997 resultados para Política partidária, Brasil
Resumo:
Para os três integrante dos BICs, o comércio internacional tem representado prioridades diferentes nos seus modelos de crescimento. Para a China, por duas décadas, foi o elemento central da sua Política Econômica. Para a Índia e Brasil, a prioridade foi o desenvolvimento do mercado interno, via expansão da demanda e controle da inflação, sendo o comércio internacional elemento de ajuste. O perfil de participação dos três países na OMC – Organização Mundial de Comércio, também revela diferentes níveis de prioridades da Política de Comércio Internacional. A China, ao fazer do comércio seu eixo de desenvolvimento, tornou sua acessão à OMC, em 2001, item central da agenda externa. De outro lado, Índia e Brasil são partes fundadoras do antigo GATT e membros fundadores da OMC. Como a grande maioria dos membros da OMC, via no processo de acessão da China uma forma de criar regras para o comércio chinês. Ao longo da década passada, os três BICs assumiram posição de liderança na atual rodada de negociações, como defensores dos interesses dos PEDs – Países em Desenvolvimento. A atuação desses três países na OMC reflete os interesses que defendem, o que pode ser revelado na utilização dos instrumentos de política comercial. Apesar de parceiros estratégicos na OMC e nas negociações internacionais, China, Índia e Brasil têm interesses distintos e Políticas de Comércio Internacional diversas. O que chama a atenção do analista é a timidez do Brasil no uso de instrumentos de defesa comercial. Os dados demonstram que, apesar da intensidade do relacionamento entre China e Índia, a Índia não se esquivou de usar seus instrumentos de antidumping, medidas compensatórias e salvaguardas regulares e transitórias contra a China. Tais ações, por fazerem parte do jogo do comércio, não foram politizadas
Resumo:
O objetivo desta Tese é compreender a atuação de partidos à esquerda do espectro político face à agenda de reformas da gestão pública. Especificamente, este estudo busca entender as motivações e interesses de governos liderados por partidos de esquerda ao expandirem e consolidarem parcerias com Organizações Sociais (OS) para provisão de serviços públicos – política voltada para a gestão pública, criticada por aqueles partidos e que contraria o interesse de parte de sua base social: o funcionalismo público. A pesquisa contribui para o debate ao intricar ao tema da gestão pública o debate político. Para alguns autores, esta é uma das principais lacunas dos estudos da área. Para atingir este objetivo foi realizado um estudo de casos múltiplos nos estados da Bahia e Pernambuco durante os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) e Partido Socialista Brasileiro (PSB). Dentre as experiências estaduais recentes, os casos selecionados se destacam pela rápida expansão das parcerias com OS. Os resultados da pesquisa apontam que a expansão da parceria com as Organizações Sociais nos dois governos foi motivada pelas restrições orçamentárias, pela ineficiência dos equipamentos públicos e pelas características intrínsecas ao modelo, principalmente aquelas com poder de torná-lo mais ágil. A situação de grave crise setorial – saúde, nos dois casos estudados – foi fator chave para a expansão do modelo. A pesquisa também identificou que as resistências políticas foram minimizadas através da ampliação das alianças políticas e da distribuição de cargos e, para diminuir as resistências da base social dos partidos, os governos se aproximaram dos sindicatos e das categorias de classe mais afetadas por essa política de gestão.
Resumo:
A abertura política brasileira iniciada no ano de 1978 não parece estar sendo acompanhada, na área da cultura, por uma retomada do vigor da criação cultural verificado na década de 60 e que foi interrompido pelo regime autoritário instalado no país. A penetração da lógica mercantil no âmbito cultural vem dificultando a expressão de formas artísticas e empurrando a criação no sentido do consumo de entretenimento. O cinema brasileiro, por exemplo, encontra-se em dificuldade pois afastou-se de sua proposta original de vir a ser um cinema expressivo culturalmente sem, por outro lado ter conseguido se estabelecer como uma manifestação da chamada cultura de massas. A abertura política não trouxe mudanças culturais importantes porque, mais do que um problema político circunstancial, vivemos a crise de um mundo que desvaloriza a dimensão estética da vida na medida em que transforma seus homens em meros consumidores, comandados por um sistema que prescinde cada vez mais do pensamento, da vontade e da capacidade de escolha de cada um desses homens.
Resumo:
The study of public policy typologies is still a knowledge field which lacks more embracing and applicable studies to different sectors. On that perspective, this work, Social Assistance Policy in Brazil: an analysis from the typologies on public policy, pursues to add the relevant literature to social assistance what focus on the public policy ratings. Moreover, it concerns about a study on the the national policy of social assistance implemented by the Brazilian government from the theoretical referrence of the public policy typologies. For that reason, the referential framework of the public policies as well as the analisys of its fundamentals/principles that are indispensable for achieving a bigger goal, that is to tipify the social assistance policy based on the different public policy typologies and characterize it through the main elements which are intrinsec to the social political and economic reality of Brazil. Thus, the issue suggested for the work is: what is the profile and the political trajectory of the social assistance implemented by the Brazilian Government? How it presents, above all, the features of a distributive, focused and lawful policy, the work has been done througho the following hypothesis: the social assistance policy in Brazil has been of universal, assistance, and focusing aspects. For each of those features granted to the social assistance policy, there is a gathering of changes according to the social, political and economic moment of the country and that stands out due to the different institutions within every cyclical period. The work showed that besides the social policy has gone through meaningful changes during the last decades, even though the adoption of the Organic Law of Social Assistance and its rules, some of the mentioned characteristics still remain, as long as the State s primacy goes on being the economic policies over the dubbed social policies. Notwithstanding, the social assistance will build up itself from the materialization of the growing of the social rights related to the State, but also assuming an important role on the amplified reproducing process regarding the capitalist social relations
Resumo:
The following study proposes an analysis of the politic process which the brazilian constitutional justice faces, emphasizing the Supremo Tribunal Federal . For that purpose, we start by examining the intimate relationship between Politics and Law, in view of the most recent social systems theories, so that the political system is distinguished by the exclusiveness of using the physical force, intending to make coletive tying decisions, and the juridical system as a congruent generalization of the expectations towards the rules and principles, brought together under an interdependence by which both gather legitimacy and effectiveness. In this manner we can notice the political effects of the constitutional interpretation conducted by Judges as well as by other juridical professionals, because these ones decrease the overload of expectations which are pointed to the Judicature. Constitutional interpretation is democratized since the participative democracy arises and stablishes a permanent state of awareness around the exercise of power and favours the preservation of the pluralism (counter-majoritary principle) where we can find the origin of the democratic nature of constitutional courts, once, in most cases, their members are not elected by the people. After that, we analyse the historical posture of the Supremo Tribunal Federal as a constitutional court in Brazil, so we can realize the attempts to make it vulnerable to the appeals of governability and economical aims, agains which this court somehow has resisted, stressing its particularities. At the end, it s concluded that even the so-called acts of government, whose judiciary control is mostly repelled, are subjected to a constitutional analysis, last frontier to be explored by the Supremo Tribunal Federal in its role of exposing our republican Constitution
Resumo:
This work aims at studying the policies of teaching training and their impact in the actors and in the education systems of the countries in which these policies were implemented into the context of neoliberal reforms. We particularly studied these policies in three Latin America countries: Argentina, Brazil and Chile. The policies studied here are the ones implemented from the 90 s. However, the horizon of this study is at the beginning of the 80 s, period that starts one of the four intervention initiatives of education here studied: The Main Project of Education For Latin America and Caribbean (PROMEDLAC), which in 2002 goes into a new stage and it is called Regional Project of Education for Latin America and Caribbean (PRELAC), worked out by UNESCO as a request of government representatives of countries of the region, based on the suggestions of Declaration of Mexico , signed by them in 1979. These suggestions will be in the base of the other three initiatives: The Education For All (EPT); Ibero-American Conferences of Education (CIE) and The Hemisphere Action Plan of Education (PAHE), whose documents are the base to the production of an abundant legislation and normatization on education that created the parameters on which the policies of education reforms were worked out and implemented and the dynamism of our education systems from the last two decades of the twentieth century on. All these initiatives intend to work with objectives, projects and programs that, in some cases, in isolation or in groups, are under influence of their actions in a way that frequently it is difficult to identify which of them is the main responsible for some advances. It is important to stand out that not all of the suggestions produced by these initiatives were implemented as policies, and many of them to be implemented were changed in such a way that they were distorted, even they were a result of a multilateral deal, each country gave to them its own interpretation. Moreover, in all these processes the teaching entities had and keep having a fundamental role. The evidences, result of the evaluations of each initiative, show that education policies implemented produced advances in several aspects. They are still not the ideal ones, in truth, but they do exist. In relation to the teaching questions, there were and are still being implemented multiples and varied actions that did not have the expected impact in the education systems of the countries, objects of this study, but, many of them that go on, are promising and start to have a positive impact into the education systems. Even so, the teaching subject matter, even playing a central role in the agenda of all countries of the region, still represents one of the big challenges to the advance and improvement of our education systems
Resumo:
O artigo examina as interpretações da ciência política norte-americana sobre a natureza do federalismo brasileiro, tomando como base as orientações teórico-metodológicas da análise comparada sobre federalismo.
Resumo:
O estudo aqui proposto centrar-se-á nas imagens do Brasil expressas por manuais didáticos, por periódicos e por intelectuais portugueses do século XIX. Pretende-se, a partir de tal documentação, reconstituir alguma atmosfera mental que circundava as idéias de Brasil e a percepção da nação portuguesa sobre o tema do Brasil, da emigração e dos brasileiros. Mediante tal enfoque, entendemos ser possível tanto compreender as identidades que configuravam uma dada mitologia cultural quanto a demarcação de distâncias e diferenças.
Resumo:
The proposal of the Unified Health System Policy (SUS) has been considered one of the most democratic public policies in Brazil. In spite of this, its implementation in a context of social inequalities has demanded significant efforts. From a socio-constructionist perspective on social psychology, the study focused on the National Policy for Permanent Education in Health for the Unified Health System (SUS), launched by the Brazilian government in 2004, as an additional effort to improve practices and accomplish the effective implementation of the principles and guidelines of the Policy. Considering the process of permanent interdependencies between these propositions and the socio-political and cultural context, the study aimed to identify the discursive constructions articulated in the National Policy for Permanent Education in Health for the Unified Health System (SUS) and how they fit into the existing power relations of ongoing Brazilian socio-political context. Subject positionings and action orientation offered to different social actors by these discursive constructions and the kind of practices allowed were also explored, as well as the implementation of the proposal in Rio Grande do Norte state and how this process was perceived by the people involved. The information produced by documental analyses, participant observation and interviews was analyzed as proposed by Institutional Ethnography. It evidenced the inter-relations between the practices of different social actors, the conditions available for those practices and the interests and power relations involved. Discontinuities on public policies in Brazil and the tendency to prioritize institutional and personal interests, in detriment of collective processes of social transformation, were some of obstacles highlighted by participants. The hegemony of the medical model and the individualistic and curative intervention practices that the model elicits were also emphasized as one of the drawbacks of the ongoing system. Facing these challenges, reflexivity and dialogism appear as strategies for a transformative action, making possible the denaturalization of ongoing practices, as well as the values and tenets supporting them