845 resultados para Constitution of 1988


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O presente estudo tem por objetivo identificar de que forma o direito de liberdade de associação vem sendo aplicado com relação às organizações da sociedade civil no Brasil. A partir da análise das diferentes dimensões da liberdade de associação e das normas que tratam das organizações da sociedade civil no Brasil pós Constituição Federal de 1988, apresentamos os principais desafios a serem superados para que as organizações da sociedade civil sejam tratadas de forma a melhor garantir o direito de liberdade de associação e um marco regulatório mais adequado ao seu desenvolvimento.

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O presente trabalho tem a finalidade de apresentar a problemática da Gestão Democrática e Participativa na estrutura da rede estadual de ensino de São Paulo, analisando os entraves existentes entre a máquina burocrática do Estado e as relações pessoais existentes na escola. Desde a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1988e da LDB 9394 de 1996, que trazem em seus textos o princípio da gestão democrática, espera-se a real implementação da gestão democrática nessa rede. A pesquisa de campo desenvolvida neste trabalho deu subsídios para analisar o cenário em que se encontra a rede estadual de ensino de São Paulo em relação à gestão democrática e participativa e quais os obstáculos para que ela efetivamente ocorra.

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O presente trabalho propõe um estudo sobre a inserção de bebês em creches públicas no município de São Paulo. De acordo com Rosemberg (2010), a infância constitui fase importantíssima na formação da criança e embora a duração da primeira infância seja de curta duração, considerando-se a expectativa de vida de 70 anos, ela constitui a vida inteira dos bebês e das crianças pequenas. Nos dias atuais os bebês ingressam na creche a partir dos quatro meses de idade e lá permanecem por até dez horas. Nesse sentido, esta pesquisa buscou compreender as políticas públicas para esse atendimento, o qual, com a Constituição de 1988, foi considerado a primeira etapa da Educação Básica compondo a Educação Infantil brasileira, de oferta obrigatória e direito das crianças, garantindo, em complementação à família, o desenvolvimento integral da criança pequena. Desse contexto, alguns questionamentos foram trazidos para a discussão: quais as propostas de atendimento de bebês na creche e como funcionam as instituições que os recebem? Qual o olhar das políticas públicas para esse segmento de educação? A Constituição garante o ingresso dos bebês na creche, mas e seu desenvolvimento integral, está garantido? Recentemente atrelada à esfera educacional, a creche tem o desafio de compreender seu papel com essas crianças, desvinculando-se de práticas apenas assistencialistas e higienistas, e de construir novas concepções acerca desse atendimento. Tais concepções ficam explícitas não nas politicas públicas, mas efetivam-se na prática da creche, nas atividades desenvolvidas, nos espaços e processos pedagógicos pensados para receber o bebê. Em face do exposto, esta pesquisa possibilitou inferir que, apesar dos avanços acerca do atendimento educacional ofertado a primeira infância, falta ainda clareza por parte da sociedade em geral, sobre a importância de uma educação de qualidade para as crianças pequenas e seu impacto na formação humana. Essa lacuna merece o olhar das políticas públicas, uma vez que demanda ações nas diversas instâncias da creche, desde a formação e a valorização do professor de Educação Infantil, até a estrutura física e a escassez das vagas. Os poucos estudos que discutem tais políticas para a educação de bebês nas creches, justificam a realização deste trabalho.

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Equality as a principle and as a legal rule, integrates brazilian constitutional order since the Constitution of 1891, constituting the target always be sought, built and promoted by the state and society as a whole. Also e xs urgem for protection of equality and non - discrimination, declarations and international treaties, mostly ratified by Brazil. The international protection of human beings with intrinsic value began in the UN Declaration of 1948, which declared the equality of all men in rights and dignity, followed by more specific international documents, in a growing movement of ratification of international standards protection of human rights occurs after the atrocities during the Second World War. Within the Internation al Labour Organisation (ILO), the theme of equality and non - discrimination in employment relationships integrates one of its main conventions, to No. 111, ratified by Brazil since 1965, which aims to eliminate discrimination in respect of employment and oc cupation. In this context, lies the collective bargaining work, with her normative instruments arising from the collective agreement and the agreement recognized constitutionally and with full ability to create and establish standards and conditions for de tails of suitable work for each occupational category and economic having the unions the power and duty to use them as a means of effecting the postulates of equality and non - discrimination in employment relationships, filling gaps in state law and / or su pplementing it, molding them to existing events in the capital - job. Driven by greater freedom contained in the Constitution of 1988, trading, and with it, the private collective autonomy, in fact, have included the issue of equality and the right to differ ence between clauses created, scheduled to affirmative action and sealing exclusionary conduct, and reported some positive outcomes, such as greater diversity in work and training followed by admission of persons with disabilities environment. These attitu des of union entities and employers should be broadened because corroborate the fulfillment of constitutional requirements for compliance with the international declarations, adapting them to the reality of labor relations and contributing to the construct ion of equality in the pursuit of social justice with the recognition of the right to be different with respect to the inherent dignity of the human condition.

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The present work aims to demonstrate the link of the principle of efficiency - as expressed in the Constitution of 1988, by Constitutional Amendment No. 19 - with regulatory agencies, more specifically the ANATEL (National Telecommunications Agency). It also includes this principle’s importance to regulation - to monitor and manage public services - as well as when an activity will be considered efficient, keeping in mind that agencies are subjected to other principles of public administration. The increasing use of telephony has enabled further development of technologies that provide improvements in the provision of this service. The VoIP (Voice over IP), is nothing more than a technological breakthrough that directly targets the providers of conventional telephone service, both by modifying the business working for a long time with the same technology as the amount of new competitors’ dispute on market share. It also analyses the difficulty of understanding and definition of what is VoIP telephony, its growth and the threats that the traditional and mostly which is ANATEL’s role concerning this telephony technology. As regulator of the telecommunications service, ANATEL not yet regulated the voice telephony service using the IP protocol. What looks over the years is that ANATEL exercise its regulatory function to provide better conditions for competition among providers of VoIP and traditional telephone companies, obviously some difficulties are expected, given that VoIP is a technology that provides two services, through conventional telephony and using the internet.

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The citizenship is a fundamental category to the democratic progress and the development and concretization of human rights, in addition to being one of the essential foundations of democratic contextualized in the rule of law of the Federative Republic of Brazil. That’s exactly why the discussion about its concept and content is a paramount requirement to the understanding and interpretation-application-concretization of the Federal Constitution of 1988, as well as its democracy, since there is no democracy without citizenship. That is why the general objective of the research is to determine the characteristics of the citizenship, relating it to the Law, as well as to discuss (critically) its inclusion in the list of fundamental rights and delimitate the scope of protection and the limits of this right, in the context of Brazilian law post-1988 Constitution. The specific objectives are: a) to analyze the concept of citizenship, its extent and scope, contextualizing it historically; b) to examine the evolution of the legal and regulatory treatment of the citizenship in Brazilian constitutions, focusing on the 1988 Constitution; c) assess whether citizenship can be considered a fundamental right; d) to investigate which implications, theoretical and practical, of assignment fundamentality character to the right to citizenship. This research identifies and deconstructs current conceptual confusions, such as the lack of distinction between citizenship and nationality; citizenship and electoral capacity; citizenship and person. It also helps to identify and oppose the generalizations, as well as the excessively abstract associations which tend to purely metaphysical understandings, fluid and empty of any content. The main virtue, however, is the proposed of understanding of the citizenship as a fundamental right and the examination of the relationship between citizenship and human dignity. In this context, citizenship appears as a corollary of human dignity and it goes beyond. This (human dignity) requires equality, non-arbitraries, non-excessive, disproportionate or unreasonable impositions affecting their freedom rights, and, yet, doesn’t affect a minimum core of possibilities of have to a decent life, in conditions of freedom and self-conformation involved in the necessary consideration of the individual as a subject. All of this requires a decision-making process, molded by the citizenship, which reaches the entire development process of possible state interventions, to ensure the person as a subject, the right holder and the objective point of reference of the juridical relations. Thus, the citizenship represents a substantial and beneficial addition to the human dignity, since the emancipated citizen is a person, formally and materially, qualified, to be able to build their own and collectively organized history, to participate effectively in the making processes decision juridical and social

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The Federal Constitution of 1988 gave special treatment to the issue of the environment, raising this diffuse right to the status of a fundamental right. In order to preserve it, the constitutional order is provided with various means to this purpose, including the possibility of using taxation. Several principles both constitutional, as infraconstitucional, support the use of taxation as a legal instrument to protect the environment. There is an intense legal debate about the suitability, characteristics, purposes and principles which underlie and restrict the environmental taxation. Discussions and proposals for reform of the tax system in order to include the ecological aspect at its core have been developed. The use of taxation as a way to fund public expenditures related to environmental causes, promote the internalization of negative externalities and as a way to induce behavior to benefit the environment finds support in the Brazilian legal system. This paper seeks to demonstrate that the national tax system is fully able to act as a tool available to the state for the implementation of the fundamental right to an ecologically balanced environment, whether through the taxes fiscal role or due, mainly, through the phenomenon of extrafiscality. Also, it is intended, through doctrinal, jurisprudential analysis and concrete cases, to investigate whether the tax system can be effective in protecting the environment in the way it is currently constructed, or if there is need to proceed with changes in its structure in order to achieve this goal

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While essential to human nature, health and life have been protected since ancient times by various areas of knowledge, particularly by the Law, given its dynamics within the regulation of social interactions. In Brazil, health has been granted major importance by the Federal Constitution of 1988, which, disrupting the dictatorial authoritarianism, inaugurating a Social State and focusing on the values of freedom and human dignity, raises health to the condition of a social right, marked predominantly by an obligational bias directed, primarily, to the State, through the enforcement of public policies. Although, given the limitation of the State action to the reserve for contingencies, it turns clear that an universalizing access to public health is impossible, seen that the high cost of medical provisions hinders the State to meet all the health needs of the rightholders. As a result of the inefficiency of the State, the effort of the Constituent Assembly of 1988 in creating a hybrid health system becomes nuclear, which, marked by the possibility of exploration of healthcare by the private initiative, assigns to the private enterprise a key role in supplementing the public health system, especially through the offer of health insurance plans. At this point, however, it becomes clear that health provisions rendered by the private agents are not unlimited, which involves discussions about services and procedures that should be excluded from the contractual coverage, for purposes of sectoral balance, situation which draws the indispensability of deliberations between Fundamental Rights on one hand, related to the protection of health and life, and contractual principles on the other hand, connected to the primacy of private autonomy. At this point, the importance of the regulation undertaken by the ANS, Brazilian National Health Agency, appears primordial, which, by means of its seized broad functions, considerable autonomy and technical discretion, has conditions to implement an effective control towards the harmonization of the regulatory triangle, the stability and development of the supplementary health system and, consequently, towards the universalization of the right to health, within constitutional contours. According to this, the present essay, resorting to a broad legislative, doctrinal and jurisprudential study, concludes that economic regulation over the private healthcare sector, when legitimately undertaken, provides progress and stability to the intervening segment and, besides, turns healthcare universalization feasible, in a way that it can not be replaced efficiently by any other State function.

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The social and economic changes of the last decades have enhanced the dehumanization of labor relations and the deterioration of the work environment, by the adoption of management models that foster competitiveness and maximum productivity, making it susceptible to the practice of workplace bullying. Also called mobbing, bullying can occur through actions, omissions, gestures, words, writings, always with the intention of attacking the self-esteem of the victim and destroy it psychologically. In the public sector, where relations based on hierarchy prevail, and where the functional stability makes it difficult to punish the aggressor, bullying reaches more serious connotations, with severe consequences to the victim. The Federal Constitution of 1988, by inserting the Human Dignity as a fundamental principle of the Republic, the ruler of the entire legal system, sought the enforcement of fundamental rights, through the protection of honor and image of the individual, and ensuring reparation for moral and material damage resulting from its violation. Therefore, easy to conclude that the practice of moral violence violates fundamental rights of individuals, notably the employee's personality rights. This paper therefore seeked to analyze the phenomenon of bullying in the workplace, with emphasis on the harassment practiced in the public sector as well as the possibility of state liability for harassment committed by its agents. From a theoretical and descriptive methodology, this work intended to study the constitutional, infra and international rules that protect workers against this practice, emphasizing on the fundamental rights violated. With this research, it was found that doctrine and jurisprudence converge to the possibility of state objective liability for damage caused by its agents harassers, not forgetting the possibility of regressive action against the responsible agent, as well as its criminal and administrative accountability.

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In the late 1980s, the quilombola (or maroon) communities emerged on the Brazilian public scene. They established themselves as new collective subjects and ethnic groups, in a historical moment of sensitive political changes in several social conflicts and struggles, both in Brazil and in Latin America. Because of their socio-cultural and historical singularities, these communities have self-identified in the same collective expression and have organized in search of recognition and respect for their rights. Quilombo communities and other self-labeled as "traditional communities" seek to reaffirm their differences in opposition to a conscious colonizer cultural project and re-signify their memories and traditions, that serve as reference in the construction of alternative production projects and community organization. One of the distinguishing characteristics of this quilombola political emergence process is the territorial nature of the struggles, manifested in at least two directions: on the one hand, the struggle for legal and formal recognition of a given space, i.e., the regularization and titling of occupied territories, considering that the Brazilian Constitution of 1988 recognizes the right of these communities to the final possession of the traditional lands. On the other hand, the struggle for recognition of their territoriality in a broader sense, not necessarily restricted to the demarcated area, but as the recognition of a culture and its own way of life, that originated historically in these territories. The current accomplishments and challenges of the Brazilian quilombola communities are well exemplified by the quilombo of Acauã, in the Poço Branco municipality of Rio Grande do Norte. The last fifteen years have been marked by important changes in this community, which has gained visibility and has emerged as a new political player. Acauã identified itself as quilombola community in 2004, the same year that it formalized its political structure, through the creation of the Association of Residents of Quilombo Acauã (AMQA, in Portuguese). Also in 2004, it requested to the National Institute of Colonization and Land Reform (INCRA, in Portuguese) the opening of the process for regularization and titling of quilombo territory, which is at an advanced stage, but so far without definitive resolution. This study aims to understand the process of territorialization (struggle for territorial claim) played in the last fifteen years by the community of Acauã.

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This scientific investigation begins with the recognition of the authorization granted by the Constitutional Legislator to the State for, relativizing its neutrality towards the private sector, intervene in the behavior of economic agents, through different means, including fiscal incentives and tax increases in order to achieve the objectives and directives of the Federal Constitution, as well as achieve the rights and guarantees also described in the Federal Constitution. Demonstrates, however, that this intervention in the private sector has the power to generate both salutary reflections as perverse and divorced goals from what was established by the Federal Constitution and Multilateral Agreements and this is the basis that justifies the relevance of the study: because of the urgency to provide a thorough analysis of the phenomenon of state intervention in the Economic Order, given the importance of its impacts, both for citizens' lives, as well as for the maintenance of the State established as it is nowadays. From this premise, this research examines the issue of tax policies adopted in the country, focusing on tax incentives, comparing its use with the principles of the Economic Order and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade - GATT analyzing whether these have been respected or if Brazil adopted unjustified protectionist measures. From this context, this research approximated different branches of the law, developed through literature review in areas such as constitutional law, economic law, tax law, financial law and law and economics. This study verifies the motivations and objectives that underlie the adopted justifications for the use of tax incentives, as well as its results, seeking to empirically answer if its use is reasonable and consistent with the terms enshrined in the Federal Constitution of 1988 and GATT. The answer to this research question will be sought through doctrinal analysis, jurisprudence and hard cases. Thus, the study begins with the historical evolution of extrafiscality, analyzes the principles that should guide the behavior of economic agents. Subsequently analyzes the legal regime of tax incentives and the results achieved by hard cases in which the tax policies with extrafiscal nature were adopted in order to demonstrate the positive and negative consequences arising from the adoption of this type of benefit

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This master thesis aims to research the tension established between the judicial review and democratic theory which was always present in the constitutional doctrine of separation of powers. In this regard, the expansion of the Brazilian constitutional jurisdiction checked after the occurrence of the Federal Constitution of 1988 and the inertia of the Legislature in disciplinary relevant legal aspects of Brazilian society contributed to a hyperactivity of the Supreme Court. However, in a complex society of context, as is the Brazilian society, there are contained demands and political controversies that hardly would be well represented or resolved through the action of the Court of ministers at the expense of other government bodies. Among the supremacy of Parliament and the legitimacy deficit of these magistrates, is the constitutional text and the social fabric that makes this legal status of the political. Participatory democracy established by the guidelines of the Federal Constitution requires this perspective when the Supreme Court acting in place of concentrated constitutionality control. In a plural society, there is no reason to get rid of state decision moments popular participation. Lack the Supreme Court, this time, the democratizing perception that the institute brings to the interior of the Court, as state determination of space in which to come together and meet the aspirations of society and state claims. The dissertation investigates thus the possibility of amicus curiae Institute serve as a mediator of the democratic debate, to assist the Supreme Court in the preparation of the decision is, historically, that which is of greater legitimacy, from the perspective of a theory participatory democracy. Analyzes, likewise, the unfolding of abstract judicial review in the context of Brazilian law. Proposes, incidentally, a rereading of the separation of powers, with the call for the Judiciary be careful not to become the protagonist of national political decisions. It maintains, finally, that procedural opening the interpreters of the constitution, through the amicus curiae Institute, shows up as able to decrease the legitimacy deficit in the performance of the Brazilian Supreme Court.

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Guaranteed under the Federal Constitution of 1988, Brazilian social security covers rights relating to health, social welfare and social care. The Continuous Cash Benefit Programme (BPC) was approved as part of social care policy and is regulated under the Social Care Act (Ley Orgánica de Asistencia Social) of 1993. This benefit guarantees a minimum monthly income for persons with disabilities and for older adults. Certain requirements must be satisfied in order to obtain the assistance: medical and social assessment of disabled persons, a minimum age of 65 years for older adults, and, in both cases, the value of per capita income for the nuclear family in question, which must be lower than a quarter of the minimum wage. Regulation of the BPC has incorporated advances and setbacks in terms of legislation and implementation. In this framework, this article presents a theoretical reflection, an analysis of the legislation on the matter, and some reflections on the challenges that it poses for social workers.

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This study was a critical investigation of the configuration of discourse on work in the Brazilian criminal legal discourse. We problematized the discourse of an alleged reintegrative social function proposed by the criminal legal system and analyzed the role of such discourse in the core of disciplinary power strategies that impose on individuals the honest worker condition as a major criterion for their rehabilitation and return to society as citizens. This critique is our starting point to build the argument that discourse on work as it appears in current criminal legal texts operates more as a criminalization index of those who do not have a lawful occupation than a guarantee of legitimate social transit for convicts and recognition of their dignity. For this purpose, we used as corpus the main sources of Law, namely the Federal Constitution of 1988, the Penal Code, the Penal Execution Law, the Brazilian criminal doctrine and an extensive, more recent penal jurisprudence with regard to techniques of resocialization through work. This critical line enabled us to recognize complexity and plurality of discourses - antagonistic, at times - that build the world of work as portrayed in legal texts. We also sought reference in the discussion on the centrality of work as a formative category of the social being as well as theories that defend the non-centrality of work. Throughout our investigation, we sough to question the very condition of such centrality and to understand the ways in which it was possible to produce a legitimating discourse on work as a model of emancipatory social conduct defended and demanded by the Brazilian punitive system. In a context of precariousness, unemployment and flexibilization of the world of work in contemporary society, convicts hardly ever succeed to resume the identity of honest, hard-working citizens - and no longer offenders. In this context, we also questioned the formulation of a discourse that speaks about human labor as the essence of man and criticizes the Marxist vision that is based on work centrality, and we approached the concept of Michel Foucault, our theoretician of reference, who understands work more as a mechanism of power that promotes the individuals’ submission and adaptation to a goods-producing society than the natural activity of man. We ascribe our study to the field of questions that tackle the political conception of the body as subject to labor imposed as productive and political force. It is about the issue of political technology of individuals, a technology of power, as named by the French author. The intended analysis has not dismissed the material existence of labor relations but sought to discuss the validity of a discourse that considers work the main resource for convict rehabilitation and index for the recognition of dignity and honesty. The Foucauldian discourse analysis was the foundation for the investigation of our object, especially if we understand discourses as social practices with power to institute knowledge and produce truths.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, 2016.