750 resultados para Socialist Party. Social Democratic Federation.
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The study of social practices aims to overcome the theoretical dichotomies that insist on separating the individual from the social structures and vice versa. In this sense, the debate between objectivism and subjectivism in the construction of social reality still has occupied much time and reflection of various scholars of the humanities. Pierre Bourdieu has extensive work that seeks to advance in relation to the theoretical framework of traditional sociological explanations. Bourdieu`s approach regarding social practices is considered by some researchers as a synthesis of classical theories and by others as an attempt of complexify contemporary studies on the significance of social life. This thesis sharesthis effort to understand the social practices of agents, aiming to analyze the strategies of social and political leaders of family farming in the territories of Seridó and Apodi in Rio Grande do Norte, and it has as reference the theoretical and methodological concepts of habitus, field and capital, in Bourdieu. Therefore, we studied the trajectories of social leaders, here called agents as family farming in the two locations in Rio Grande do Norte. As techniques and procedures of the study, we resortedto semi-structured interviews, observations, participation in events and other researches. In conclusion, this thesis gives an account of the construction of two different relational fields for the activities of agents of family farming in the territories of Seridó and Apodi. Although the relational fields in the territories have been structured under the same prevailing institutions, which are: church, union and political party, the social practice of agents shows itself from social position and political variety. Even with the similarities and differences identified and analyzed in different fields of construction, the social relations of the agents in the territories result in the construction of gated communities, the social capital that is the substrate which the agents called empowered .
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The birth models of care are discussed, in the light of classical and contemporary social science theoretical background, emphasizing the humanistic model. The double spiral of the sociology of absences and the sociology of emergences is detailed, being based, on one hand, on the translation of experiences of knowledge, and, on the other, on the translation of experiences of information and communication, by revealing the movement articulated by Brazilian women on blogs that defend and bring into light initiatives aiming to recover natural and humanized birth. A cartography of the thematic ideas in birth literature is produced, resulting in the elaboration of a synthetic map on obstetric models of care in contemporaneity, pointing out the consequences of the obstetric model that has become hegemonic in contemporary societies, and comparing that model to others that work more efficaciously to mothers and babies. A symbolic cartography of the activism for humanizing birth on the Brazilian blogosphere is configured by the elaboration of an analytical map synthetizing the main mottos defended by the movement: Normal humanized birth; Against obstetrical violence; and Planned home birth. The superposition of the obstetric models of care s map and the rebirth of birth s analytical map indicates it is necessary to reinforce three main measures in order to make a paradigmatic turn in contemporary birth models of care possible: pave the way for the humanistic care of assistance in normal birth, by defending and highlighting practices and professionals that act in compliance with evidence based medicine, respecting the physiology of birth; denaturalize obstetric violence, by showing how routine procedures and interventions can be means of aggression, jeopardizing the autonomy, the protagonism and the respect towards women; and motivate initiatives of planned home birth, the best place for the occurrence of holistic experiences of birth. It is concluded that Internet tools have allowed a pioneer mobilization in respecting women s reproductive rights in Brazil and that the potential of the crowd s biopower that resides on the blogosphere can turn blogs into a hegemonic alternative way to reach more democratic forms of social organization. In that condition of being virtually hegemonic in contesting the established power, these blogs can be understood, therefore, as potentially great contra-hegemonic channels for the rebirth of birth and for the reinvention of social emancipation, as their author s articulate and organize themselves to strive against the waste of experience, trying to create reciprocal intelligibility amongst different experiences of world
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This dissertation deals with the possibility of build an effective social control of the judiciary Brazilians. The theme was bounded by a cut geographic and secular: the experience of the Center of Justice and Citizenship in the state of Rio Grande do Norte (OJC/RN), which begins formally in august 2003. The research approach and leave of experience in judicial practice and policy specific substrates to theorize about the subject. We collected documents about cases, the judicial diagnoses, reports, news material, in addition to lifting bibliographic. Therefore, it is working with about notions of a democratic state of right in the light of the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, in order to contextualize the insertion of the judicial system, by the prospect of legitimacy, which is considered by a look formal and material. It is a brief analysis of the system of official control of the judiciary (internal and external), is emphasizing its shortcomings functional and its corporate character, which suffers from poor conformation democratic. Then there is a discussion about the need to establish the social control of the judiciary, through the prism of relations of power that are locked in the judiciary, the lack of formal criteria for the guarantee of obtaining the correct judgment (laws, precedents and conscience of the judge), the problems of impunity and justice class, and from the examination of some cases, as the body of search. From this conjuncture, prepares to be an outline of shapes and the limits of social control, consonant the proposal erected in certain sectors of organized civil society, represented by the movement s social OJC. In the end, considerations are made on the legitimacy and constitutionality of OJC
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The reality of Latin America points out that the industrialization and urbanization are complementary processes associated each other. Thus, by consequence of the demographic growth, observes the aggravation of an urbanization completely disordered and without infrastructure capable of guaranteeing rights and basic services to the population. In parallel, the dissemination of information, the valorization of human dignity, promoted by social welfare, and expectations of consumption aggravates the tensions among social actors, leading to the Theory of the Right to Development to worry about the (re)construction of cities. Before this reality, the Federal Constitution of 1988 proposed a participatory urban policy, grounded in the ideal of confrontation of social exclusion of a more comprehensive, represented by the principle of the social function of cities, which must be stratified into four inclusion´s central axes, namely: the social in the strict sense, the economic, the cultural and the policy. The Analysis of each of these dimensions, keeping the focus on reality and the Brazilian legal system, composes specific objectives of this work. Thus, through deductive research, with use of technique bibliographical and interdisciplinary, this dissertation aims to make connections between social function and development, proposing an analytical concept for the proposing an analytical concept for the principle of social function of cities, through the study of its basic elements. With this, purports to demonstrate how results, firstly, that the juridical study, to fully understand the process of marginalization, must maintain multidisciplinary perspective, own social sciences. Also aims to demonstrate that the dimensions of inclusion are formed by fundamental rights, individual and collective, of liberties and of social guarantees and that without respect to all of them there is no way to talk about implementation of urban development and nor, consequently, about inclusive cities. At the end, after checking the main legal instruments of urban policy that emphasize the community participation, provided for in the Statute of the Cities, and that potentiate the breakup of the circles of exclusion, the work want contribute to the clarification and the awaken to the importance of a new perspective democratic of development in the country, grounded in the appreciation of the individual for realization of modern management, decentralized and that, therefore, inserts the effective participation of urban communities in the acting of the State
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The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the role of Public Powers in the enforcement of fundamental social rights, according to the principle of prohibition to social regression. The Federal Constitution of Brazil, situated in a position normative hierarchical superior, disciplines the legal and political process of the country, determining how Public Powers (Legislative, Executive and Judiciary) should act to enforce fundamental rights (social). Thus, features a cast of fundamental rights that aim to ensure social justice, highlighting the concern to ensure social values aimed at reducing social inequalities. The will of the state should be prevented by controlling the constitutionality of measures which restrict fundamental social rights, assuming the principle of human dignity, pillar of Social and Democratic State of Right, a dual role in the brazilian legal system, acting as the presupposition of jurisdictional control of the constitutionality of restrictive acts and as supervisory of omission or insufficient action of the State in the fulfillment of their fundamental duties. The constitutional determinations remove from the legislator the option to create or not the law that prints effectiveness to the social rights, as well as from the Executive the option of to execute or not rules directed at realization of the constitutional parameters, and Judiciary to behave or not in accordance with the Constitution, being given to the Powers only the arbitrariness of "how" to do, so that all functions performed by public actors to use the Constitution as a repository of the foundational values of the collectivity. Any situation that does not conform the principle of proportionality in relation to the enforcement of fundamental rights, especially the social, represents an unacceptable social regression unconstitutional. The constitutional rules and principles postulated by the realization of the rights, freedoms and guarantees of the human person, acting the principle of prohibition to social regression to regulate a concrete situation, whenever it is intended to change, reducing or deleting, the content of a social right. This paper of limit of state action serves to provide to the society legal security and protection of trust, ensuring the core of every social right. This should be effected to be sheltered the existential minimum, as a guarantee of the inviolability of human life, respecting the constitutional will, not falling into social regression
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This dissertation deals with the social function of the contract, based on constitutional principles, especially those relating to fundamental rights. The social function of the contract (general clause) is described in the Civil Code so intentionally generic, no precise criteria to define it. Because of the fluidity of this principle, it is justified its closer study, seeking to assess its various meanings and looking away from the legal uncertainty that an unlimited conceptual vagueness can cause. The social function of the contract arises from a transformation experienced in private law from the inflows received from the Constitutional Law, the result of an evolutionary process by which it became the state structure, leaving the foundations of the classical liberal state and moving toward a vision guided by existential human values that give the keynote of the Welfare State. Arose, then the concern about the effectiveness of fundamental rights in relations between individuals, which is studied from the inapplicability of fundamental rights in private relations (U.S. doctrine of State action), passing to the analysis of the Theory of indirect horizontal effect of fundamental rights (of German creation and majority acceptance), reaching the right horizontal efficacy Theory of fundamental rights, prevailing Brazilian doctrine and jurisprudence. It has also been investigated the foundations of the social contract, pointing out that, apart from the provisions of the constitutional legislation, that base the principle on screen, there have also been noticed foundations in the Federal Constitution, in devices like the art. 1, III, the dignity of the human person is the north of the relationship between contractors. Also art. 3rd, I CF/88 bases the vision of social covenants, equipping it for the implementation of social solidarity, as one of the fundamental objectives of the Republic. Still on art. 170 of the Constitution it is seen as a locus of reasoning in the social function of the contract, the maintenance of the economic order. It is also studied the internal and external aspects of the social function of the contract, being the first part the one that considers the requirement of respect for contractual loyalty, through the objective good faith, as a result of the dignity of the hirer may not be offended by the other through the contract. On the other hand, the external facet of the social function of the contract, in line with the constitutional mandate of solidarity, indicates the need for contractors to respect the rights of society, namely the diffuse, collective and individual third party. In this external appearance, it is also pointed the notion of external credit protection, addressing the duty of society to respect the contract. There has been shown some notions of the social contract in comparative law. Then, there has been investigated the content of principle study, through their interrelationships with other provisions of private and constitutional law, namely equality, objective good faith, private autonomy and dignity of the human person. We study the application of the social contract in contractual networks as well as the guidance of conservation of contracts, especially those denominated long-term captive contracts, considering the theory of substantive due performance, concluding with an analysis of the social contract in code of Consumer Protection
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The fundamental social right to education has a lengthy constitutional argument, having been declared as a right to everyone in the Title dedicated to the fundamental rights and warrants and, later, scrutinized in the Social Order Chapter exclusively devoted to this theme, where specific rights are guaranteed and fundamental duties are imposed to family, society, and state. In that which concerns education, the 1988 Constitution is the result of a historical-normative process which, since the days of the Lusitanian Empire wavering between distinct levels of protection warrants in some way the educational process. Nevertheless, not even the State s oldest commitment to education has been fully achieved, namely, the annihilation of illiteracy. Even as other fundamental social rights, education is inflicted with the lack of effective political will to reach its fulfillment, and this is reflected in the production of doctrine and jurisprudence which reduce the efficacy of these rights. The objective of this work is to analyze what part is to be played by the constitutional jurisdiction in the reversal of this picture in regards to the fulfillment of the fundamental social right to education. Therefore it is indispensable to present a proper conception of constitutional jurisdiction its objectives, boundaries and procedures and that of the social rights in the Brazilian context so as to establish its relationship from the prism of the right to education. The main existing obstacles to the effective action of constitutional jurisdiction on the ground of social rights are identified and then proposals so as to overcome them are presented. The contemplative and constructive importance of education in the shaping of the individual as well as its instrumental relevance to the achievement of the democratic ideal through the means of the shaping of the citizen is taken into account. The historical context which leads to the current Brazilian educational system is analyzed, tracing the normative area and the essential content of the fundamental right to education aiming to delineate parameters for the adequate development of the constitutional jurisdiction in the field. This jurisdiction must be neither larger nor narrower than that which has been determined by the Constitution itself. Its activity has been in turns based on a demagogic rhetoric of those fundamental rights which present a doubtful applicability, or falling short of that which has been established showing an excessive reverence to the constituent powers. It is necessary to establish dogmatic parameters for a good action of this important tool of constitutional democracy, notably in regards to the fundamental social right to education, for the sake of its instrumental role in the achievement of the democratic ideals of liberty and equality
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Access is a problem of higher education in Brazil that has existed since the formalization of this has occurred since the installation of the Portuguese court in Brazil in 1808. Only 10% of young people between 18 and 24 years of age attending this level of education in 2000, arriving in 2010 just 15%, far from that determined the National Education Plan in 2001, triple that percentage by the year 2010. In addition, a majority of seats of public HEIs is populated by students from the private network, especially in high-demand courses. In this context, this study aims to identify the costs related to the trajectories of students who were successful in the vestibular UFRN editions from 2006 to 2010. Presents an overview of higher education in Brazil, a brief history of vestibular, as well as new forms of access, and some of the policies to expand such access, highlighting the argument Inclusion UFRN. Focusing on the theme of the paper presents the concepts of opportunity costs and social. After collecting data through a questionnaire and consultation of databases COMPERVE was developed to search for a descriptive and analytical, with the participation of 3,995 students, of whom 1642 (41.1%) had completed secondary education in schools public, and 2,078 (52%) in private schools. The profile indicates that 90% are single, about 50% are 21 years of age, are white and female. In the course of preparation for college entrance exams, 80% chose the course during or after completion of the last year of high school, and almost 70% said they had started preparing at that time. Findings related to the costs involved with this preparation indicate that, in most cases there were school fees and disbursements and workshops, and the purchase of books and other materials, with parents primarily responsible for this cost, the amount disbursed each month was up $ 300 for 64% of respondents and only 7% of them exceeded $ 1,000, the major non-financial costs were characterized by the following resignations: job opportunities (24%) or temporary work (20%) courses of languages (26%), leisure activities (48%), leisure travel (43%), and parties and / or shows (54%). Of social investments by the government, stand out in the tax waiver scholarships for study in private institutions, grant exemption from the registration fee of vestibular, the preparatory courses UFRN, and seminars by COMPERVE / UFRN with networks of high school. From the junction of the opportunity costs (private costs) and social costs (public costs), a new concept: the social opportunity cost, which measures the combined efforts of families and government to finance the opportunity to access higher education of an individual. This concept can and should be incorporated as a strategic vector for the sake of democratic university, which reflects the social model that is sought
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This study board the FUNDEF social control council implementation in Parnamirim/RN city, concerning their representatives participation in the accompaniment (decision power) in resort, in front of governmental politics of decentralization, unleashed in 90´s, seen in decentralization process needs the society participation in decisions of educative institutions and represent an efficient way of solve the problems difficult the educational management actions. For this, the council creation of Brazil manager configure, since the 80´s, detaching, and the single characterizing, in actual context. The objective is raise pertinent questions of thematic of representatives members participation of collegiate organs, evidencing the decision power of these, in public resource control. The theory-methodological referential the literature treat the participation and power decision of FUNDEF social control decision, such as politics directrix that rules this council. It utilizes as proceeding of collecting data the semi-structured interview and analyze of meeting register to understand the empirics of council implantation in this city, in view of that the electoral process configured in 2003, showed as a innovation, because the counselor is indicated by the local public power representatives (in this case the education municipal secretary). The research result show the representatives have difficult, to accompany the FUNDEF resources amount, particularly in concern in the financial resources (ratio) over plus. Finally, emphasize the importance of democratization in the relations between the state and civil society, elucidating and exciting reflections a: democratic participation in control of public recourses for education, educational management and civil society mobilization in access of public and cultural cash which the citizen has rights
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This paper analyzes the political participation of Social Workers at the Social Service Regional Council Region 14th. The theoretical and methodological framework of this investigation has as its perspective the totality of social life and its determining relations within the object of study. To the production, analysis and collecting of data it was used a qualitative approach considering a bibliographical and documental research as well as a series of twelve interviews with 2005-2008 and 2008-2011 managing counselors of CRESS/RN. It was also used the data obtained from other special interviews held with the social workers in the period between 2007 and 2008. The results of this study allow and affirm the political dimension of Caseworkers and the CRESS/RN as a space of political activity with opportunities for effective and collective elaboration of strategies in order to reach the fulfillment of the ethical and professional policy of the Social Work. From a historical viewpoint, the beginning of this process is marked by the struggle for democracy, the end of military dictatorship, the establishment of the State of Human Rights. The Democratization of the so called Federal Council of Social Workers and its Regional Councils of Social Workers, CFAS / CRAS, respectively, area a result of the participation of the category in an effort to fight for democratization in Brazil. The objective of this research, so, is to understand which the socio-historical determinants are, that focus objectively and subjectively in the demobilization of social workers in CRESS Region 14th - in the contemporary and historical context. Among the results obtained we identified the ignorance of some professional workers and also of some advisors, regarding the existence and the role of the Council, as well as the commercialization of Education that compromises the quality of the professional training in its theoretical and methodological, ethical and political dimensions. According to our understanding, this shows a the presence of a non-critical professional profile based on a false reality, on the precariousness of employment contracts which undermine the political organization and submit the worker to various social exploring mechanisms such as double shift and ultimately the fragility of the management of the Regional Council -, as a consequence of the offensive capitalist system that ideologically invests to stop the political organization founded in a critical and democratic perspective. The low participation of some advisors and, in general, the category in CRESS / RN, despite its objective conditions, is a reality and it is presented to us as a challenge to future managements and policy consolidation to society. Inasmuch as the category intends to guarantee the high quality of its social workers, the demands of future counselors, their skills and abilities in dealing with regulatory issues, administrative policies that pervade the everyday life of CRESS / RN are necessary
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Health policies in Brazil, the decentralization of SUS management responsibilities for the three spheres of government has driven the creation and regulation of the audits of health services in the National Audit Office, this is a trend of neoliberal policies imposed by international bodies like the World Bank and IMF to peripheral countries characterized by productive restructuring and reforming the state focuses on the presence of two competing projects in the area of health: Health Sector Reform Project which is based on the democratic rule of law with the assumption of health as social right and duty of the State in defending the extension of the conquest of rights and democratization of access to health care guaranteed through the public financing strategies and the effective decentralization of decisions pervaded by social control and privatized Health Project which is based on the state minimum, with a reduction in social spending or in partnerships and privatization, stronger nonprofit sector, subject to capitalist interests, is made effective through strategies targeting health policy and refilantropização actions. In this context, the present study is an analysis on the work of social audits of public health in infants from a qualitative and quantitative approach, embodied by the critical method of dialectical Marxist social theory that enabled us to unveil the characterization, the demands, challenges and outline the profile of Social Work in teams inserted audits of SUS in RN, but also provided evidence to demonstrate the prospects and possibilities of this area of activity of social workers. It was also found that through the audit work that the state fulfill its role as bureaucratic and regulator of health services with efficiency, effectiveness and economy. Yet, paradoxically, the audits of SUS may provide a vehicle for enforcing rights and ensuring the fundamental principles contained in the project of health reform, because it can be configured in a space of political struggle as representing a new field of knowledge production that needs to be appropriate for a theoretical critic able to redirect the social interests in favor of the user. From this perspective, it is concluded that the work of social audits of public health in infants despite the social relevance that prints, as they constitute an activity study of reality and its transformation proposition requires a transformative political action guided the discussion Marxist theory holds that the ethical project professional politician of Social Work
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The present paper analyses the social assistance management in small cities, starting from the reality of Currais Novos City. Its main objective is to analyse the management of this politic in the context of the Nacional Sistem of Social Assistance (SUAS) through the management instruments materialized in the city: Social Assistance Plan, Budget, Management Report, Information Management, Monitorizing and Evaluation. It reveals a discrepancy between the instruments purpose and their concretude, and it identifies the main challenges in order to make them real, revealing the contradictions of such politic, through which the advances relate with the retrocesses. It remarks, in this context, the debate about Public Management and some aspects of the trajetory of the Social Assistance management in the brazilian context and the configurations of (SUAS) and of the politics in Currais Novos city. Such path allows us to identify the feebleness in the city ways to adopt the (SUAS) criteria, which is much more effective in burocratic aspects than in the change of the Social Assistance conception and in the effective incorporation of the (SUAS) principles and guidelines. Thus, problems are identified in what concerns to the important aspects for its effectivation, with the human resources, financing and social control mechanisms. It makes possible to reafirm the importance of the analysed management instruments for the effectivation of one participative and democratic management, as well as the urgency of its materialization as one of the important ellements for this politic to happen as a right and to make a stop to the unconformities between the (SUAS) determinations and its materialization
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The existence of several negative indicators such as deforestation, pollution of rivers and urban growth disorderly suggest a scenario of serious environmental degradation in Brazil, allowing that the model of public management of the environment here is not practiced efficiently, despite to be a recognition-of environmental legislation as one of the best and most comprehensive in the world. One of the main causes of this problem is the low social participation in environmental management that often exists only in the formal plan. Thus, although defined as Democratic State, in practice, it is only a Figurative State. Based on the study of the origin of the state and social participation in the Brazilian State, in general scope, and some environment committees and public hearings in Rio Grande do Norte, as instruments of social control, in particular scope, it is possible to build a real Democratic State in environmental management, a Participative State, in which all players are aware of the responsibility and committed to the duty assigned to them by the constitutional text with the present and future generations
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O artigo procura traçar um quadro panorâmico de alguns momentos da história brasileira para tentar encontrar as determinações que fizeram com que a intersubjetividade e a 'eticidade' mergulhassem num padrão deletério e nele ficassem amarradas. Busca assim explicar a dificuldade quase crônica que a elite política brasileira tem de governar de modo republicano, ou seja, fazendo com que o interesse público prevaleça democraticamente sobre os interesses privados, sejam esses interesses os do dinheiro, do voto ou das corporações. Sem virtude pública constituída e sedimentada na sociedade e na cultura política, o Brasil cresceu com dificuldades para se aprumar em termos democráticos e republicanos. Mas é uma comunidade que se reconhece como tal, que compartilha uma cultura rica e expressiva, que bem ou mal tem um sistema político e de governo.
Resumo:
Includes bibliography