaan evankeliumin kertomus Martasta ja Mariasta on ollut aktiivisen ja kontemplatiivisen elämän locus classicus. Siksi tutkimuskysymykseen vastaamiseksi on valittu juuri Eckhartin sitä käsittelevät saarnat. Itse tutkimuskysymyksen valintaan on vaikuttanut puolestaan se, että Eckhart tulkitsee perikooppia häntä edeltävästä tulkintatraditiosta selvästi poikkeavalla tavalla ja nostaa Martan sisaruksista edistyneemmäksi. Tutkimus etenee seuraavalla tavalla. Luvussa 2 avataan käsitteiden ”aktiivinen” ja ”kontemplatiivinen” sisältöä sekä käsitellään kysymystä siitä miten niiden välistä suhdetta on kirkon historiassa tulkittu. Se tapahtuu esittelemällä kolme keskeistä tulkintalinjaa: normaalikirkollinen, monastinen ja mendikanttisääntökuntien tulkinta. Luvussa 3 käydään läpi Eckhartin elämää, tuotantoa ja harhaoppisuustuomiota sekä hänen teologiansa keskeisiä jäsentäviä periaatteita. Koska Eckhart on suomalaiselle yleisölle verrattain tuntematon teologi, aihetta käsitellään hieman laajemmin kuin pro gradu -tukielmassa on yleensä tapana. Luvussa 4 perehdytään Martta-Maria -perikooppiin ja sen pitkään tulkintahistoriaan. Luvussa 5 analysoidaan Eckhartin saarna Pr.86, luvussa 6 Pr.2. Luvussa 7 tutkimuksen tulokset kootaan yhteen. Eckhartin saarnoja analysoimalla paljastuu, että hän tulkitsee aktiivisen ja kontemplatiivisen elämän suhteen häntä edeltävästä traditiosta poikkeavalla tavalla. Eckhartia edeltävänä aikana kontemplatiivisia pyrkimyksiä ja Mariaa oli pidetty kristillisessä kirkossa aktiivista elämää ihailtavampana ja ansiollisempana jo tuhat vuotta. Siihen oli vaikuttanut erityisesti se, että 400-luvulta lähtien aina 1200-luvulle asti luostarit olivat Länsi-Euroopan sivistyksen ja teologian keskuksia. Sen vuoksi juuri monastisia ihanteita – erityisesti kontemplatiivisia pyrkimyksiä Jumalan välittömään katselemiseen – pidettiin pitkään kristillisen elämän ihanteina. Eckhart on kuitenkin osa uutta tulkintatraditiota jossa perinteisen klausuurin rajat pyrittiin laajentamaan luostarin muureista koskemaan koko maailmaa. Tämä uusi tulkintatraditio oli ominaista erityisesti mendikanttisääntökunnille (fransiskaanit ja dominikaanit) sekä begiiniyhteisöille, joissa kontemplatiivinen ja aktiivinen elämä pyrittiin yhdistämään yhdeksi kristilliseksi elämäksi. Tutkimuksessa käy ilmi, että suhteessa laajempiin tulkintatradition linjoihin, Eckhart voidaan liittää luontevasti osaksi näiden sääntökuntien uusia orastavia tulkintoja. Niiden mukaan kristillistä täydellisyyttä ei tavoiteta kääntymällä pois päin maailmasta vaan sitä kohti. Sen on kuitenkin tarkoitus tapahtua niin, että aktiivisuus maailmassa nousee kontemplatiivisesta elämänmuodosta käsin. Toisaalta tutkimuksessa paljastuu myös, että Eckhart menee vielä edellä mainittuja uusia tulkintojakin pidemmälle. Mendikanttisääntökunnissa kontemplatiivisuus säilytti yleensä vielä jonkinlaisen ensisijaisuuden aktiivisuuteen nähden, siihen valmistavana ja sen mahdollistavana vaiheena. Eckhart saarnaa kuitenkin niiden täydellisen ykseyden ja samanaikaisuuden puolesta. Hänelle täydellisyyttä edustaa Betanian sisaruksista Martta joka on ”neitsyt-vaimo”, koskematon ja puhdas, mutta joka kuitenkin samalla synnyttää. Neitsyyden ja vaimouden täydellisen samanaikaisuuden korostaminen nousee puolestaan Eckhartin voimakkaasta sitoutumisesta uusplatoniseen metafysiikkaan. Eckhartin ontologia on ”dynaamista ontologiaa”, jossa kaikki ymmärretään Jumalan yliajalliseksi emanaatioksi. Tulkitsemalla mm. Proklosta, Eckhart esittää, että kaikki luotu on olemassa ensisijaisesti ja täydellisenä ikuisuudessa syntyvässä Pojassa ja vain formaalisesti ja vajavaisella tavalla havaittavassa todellisuudessa. Kristillinen täydellisyys on Eckhartille paluuta tuohon varsinaiseen olemiseen ikuisuudessa syntyvässä Pojassa. Paluu tapahtuu irrottautumalla (abegescheiden) kuvista (bilde) eli hyväksymällä, että Jumala ei ole missään käsitteissä, eikä häntä tavoiteta samoin kuin olemassa olevat asiat tavoitetaan. Sikäli kun ihminen riisutaan riippuvuudestaan kuvista, sikäli hän murtautuu (durchbrechen) takaisin siihen perustaan (grunt) jossa Poika ikuisesti syntyy. Perustasta käsin ihmisen on puolestaan mahdollista synnyttää sellaista aktiivisuutta ja toimintaa, joka ei ole itsekkyyden ja egon tahraamaa suorittamista ja kaupankäyntiä. Tutkimuksessa käy ilmi myös se, kuinka keskeinen rooli ymmärryksen (intellectus) kategorialla on kuvista luopumisen prosessissa ja Jumalan kaltaisuuden realisoitumisessa ihmisessä. Juuri ymmärtämisaktin (intelligere) puolesta ihminen on Eckhartin mukaan eniten Jumalan kaltainen ja osa Jumalan ikuisuudessa tapahtuvaa emanaatiota.

Kaukana Vatikaanista – Katolinen kirkko Suomessa 1989–1998

Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan katolista kirkkoa Suomessa vuosina 1989-1998. Tutkimus alkaa paavi Johannes Paavali II:n Pohjoismaiden-vierailusta kesällä 1989 ja päättyy Suomen katolisen kirkon pitkäaikaisen piispan Paul Verschurenin eroon tehtävästään vuonna 1998. Tutkimuksen kolme pääkysymystä ovat kirkon hallinnon ja rakenteen muutokset, katolisen kirkon identiteetti Suomessa ja ekumeeniset suhteet erityisesti Suomen evankelis-luterilaiseen kirkkoon. Lähteinä olen käyttänyt Helsingin katolisen hiippakunnan lehteä Fidesiä, muuta lehdistömateriaalia ja haastatteluja. Paavin-vierailulla oli merkittävät seuraukset niin Suomen katoliselle paikalliskirkolle kuin luterilaiselle kirkollekin. Vierailun myötä pieni katolinen vähemmistö tuli tunnetummaksi Suomessa. Vierailu muutti Vatikaanin käsityksiä Suomesta, millä oli kauaskantoiset vaikutukset kirkkojen ekumeenisiin suhteisiin. Pyhän Birgitan 600-vuotismuistojuhlien yhteydessä Suomen ja Ruotsin luterilaisten ja katolisten piispojen yhdessä paavin kanssa toimittama jumalanpalvelus, paavin ekumeniaa käsitellyt kiertokirje Ut unum sint ja Pohjoismaiden luterilaisten ja katolisten kirkkojen aloittamat neuvottelut kirkko- ja virkakäsityksistä olivat 1990-luvun merkittäviä ekumeenisia hetkiä, joihin paavin vierailulla oli vaikutusta. Kirkon hallinto ja rakenne olivat monelta osin jo vakiintuneet 1990-luvulle tultaessa, mutta muutamia merkittäviä muutoksia tapahtui. Kirkon jäsenmäärä kasvoi lähinnä maahanmuuton johdosta koko tutkitun ajanjakson ajan. Jäsenmäärän kasvu synnytti uusia seurakuntia ja kappeleita hiippakuntaan. Halu kappelin rakentamiseen ei aina kuitenkaan lähtenyt hiippakunnan tarpeesta vaan yksittäisten ihmisten tai liikkeiden. Esimerkiksi neokatekumenaalinen maallikkoliike rakennutti 1990-luvun alussa Ouluun kappelin, mutta hiippakunta ei ollut täysin hankkeen takana. Ongelmat kappeleiden rakentamisessa ja monet muutkin haasteet, johtuivat pitkälti kirkon taloudellisesta tilanteesta. Kirkolla ei ollut verotusoikeutta eikä jäsenten maksamat avustukset riittäneet kattamaan kuluja. Katolinen kirkko yritti 1990-luvun alkupuolella miettiä keinoja taloudellisen tilanteen parantamiseksi. Piispa Verschuren piti monessa yhteydessä myös esillä vähemmistöjen juridista asemaa koskevia ongelmia ja uskontolainsäädännön epäkohtia. Kolmas merkittävä rakenteellinen muutos kirkossa oli papiston puolalaistuminen. Katolisen kirkon identiteettiä Suomessa on vaikea erottaa omaksi kokonaisuudekseen koskien vain 1990-lukua. Olenkin pyrkinyt tarkastelemaan identiteettiä niistä haasteista käsin, joita kirkko 1990-luvulla kohtasi. Suomessa käytiin keskustelua muun muassa eronneiden tilanteesta ja naisen asemasta. Kirkko kannusti jäseniään keskusteluun ja myös piispa ja papisto olivat usein toivottujen uudistusten kannalla. Suomessa katolinen kirkko eli pienenä vähemmistönä, joten monet kirkon oppiin liittyvät kysymykset olivat haasteellisia. Esimerkiksi perhe- ja seksuaalieettiset kysymykset ja naisen asema olivat vaikeita tilanteessa, jossa suurin osa katolilaisista oli naimisissa ei-katolilaisen kanssa. Vaikka Suomessakin toivottiin muutoksia, joihinkin kirkon oppiin liittyviin kysymyksiin, Keski-Euroopasta alkanut protestiliikehdintä kirkon uudistumiseksi ei näkynyt täällä voimakkaasti. Suomessa kirkon tilanne oli hyvin erilainen kuin niissä Euroopan maissa, joissa liikehdintä sai kannatusta. Suomessa arvostettiin kirkon perinteistä liturgiaa ja pyrittiin rakentamaan yhtenäistä, identiteetiltään suomalaista katolista kirkkoa.

Opin hermeneutiikka : Kanonis-kielellisen ja kulttuuris-kielellisen hermeneutiikan keskeiset erot

Tämän tutkielman tarkoituksena on selvittää ja analysoida, miten Kevin Vanhoozerin teoksessa The Drama of Doctrine esittämä kanonis-kielellinen hermeneutiikka eroaa George Lindbeckin teoksessa The Nature of Doctrine esittämästä kulttuuris-kielellisestä hermeneutiikasta. Kyseiset teokset toimivat tutkielmani päälähteinä. Käytän tutkielmassa kolmea tarkentavaa tutkimuskysymystä: Mitkä ovat perusteet Vanhoozerin ja Lindbeckin väliselle vertailulle? Miten Raamattu on syntynyt ja millainen sen luonne on? Miten Raamatun, tradition ja yhteisön välinen suhde tulisi kristinuskossa ymmärtää? Tutkielman tutkimusmetodi on systemaattinen analyysi. Kanonis-kielellistä hermeneutiikkaa ei ole ennen tätä työtä tutkittu suomeksi. Myös kansainvälistä sisällöllisesti katta-vaa tutkimusta kanonis-kielellisestä hermeneutiikasta on erittäin niukasti. Tutkimuksen vähyyden vuoksi selvitän tässä työssä aiheeseen liittyvää problematiikkaa varsin laajalti. Samasta syystä suhteutan kanonis-kielellistä hermeneutiikkaa kulttuuris-kielelliseen hermeneutiikkaan. Näin voin havainnoida keskustelun pidempiaikaista ohjautumista. Analyysissa olen kuitenkin keskittynyt tutkimustehtävän ja -kysymyksien ohjaamaan suuntaan. Johdannon ja loppukatsauksen lisäksi tutkimus jakaantuu taustalukuun (luku 2), kolmeen päälukuun (luvut 3, 4 ja 5) sekä loppukatsaukseen. Tutkielman lähtökohtana on Vanhoozerin väite, jonka mukaan teoriat ovat sukua toisilleen. Tutkielmassa käy kuitenkin ilmi, että monista yhteisistä lähtökohdista huolimatta kanonis-kielellinen ja kulttuuris-kielellinen hermeneutiikka eroavat toisistaan monessa suhteessa. Lindbeckin ja Vanhoozerin käsitykset opista ovat merkittävästi erilaisia. Tutkielmassa osoitan, ettei Lindbeck hyväksy inspiraatioteorioita, vaan ajattelee niiden heikentävän Raamatun auktoriteettia. Vanhoozer on inspiraatio-opin tarpeellisuudesta täysin vastakkaista mieltä. Tämän osoittamiseen Vanhoozer käyttää puheaktiteoriaa. Raamattu on hänen mukaansa Jumalan mahtava puheakti ja sellaisena korvaamaton ainesosa hänen pelastussuunnitelmaansa. Inspiraatio ei siis merkitse vain sitä, että sanat (lokuutiot) ovat Jumalan, vaan myös sitä, että sana-aktit (illokuutiot) ovat pohjimmiltaan Jumalan. Tämän havaitsin edelleen vaikuttavan heidän totuuskäsityksiinsä. Vanhoozerin mukaan Raamattu on kaikessa puheessaan tosi ja erehtymätön. Lindbeckille Raamattu taas on uskonyhteisön ilmaus uskostaan, eikä se siten ole kaikessa esityksessään tosi. Tutkielmassa osoitan myös, että vaikka Lindbeck yrittää paikantaa Raamatun tekstin merkityksen Raamattuun itseensä, niin tosiasiassa hän paikantaa sen yhteisöön, joka tekstiä tulkitsee. Vanhoozerin mukaan merkitys taas tulee sijoittaa tekstiin tai oikeammin tekstissä ilmenevään kirjoittajan intentioon. Vanhoozer korostaa sitä, että kirjoittajan intentio aukeaa meille julkisten puheaktien kautta. Vanhoozerin mukaan jumalallisen auktoriteetin paikantaminen tiettyihin kirjoihin, Raamatun kaanoniin, ei ratkaise tulkinnan ongelmaa. Vaikka Raamatun merkitys on kaanonissa ja vaikka Jeesus toimii hermeneutiikassa avaimena Raamatun ymmärtämiseen, on Vanhoozerin mukaan kuitenkin ymmärrettävä myös ne kirjallisuuden lajit eli genret, jotka Raamatussa on, jotta ymmärtää Raamatun sanoman oikein. Vanhoozerin mukaan raamatuntulkinnan Lähtökohta on se, että ensin teologinen auktoriteetti on paikannettava Raamattuun ja sen jälkeen on tulkittava, mitä Jumala haluaa Raamatun kautta sanoa. Raamatuntulkinnassa on Vanhoozerin mukaan keskeistä ymmärtää, etteivät Raamatun historialliset totuusväittämät tule koskaan oikein ymmärretyiksi ellei niitä kirjallisuuden lajeja, joilla ne on esitetty, ymmärretä. Vanhoozer väittää, että tämä pätee kaikkeen Raamatun asiasisältöön, ei vain sen historialliseen sisältöön. Osoitan tutkielmassa, ettei raamatuntulkitsijalle riitä Vanhoozerin mukaan yksittäisten sanojen merkityksen tunteminen, vaan hänen täytyy tunnistaa, mitä kyseessä olevassa tekstissä tapahtuu kirjallisella kokonaistasolla. Tästä johtuen kirjallisuuden lajeista eli genreistä muodostuu Vanhoozerille avain Raamatun sanoman ymmärtämiseen. Tässäkin yhteydessä osoitan puheaktiteorian läpitunkevan vaikutuksen Vanhoozerin hermeneutiikassa.

Prisoners of Freedom : A Study on Worldview of Contemporary Finnish Seamen

The aim of this study was to look at the metaphors contemporary merchant seamen use for their ship and for their life at sea. The larger theoretical framework of the study consisted of worldview, which is one of the key concepts of comparative religion. The data for the study consisted of 91 interviews with Finnish professional seafarers that were conducted in 1996, 1999, and 2000, field journals that were written during two periods of fieldwork in 1996 and 1999-2000, and correspondence with some of the Finnish seafarers during 1999-2002. The data was analyzed by using metaphor theory. The study consists of two parts. The first part is ethnography of modern Finnish shipworld. This entails work, organization, hierarchy and gender. The second part discusses the metaphors the seafarers use. The study belongs to the field of anthropology of religions which is part of comparative religion.

Living Poetically in the Modern Age : The Situational Aspects of Kierkegaard's Thought

How did Søren Kierkegaard (1813 1855) situate the human subject into historical and social actuality? How did he take into consideration his own situatedness? As key for understanding these questions the research takes the ideal of living poetically that Kierkegaard outlined in his dissertation. In The Concept of Irony (1841) Kierkegaard took up this ideal of the Romantic ironists and made it into an ethical-religious ideal. For him the ideal of living poetically came to mean 1) becoming brought up by God, while 2) assuming ethical-religiously one s role and place in the historical actuality. Through an exegesis of Kierkegaard s texts from 1843 to 1851 it is shown how this ideal governed Kierkegaard s thought and action throughout his work. The analysis of Kierkegaard s ideal of living poetically not only a) shows how the Kierkegaardian subject is situated in its historical context. It also b) sheds light on Kierkegaard s social and political thought, c) helps to understand Kierkegaard s character as a religious thinker, and d) pits his ethical-religious orientation in life against its scientific and commonsense alternatives. The research evaluates the rationality of the way of life championed by Kierkegaard by comparing it with ways of life dominated by reflection and reasoning. It uses Kierkegaard s ideal of living poetically in trying to understand the tensions between religious and unreligious ways of life.

'A responsible nuclear weapons power' : Nuclear Weapons and Indian Foreign Policy

This thesis examines the interrelationship and dynamics between the Indian United Progressive Alliance government’s foreign policy and its nuclear weapons policy. The purpose of the study is to situate nuclear policy within a foreign policy framework, and the fundamental research problem is thus how does the Indian nuclear policy reflect and respond to the Indian foreign policy? The study examines the intentions in the Indian foreign and nuclear policies, and asks whether these intentions are commensurable or incommensurable. Moreover, the thesis asks whether the UPA government differs from its predecessors, most notably the Bharatiya Janata Party-led National Democratic Alliance government in its foreign and nuclear policies. Answers to these questions are based on the interpretation of political texts and speeches as suggested by Quentin Skinner’s notion of meaning3, what does a writer or speaker mean by what he or she says in a given text, and by J.L. Austin’s speech act theory. This linguistic perspective and the approach of intertextualizing, place the political acts within their contingent intellectual and political contexts. The notion of strategic culture is therefore introduced to provide context for these juxtapositions. The thesis firstly analyses the societal, historical and intellectual context of India’s foreign and nuclear policy. Following from this analysis the thesis then examines the foreign and nuclear policies of Prime Minister Manmo-han Singh’s UPA government. This analysis focuses on the texts, speeches and statements of Indian authorities between 2004 and 2008. This study forwards the following claims: firstly, the UPA Government conducts a foreign policy that is mainly and explicitly inclusive, open and enhancing, and it conducts a nuclear policy that is mainly and implicitly excluding, closed and protective. Secondly, despite the fact that the notion of military security is widely appreciated and does not, as such, necessarily collide with foreign policy, the UPA Government conducts a nuclear policy that is incommensurable with its foreign policy. Thirdly, the UPA Gov-ernment foreign and nuclear policies are, nevertheless, commensurable re-garding their internal intentions. Finally, the UPA Government is conduct-ing a nuclear policy that is gradually leading India towards having a triad of nuclear weapons with various platforms and device designs and a function-ing and robust command and control system encompassing political and military planning, decision-making and execution. Regarding the question of the possible differences between the UPA and NDA governments this thesis claims that, despite their different ideological roots and orientations in domestic affairs, the Indian National Congress Party conducts, perhaps surprisingly, quite a similar foreign and nuclear policy to the Bharatiya Janata Party.

Foreign Capital and Finland : Central government's first period of reliance on international financial markets, 1862-1938

The main objective of the study is to evaluate the Finnish central government s foreign borrowing between the years 1862 and 1938. Most of this period was characterised by deep capital market integration that bears resemblance to the liberal world financial order at the turn of the millennium. The main aim is to analyse the credit risk associated with the state and its determination by evaluating the world financial market centres perception of Finland. By doing this, the study is also expected to provide an additional dimension to Finland s political and economic history by incorporating into the research the assessments of international capital markets regarding Finland during a period that witnessed profound political and economic changes in Finnish society. The evaluation of the credit risk mainly relies on exchange-rate risk free time series of the state s foreign bonds. They have been collected from quotations in the stock exchanges in Helsinki, Hamburg, Paris and London. In addition, it investigates Finland s exposure to short-term debt and Moody s credit ratings assigned to Finland. The study emphasises the importance of the political risk. It suggests that the hey-day of the state s reliance on foreign capital markets took place during last few decades of the 19th century when Finland enjoyed a wide autonomy in the Russian Empire and prudently managed its economy, highlighted in Finland s adherence to the international gold standard. Political confrontations in Finland and, in particular, in Russia and the turbulence of the world financial system prevented the return of this beneficial position again. Through its issuance of foreign bonds the state was able to import substantial amounts of foreign capital, which was sorely needed to foster economic development in Finland. Moreover, the study argues that the state s presence in the western capital markets not only had economic benefits, but it also increased the international awareness of Finland s distinct and separate status in the Russian Empire and later underlined its position as an independent republic.

Halvennettu työ : Pätkätyö ja sukupuoli sopimusyhteiskuntaa edeltävissä työmarkkinakäytännöissä

Unvalued Work. Gender and fragmented labour before national collective bargaining Systematically irregular work creates economic and social insecurity. A novelty? To think that globalisation results in unprecedented labour conditions turns out to be questionable when the idea is put in perspective. In the light of history there is nothing new in the frequency of today s short-term employment, for instance, ranking genders in labour relations in an old custom. Unvalued Work (Halvennettu työ) examines the regulation and management of labour before the time of collective bargaining. In the study present trends engage in a dialogue with empirical findings from the past. Preventing trade unions to take the initiative has been and remains an employer interest. The analysis focuses on female employment in the 1920s and 1930s. The inferences challenge to ask on what conditions the history of Finnish labour relations warrants on the whole speaking of contractual security, stable earnings and regular waged work that provides livelihood. Success in selling one s labour is not synonymous with good employment that yields decent income. Juxtaposing labour relations between the world wars and the 21st century helps us to understand the currently transforming labour market. Present policies are informed by past choices and patterns of thought. Unvalued Work (Halvennettu työ) offers instruments for making sense of today s labour relations.

Towards a Critique of the Concept of the Right to Self-Determination in Africa : A Conceptual Examination and the Cases of Western Sahara, Southern Sudan and Eritrea

This thesis examines the right to self-determination which is a norm used for numerous purposes by multiple actors in the field of international relations, with relatively little clarity or agreement on the actual and potential meaning of the right. In international practice, however, the main focus in applying the right has been in the context of decolonization as set by the United Nations in its early decades. Thus, in Africa the right to self-determination has traditionally implied that the colonial territories, and particularly the populations within these territories, were to constitute the people who were entitled to the right. That is, self-determination by decolonization provided a framework for the construction of independent nation-states in Africa whilst other dimensions of the right remained largely or totally neglected. With the objective of assessing the scope, content, developments and interpretations of the right to self-determination in Africa, particularly with regard to the relevance of the right today, the thesis proceeds on two fundamental hypotheses. The first is that Mervyn Frost s theory of settled norms, among which he lists the right to self-determination, assumes too much. Even if the right to self-determination is a human right belonging to all peoples stipulated, inter alia, in the first Article of the 1966 International Human Rights Covenants, it is a highly politicized and context-bound right instead of being settled and observed in a way that its denial would need special justification. Still, the suggested inconsistency or non-compliance with the norm of self-determination is not intended to prove the uselessness or inappropriateness of the norm, but, on the contrary, to invite and encourage debate on the potential use and coverage of the right to self-determination. The second hypothesis is that within the concept of self-determination there are two normative dimensions. One is to do with the idea and practice of statehood, the nation and collectivity that may decide to conduct itself as an independent state. The other one is to do with self-determination as a human right, as a normative condition, to be enjoyed by people and peoples within states that supersedes state authority. These external and internal dimensions need to be seen as complementary and co-terminous, not as mutually exclusive alternatives. The thesis proceeds on the assumption that the internal dimension of the right, with human rights and democracy at its core, has not been considered as important as the external. In turn, this unbalanced and selective interpretation has managed to put the true normative purpose of the right making the world better and bringing more just polity models into a somewhat peculiar light. The right to self-determination in the African context is assessed through case studies of Western Sahara, Southern Sudan and Eritrea. The study asks what these cases say about the right to self-determination in Africa and what their lessons learnt could contribute to the understanding and relevance of the right in today s Africa. The study demonstrates that even in the context of decolonization, the application of the right to self-determination has been far from the consistent approach supposedly followed by the international community: in many respects similar colonial histories have easily led to rather different destinies. While Eritrea secured internationally recognized right to self-determination in the form of retroactive independence in 1993, international recognition of distinct Western Sahara and Southern Sudan entities is contingent on complex and problematic conditions being satisfied. Overall, it is a considerable challenge for international legality to meet empirical political reality in a meaningful way, so that the universal values attached to the norm of self-determination are not overlooked or compromised but rather reinforced in the process of implementing the right. Consequently, this thesis seeks a more comprehensive understanding of the right to self-determination with particular reference to post-colonial Africa and with an emphasis on the internal, human rights and democracy dimensions of the norm. It is considered that the right to self-determination cannot be perceived only as an inter-state issue as it is also very much an intra-state issue, including the possibility of different sub-state arrangements exercised under the right, for example, in the form of autonomy. At the same time, the option of independent statehood achieved through secession remains a mode of exercising and part of the right to self-determination. But in whatever form or way applied, the right to self-determination, as a normative instrument, should constitute and work as a norm that comprehensively brings more added value in terms of the objectives of human rights and democracy. From a normative perspective, a peoples right should not be allowed to transform and convert itself into a right of states. Finally, in light of the case studies of Western Sahara, Southern Sudan and Eritrea, the thesis suggests that our understanding of the right to self-determination should now reach beyond the post-colonial context in Africa. It appears that both the questions and answers to the most pertinent issues of self-determination in the cases studied must be increasingly sought within the postcolonial African state rather than solely in colonial history. In this vein, the right to self-determination can be seen not only as a tool for creating states but also as a way to transform the state itself from within. Any such genuinely post-colonial approach may imply a judicious reconsideration, adaptation or up-dating of the right and our understanding of it in order to render it meaningful in Africa today.

Small State Cultures of Consensus : State Traditions and Consensus-Seeking in the Neo-Corporatist and Neutrality Policies in Post-1945 Austria and Finland

Austria and Finland are persistently referred to as the “success stories” of post-1945 European history. Notwithstanding their different points of departure, in the course of the Cold War both countries portrayed themselves as small and neutral border-states in the world dictated by superpower politics. By the 1970s, both countries frequently ranked at the top end in various international classifications regarding economic development and well-being in society. This trend continues today. The study takes under scrutiny the concept of consensus which figures centrally in the two national narratives of post-1945 success. Given that the two domestic contexts as such only share few direct links with one another and are more obviously different than similar in terms of their geographical location, historical experiences and politico-cultural traditions, the analogies and variations in the anatomies of the post-1945 “cultures of consensus” provide an interesting topic for a historical comparative and cross-national examination. The main research question concerns the identification and analysis of the conceptual and procedural convergence points of the concepts of the state and consensus. The thesis is divided into six main chapters. After the introduction, the second chapter presents the theoretical framework in more detail by focusing on the key concepts of the study – the state and consensus. Chapter two also introduces the comparative historical and cross-national research angles. Chapter three grounds the key concepts of the state and consensus in the historical contexts of Austria and Finland by discussing the state, the nation and democracy in a longer term comparative perspective. The fourth and fifth chapter present case studies on the two policy fields, the “pillars”, upon which the post-1945 Austrian and Finnish cultures of consensus are argued to have rested. Chapter four deals with neo-corporatist features in the economic policy making and chapter five discusses the building up of domestic consensus regarding the key concepts of neutrality policies in the 1950s and 1960s. The study concludes that it was not consensus as such but the strikingly intense preoccupation with the theme of domestic consensus that cross-cut, in a curiously analogous manner, the policy-making processes studied. The main challenge for the post-1945 architects of Austrian and Finnish cultures of consensus was to find strategies and concepts for consensus-building which would be compatible with the principles of democracy. Discussed at the level of procedures, the most important finding of the study concerns the triangular mechanism of coordination, consultation and cooperation that set into motion and facilitated a new type of search for consensus in both post-war societies. In this triangle, the agency of the state was central, though in varying ways. The new conceptions concerning a small state’s position in the Cold War world also prompted cross-nationally perceivable willingness to reconsider inherited concepts and procedures of the state and the nation. At the same time, the ways of understanding the role of the state and its relation to society remained profoundly different in Austria and Finland and this basic difference was in many ways reflected in the concepts and procedures deployed in the search for consensus and management of domestic conflicts. For more detailed information, please consult the author.

Evidence of Partisan Emphasis on EMU during 1994–1999 : Comparing Finnish Parties

This study explores the EMU stand taken by the major Finnish political parties from 1994 to 1999. The starting point is the empirical evidence showing that party responses to European integration are shaped by a mix of national and cross-national factors, with national factors having more explanatory value. The study is the first to produce evidence that classified party documents such as protocols, manifestos and authoritative policy summaries may describe the EMU policy emphasis. In fact, as the literature review demonstrates, it has been unclear so far what kind of stand the three major Finnish political parties took during 1994–1999. Consequently, this study makes a substantive contribution to understanding the factors that shaped EMU party policies, and eventually, the national EMU policy during the 1990s. The research questions addressed are the following: What are the main factors that shaped partisan standpoints on EMU during 1994–1999? To what extent did the policy debate and themes change in the political parties? How far were the policies of the Social Democratic Party, the Centre Party and the National Coalition Party shaped by factors unique to their own national contexts? Furthermore, to what extent were they determined by cross-national influences from abroad, and especially from countries with which Finland has a special relationship, such as Sweden? The theoretical background of the study is in the area of party politics and approaches to EU policies, and party change, developed mainly by Kevin Featherstone, Peter Mair and Richard Katz. At the same time, it puts forward generic hypotheses that help to explain party standpoints on EMU. It incorporates a large quantity of classified new material based on primary research through content analysis and interviews. Quantitative and qualitative methods are used sequentially in order to overcome possible limitations. Established content-analysis techniques improve the reliability of the data. The coding frame is based on the salience theory of party competition. Interviews with eight party leaders and one independent expert civil servant provided additional insights and improve the validity of the data. Public-opinion surveys and media coverage are also used to complete the research path. Four major conclusions are drawn from the research findings. First, the quantitative and the interview data reveal the importance of the internal influences within the parties that most noticeably shaped their EMU policies during the 1990s. In contrast, international events play a minor role. The most striking feature turned out to be the strong emphasis by all of the parties on economic goals. However, it is important to note that the factors manifest differences between economic, democratic and international issues across the three major parties. Secondly, it seems that the parties have transformed into centralised and professional organisations in terms of their EMU policy-making. The weight and direction of party EMU strategy rests within the leadership and a few administrative elites. This could imply changes in their institutional environment. Eventually, parties may appear generally less differentiated and more standardised in their policy-making. Thirdly, the case of the Social Democratic Party shows that traditional organisational links continue to exist between the left and the trade unions in terms of their EMU policy-making. Hence, it could be that the parties have not yet moved beyond their conventional affiliate organisations. Fourthly, parties tend to neglect citizen opinion and demands with regard to EMU, which could imply conflict between the changes in their strategic environment. They seem to give more attention to the demands of political competition (party-party relationships) than to public attitudes (party-voter relationships), which would imply that they have had to learn to be more flexible and responsive. Finally, three suggestions for institutional reform are offered, which could contribute to the emergence of legitimised policy-making: measures to bring more party members and voter groups into the policy-making process; measures to adopt new technologies in order to open up the policy-formation process in the early phase; and measures to involve all interest groups in the policy-making process.

"Köyhyydestä ei puhuttu, sitä vaan elettiin." : Köyhyyden kokemus ja selviytyminen 1930-luvun pulan oloissa Suomen maaseudulla

On the material level of poverty, the work shows how the Great Depression forced rural women and children to enhance their work input and find new ways of coping. The most serious impact of the Depression was poor nutrition, as well as scarcity of food and clothes. Women's and men's ways to make a living started to resemble each other; men had also to consent to wages in form of foodstuff. The research also focuses on immaterial poverty by means of exploring experiences of otherness: shame, hatred and expressions of protest. Substantial humiliation was induced by poor relief and begging. A clear gap prevailed between the poor and the better off people in school, work and at leisure. The economic crisis deepened this gap even further. The dissertation specifies the poor people s every day experiences by taking into account the different worlds of men and women. The analysis of four different memory-based sources is the core in the micro-historical research design. The narrators of the research were survivors, unlike many others, who experienced the Great Depression. Moralization and humiliation of the poor have not ceased in contemporary society. Therefore, the historical perspective of both the material and the immaterial side of poverty could increase the understanding of the multifaceted phenomenon of today s poverty.

Imagination and diversity in the philosophy of Hobbes

This dissertation is a study of some aspects of theoretical philosophy of the early modern thinker Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679). The focal point of the work is Hobbes s conception of imagination, which is discussed from both a systematic and a historical point of view, as well as in the light of contemporary scholarship. I argue that though there are significant similarities between the view of Hobbes and that of his predecessors, he gives a novel theory of imagination, which clarifies not only early modern discussions on human nature, knowledge, science, and literary criticism, but above all his own versatile philosophy. The prologue of the dissertation introduces methodological principles and gives critical remarks on the standard view of Hobbes. In Chapter II, I discuss the prominent theories of imagination before Hobbes and link them to his account. I argue that though Hobbes adopted the Aristotelian framework, his view is not reduced to it, as he borrows from various sources, for instance, from the Stoics and from Renaissance thought. Chapters III and IV form the psychological part of the work. In the Chapter III I argue that imagination, not sense, is central in the basic cognitive operations of the mind and that imagination has a decisive role in Hobbes s theory of motivation. The Chapter IV concentrates on various questions of Hobbes s philosophy of language. The chapter ends with a defence of a less naturalistic reading of Hobbes s theory of human nature. Chapters V and VI form the epistemological part of the work. I suggest, contrary to what has been recently claimed, that though Hobbes s ideas of good literary style do have a point of contact with his philosophy (e.g. the psychology of creative process), his ideas in the field are independent of his project of demonstrative political science. Instead I argue that the novelty of his major political work, Leviathan (1651), is based on a new theory of knowledge which he continued to develop in the post-Leviathan works. Chapter VII seeks to connect the more theoretical conclusions of Chapters V and VI to Hobbes's idea(l) of science as well as to his philosophical practice. On the basis of Hobbes s own writings as well as some historical examinations, I argue that method is not an apt way to conceptualise Hobbes s philosophical practice. Contemporary readings of Hobbes s theory of science are critically discussed and the chapter ends with an analysis of Hobbes s actual argumentation. In addition to the concluding remarks, the epilogue suggest three things: first, imagination is central when trying to understand Hobbes s versatile philosophy; second, that it is misleading to depict Hobbes as a simple materialist, mechanist, and empiricist; and, third, that in terms of imagination his influence on early modern thought has not been fully appreciated.

The Soviet Union, Finland and the Cold War : The Finnish Card in Soviet Foreign Policy, 1956-1959

From the Soviet point of view the actual substance of Soviet-Finnish relations in the second half of 1950s clearly differed from the contemporary and later public image, based on friendship and confidence rhetoric. As the polarization between the right and the left became more underlined in Finland in the latter half of the 1950s, the criticism towards the Soviet Union became stronger, and the USSR feared that this development would have influence on Finnish foreign policy. From the Soviet point of view, the security commitments of FCMA-treaty needed additional guarantees through control of Finnish domestic politics and economic relations, especially during international crises. In relation to Scandinavia, Finland was, from the Soviet point of view, the model country of friendship or neutrality policy. The influence of the Second Berlin Crisis or the Soviet-Finnish Night Frost Crisis in 1958-1959 to Soviet policy towards Scandinavia needs to be observed from this point of view. The Soviet Union used Finland as a tool, in agreement with Finnish highest political leadership, for weakening of the NATO membership of Norway and Denmark, and for maintaining Swedish non-alliance. The Finnish interest to EFTA membership in the summer of 1959, at the same time with the Scandinavian countries, seems to have caused a panic reaction in the USSR, as the Soviets feared that these economic arrangements would reverse the political advantages the country had received in Finland after the Night Frost Crisis. Together with history of events, this study observes the interaction of practical interests and ideologies, both in individuals and in decision-making organizations. The necessary social and ideological reforms in the Soviet Union after 1956 had influence both on the legitimacy of the regime, and led to contradictions in the argumentation of Soviet foreign policy. This was observed both in the own camp as well as in the West. Also, in Finland a breakthrough took place in the late 1950's: as the so-called counter reaction lost to the K-line, "a special relationship" developed with the Soviet Union. As a consequence of the Night Frost Crisis the Soviet relationship became a factor decisively defining the limits of domestic politics in Finland, a part of Finnish domestic political argumentation. Understood from this basis, finlandization is not, even from the viewpoint of international relations, a special case, but a domestic political culture formed by the relationship between a dominant state, a superpower, and a subordinate state, Finland.

The Politics of Pulp Investment and the Brazilian Landless Movement (MST)

The Politics of Pulp Investment and the Brazilian Landless Movement (MST) The paper industry has been moving more heavily to the global South at the beginning of the 21st century. In a number of cases the rural populations of the global South have engaged in increasingly important resistance in their scuffle with the large-scale tree plantation-relying pulp investment model. The resistance had generally not yet managed to slow down Southern industrial tree plantation expansion until 2004. After all, even the MST, perhaps the strongest of the Southern movements, has limited power in comparison to the corporations pushing for plantation expansion. This thesis shows how, even against these odds, depending on the mechanisms of contention and case-specific conflict dynamics, in some cases the movements have managed to slow and even reverse plantation expansion. The thesis is based on extensive field research in the Brazilian countryside. It outlines a new theory of contentious agency promotion, emphasizing its importance in the shaping of corporate resource exploitation. The thesis includes a Qualitative Comparative Analysis of resistance influence on the economic outcomes of all (14) Brazilian large-scale pulp projects between 2004-2008. The central hypothesis of the thesis is that corporate resource exploitation can be slowed down more effectively and likely when the resistance is based on contentious agency. Contentious agency is created by the concatenation of five mutually supporting mechanisms of contention: organizing and politicizing a social movement; heterodox framing of pulp projects; protesting; networking; and embedding whilst maintaining autonomy. The findings suggest that contentious agency can slow or even reverse the expansion of industrial plantations, whereas when contentious agency promotion was inactive, fast or even unchecked plantation expansion was always the outcome. The rule applied to all the assessed 14 pulp conflict cases. The hypothesis gained strong support even in situations where corporate agency promotion was simultaneously active. In previous studies on social movements, there has been a lack of contributions that help us understand the causal mechanisms of contention influencing economic outcomes. The thesis answers to the call by merging a Polanyian analysis of the political economy with the Dynamics of Contention research program and making a case for the impact of contentious agency on capital accumulation. The research concludes that an efficient social movement can utilize mechanisms of contention to promote the potential of activism among its members and influence investment outcomes. Protesting, for example via pioneering land occupations, seemed to be particularly important. Until now, there has been no comprehensive theory on when and how contentious agency can slow down or reverse the expansion of corporate resource exploitation. The original contribution of this research is to provide such a theory, and utilize it to offer an extensive explanation on the conflicts over pulp investment in Brazil, the globalization of the paper industry, and slowing of industrial plantation expansion in the global South.