Konstruktioner och valens : Verbfraser med åt i ett jämförande perspektiv

Det har knappast undgått någon som är språkligt medveten att finlandssvenskan och sverigesvenskan skiljer sig åt till vissa delar. Olikheterna återfinns på olika språkliga nivåer. Mest kända och omskrivna är de lexikologiska skillnaderna, dvs. skillnaderna på ordplanet. Betydligt mindre uppmärksamhet har ägnats syntaktiska skillnader, dvs. skillnader i hur satser och meningar byggs upp. För att öka kunskapen om finlandssvensk syntax initierade Språkvetenskapliga nämnden vid Svenska litteratursällskapet i Finland projektet Svenskan i Finland – syntaktiska drag i ett jämförande perspektiv, som pågick åren 2004–2006. Min avhandling har kommit till inom ramen för det projektet. Prepositionerna (t.ex. av, i, på, för, till, åt osv.) är så kallade funktionsord som har till uppgift att binda samman de mer betydelsetunga orden till satser och meningar. Den finlandssvenska prepositionsanvändningen skiljer sig i viss mån från den sverigesvenska, och ”åt” är en av de prepositioner som ofta lyfts fram som exempel. Finlandssvenskarna säger t.ex. ”han gav en bok åt Lena” i stället för ”han gav en bok till Lena” eller ”han gav Lena en bok”. De säger ”berätta något åt någon” (i stället för ”för”) och de säger ”ringa åt någon” i stället för ”ringa någon”. Ett huvudsyfte med min undersökning är att ta reda på hur pass stora skillnaderna är om man ser till samtliga belägg på ”åt” i ett material och inte bara till sådana som man fäster sig vid för att man vet att de avviker i finlandssvenskan. Undersökningen är korpusbaserad. Det betyder att jag letat efter alla belägg på kombinationer av verb och prepositionen ”åt” i rätt stora textmassor som finns tillgängliga i elektronisk form. Materialet ligger i Språkbanken i Finland och omfattar huvudsakligen tidningstext och skönlitteratur. Jag har använt mig av en textmassa på sammanlagt ungefär 40 miljoner löpande ord, drygt 23 miljoner finlandssvenska och drygt 19 miljoner sverigesvenska. Det materialet gav ca 20 000 åt-belägg att studera, och det visade sig något oväntat att ”åt” inte alls är vanligare i finlandssvenskan än i sverigesvenskan när det gäller skriftspråk, åtminstone inte i professionella skribenters språk. Om man kompenserar för att den finlandssvenska och den sverigesvenska korpusen inte är helt lika i fråga om genrefördelning och ålder, kommer man fram till i stort sett samma frekvens för ”åt” i båda korpusarna. För den närmare analysen av vilka mönster åt-beläggen uppvisar har jag först och främst utnyttjat konstruktionsgrammatik men också ramsemantik och valensteori. Konstruktionsgrammatiken är ingen enhetlig teori, men tanken om grammatiska konstruktioner är gemensam. Konstruktioner representerar allt från generella syntaktiska mönster till specifika mönster för språkliga enskildheter. Uppfattningen om vad som ska inbegripas i begreppet varierar, men definitionen av ”konstruktion” som ”par (eller konstellationer) av form och betydelse” är gemensam. ”Konstruktion” avser aldrig konkreta belägg i texter eller yttranden utan alltid det abstrakta mönstret bakom dessa. Och varje yttrande är resultatet av att en stor mängd konstruktioner samverkar. I min analys har jag utgått ifrån att beläggen med ”åt” kan återföras på olika konstruktioner eller mönster utifrån vad som är gemensamt för grupper av belägg. Jag har sett på vad åt-frasen i samverkan med verbet har för funktion i beläggen. En åt-fras är syntaktiskt en prepositionsfras och består av en preposition och en rektion. Exempelvis utgör ordparet ”åt skogen” en prepositionsfras där ”skogen” är rektion. Ur mitt material har jag kunnat abstrahera fram fem övergripande mönster där referenten för rektionen har olika så kallade semantiska roller. Åt-frasen kan i kombination med verbet ange mål eller riktmärke, som i t.ex. svänga åt höger, dra åt helvete, ta sig åt hjärtat, luta åt en seger för IFK. Den kan för det andra ange mottagare (t.ex. ge varsin kaka åt hundarna, bygga en bastu åt sina svärföräldrar, skaffa biljetter åt en kompis). För det tredje kan åt-frasen avse en referent som har nytta (eller skada) av en aktion (t.ex. klippa häcken åt grannen, ställa in digitalboxen åt sin moster). Åt-frasen kan slutligen avse den eller det som är föremål antingen för en kommunikationsaktion (vinka åt sin son, skratta åt eländet) eller en attityd eller känsla (glädja sig åt framgången). Utöver dessa huvudmönster finns det ett antal smärre grupper av belägg som bildar egna mönster, men de utgör sammanlagt under 3 % i bägge korpusarna. Inom grupperna kan undermönster urskiljas. I t.ex. mottagargruppen representerar ”ge varsin kaka åt hundarna” överföringskonstruktion, ”bygga en bastu åt sina svärföräldrar” produktionskonstruktion och ”skaffa biljetter åt en kompis” ombesörjningskonstruktion. Alla typer är gemensamma för bägge materialen, men andelen belägg som representerar de olika typerna skiljer sig betydligt. I det sverigesvenska materialet står t.ex. det mönster där åt-frasen avser mål eller riktmärke för en mycket större andel av beläggen än i finlandssvenskan. Också andelen belägg där åt-frasen avser någon som har nytta (eller skada) av en aktion är mycket högre i det sverigesvenska materialet. I det finlandssvenska materialet står i gengäld mottagarbeläggen för över 50 % av beläggen medan andelen i det sverigesvenska materialet är bara 30 %. Inom gruppen utgör belägg av produktions- och ombesörjningstyp dessutom en mindre andel i det finlandssvenska materialet än i det sverigesvenska. Dessa står till sin funktion nära den typ som avser den som har nytta av aktionen. De konkreta beläggen på överföring (ge varsin kaka åt hundarna) utgör en större andel i det finlandssvenska materialet än i det sverigesvenska (ca 8 % mot 3 %), men typiskt för båda materialen är hög kollokationsgrad (”kollokation” avser par eller grupper av ord som uppträder oftare tillsammans än de statiskt sett skulle göra vid helt slumpmässig förekomst). Största delen av mottagarbeläggen utgörs av fraser av typen ”ge arbete åt någon, ge eftertryck åt något, ge liv åt något; ägna tid åt något, ägna sitt liv åt något, ägna uppmärksamhet åt något”. De här slutsatserna gäller alltså skriftspråk. I talspråk ser fördelningen annorlunda ut. Typiskt för prepositionen ”åt” är överhuvudtaget hög kollokationsgrad. Det förefaller som om språkanvändarna har tydliga, färdiga mallar för var ”åt” kan komma in. Det enda mönster som verkar helt produktivt, i den meningen att elementen är i stort sett fritt kombinerbara, är kombinationer av verb och åt-fras där åt-frasen avser den som har nytta av något. Att någon utför något för någons räkning verkar överlag kunna uttryckas med prepositionen ”åt”: t.ex. ”tvätta bilen åt pappa, ringa efter en taxi åt kunden”. Till och med belägg av typen ”hon drömde åt honom att bli ordinarie adjunkt” förekommer i någon mån. Konstruktionen är produktiv i båda språkvarieteterna men uppenbart är att konstruktion med mottagare har tolkningsföreträde i vissa fall i finlandssvenskan: ”Filip skrev ett brev åt sin syster” tolkas av sverigesvenskar som att Filip skrev brevet för systerns räkning, medan finlandssvenskar överlag uppenbarligen tolkar det som att Filip skrev till sin syster, att systern var mottagare av brevet. Ungefär 20 % av alla belägg i båda materialen representerar fall där ”åt” utgör partikel. Verb och ”åt” är närmare förbundna med varandra än när ”åt” utgör normal preposition. Exempel på partikelbelägg är ”han kom inte åt strömbrytaren, det gick åt mängder med saft, landet får dra åt svångremmen, de roffade åt sig de bästa platserna”. Också partikelmaterialet ser på ett generellt plan väldigt lika ut i båda språkvarieteterna. Den största skillnaden uppvisar den reflexiva typen ”roffa åt sig”. Medan typen är mycket homogen i det sverigesvenska materialet är variationen större i det finlandsvenska. Dels uppträder fler verb i kombinationen (han köpte åt sig ett par jeans), dels vacklar ordföljden (han nappade åt sig ett paraply ~ han nappade ett paraply åt sig). Att ”åt” används mer i vissa funktioner i finlandsvenskan brukar förklaras med påverkan från finskans allativ (ändelsen -lle: hän antoi kirjan Astalle > hon gav en bok åt Asta). Allt tyder dock på att den finlandssvenska åt-användningen delvis är en relikt. I äldre sverigesvenska källor träffar man på ”åt” i sådana kontexter som numera är typiska för finlandsvenskan. Det finlandssvenska språkområdet ligger ute i periferin i relation till det språkliga centrum som förändringar sprider sig från (för svenskans del främst Stockholmstrakten) och typiskt för perifera områden är att de uppvisar ålderdomliga drag också när inga kontaktfenomen spelar in. Allativen kan naturligtvis ha bidragit till att bevara användningen av ”åt” i finlandssvenskan. Att det är just ”åt” som används” beror antagligen på att prepositionen har flest funktioner gemensamt med allativen rent kognitivt om man jämför med de betydligt mer frekventa prepositionerna ”till” och ”för”. Uppenbart är också att åt-användningen därtill lever sitt eget liv i finlandssvenskan. I vissa varieteter av finlandssvenska kan man t.ex. höra yttranden av typ ”alla fiskarna dog åt dom”. Som språklig enskildhet har det ingen finsk förebild med allativ. Yttrandet är ett exempel på töjning av en svensk konstruktion. Modell finns dels i det mönster där åt avser den som har nytta eller skada av något, dels i relationell användning av ”åt”: han är hantlangare åt Eriksson ~ han är Erikssons hantlangare. Vid språkkontakt är det överlag konstruktioner som har förebild i det låntagande språket som lånas in från det långivande språket, medan konstruktioner som saknar förebild är betydligt mindre benägna att vinna insteg.

Konstruktioner i interaktion. : de e som resurs i samtal

This study concerns the most common word pair in spoken Swedish, de e (it is, third person pronoun + copula-verb in present tense). The aim of the study is twofold, with an empirical aim and a theoretical aim. The empirical aim is to investigate if and how the string de e can be understood and described as a construction in its own right with characteristics that distinguishes it from other structures and resources in spoken Swedish. The theoretical aim is to test how two different linguistic theories and methods, interactional linguistics and construction grammar, can be combined and used to describe and explain patterns in languaging that traditional grammar does take into account. The empirical analysis is done within the interactional linguistic framework with sequence analyses of excerpts from authentic conversation data. The data consists of approximately ten hours of recorded conversation from Finland and Sweden. The sequence analysis suggests that the string de e really is used as a resource in its own right. In most cases, the string is also used in ways consistent with abstract grammatical patterns described by traditional grammar. Nevertheless, there are instances where de e is used in ways not described before: with numerals and infinitive phrases as complements, without any complements at all and together with certain complements (bra, de) in idiomatic ways. Furthermore, in the instances where de e is used according to known grammatical patterns the function of the particular string de e is clearly contextually specific and in various ways linked to the micro-context in which it is used. A new model is suggested for understanding and concluding the results from the sequence analyses. It consists of two different types of constructions grammatical and interactional. The grammatical constructions show how the string is used in eleven structurally different ways. The interactional constructions show seven different sequential positions and functions in which the string occurs. The two types of constructions are also linked to each other as potentials. This is a new way to describe how interactants use and responds to a concrete string like de e in conversation.

A sequential analysis of "nú" and "núna" in Icelandic conversation

This thesis is an empirical study of how two words in Icelandic, "nú" and "núna", are used in contemporary Icelandic conversation. My aims in this study are, first, to explain the differences between the temporal functions of "nú" and "núna", and, second, to describe the non-temporal functions of "nú". In the analysis, a focus is placed on comparing the sequential placement of the two words, on their syntactical distribution, and on their prosodic realization. The empirical data comprise 14 hours and 11 minutes of naturally occurring conversation recorded between 1996 and 2003. The selected conversations represent a wide range of interactional contexts including informal dinner parties, institutional and non-institutional telephone conversations, radio programs for teenagers, phone-in programs, and, finally, a political debate on television. The theoretical and methodological framework is interactional linguistics, which can be described as linguistically oriented conversation analysis (CA). A comparison of "nú" and "núna" shows that the two words have different syntactic distributions. "Nú" has a clear tendency to occur in the front field, before the finite verb, while "núna" typically occurs in the end field, after the object. It is argued that this syntactic difference reflects a functional difference between "nú" and "núna". A sequential analysis of "núna" shows that the word refers to an unspecified period of time which includes the utterance time as well as some time in the past and in the future. This temporal relation is referred to as reference time. "Nú", by contrast, is mainly used in three different environments: a) in temporal comparisons, 2) in transitions, and 3) when the speaker is taking an affective stance. The non-temporal functions of "nú" are divided into three categories: a) "nú" as a tone particle, 2) "nú" as an utterance particle, and 3) "nú" as a dialogue particle. "Nú" as a tone particle is syntactically integrated and can occur in two syntactic positions: pre-verbally and post-verbally. I argue that these instances are employed in utterances in which a speaker is foregrounding information or marking it as particularly important. The study shows that, although these instances are typically prosodically non-prominent and unstressed, they are in some cases delivered with stress and with a higher pitch than the surrounding talk. "Nú" as an utterance particle occurs turn-initially and is syntactically non-integrated. By using "nú", speakers show continuity between turns and link new turns to prior ones. These instances initiate either continuations by the same speaker or new turns after speaker shifts. "Nú" as a dialogue particle occurs as a turn of its own. The study shows that these instances register informings in prior turns as unexpected or as a departure from the normal state of affairs. "Nú" as a dialogue particle is often delivered with a prolonged vowel and a recognizable intonation contour. A comparative sequential and prosodic analysis shows that in these cases there is a correlation between the function of "nú" and the intonation contour by which it is delivered. Finally, I argue that despite the many functions of "nú", all the instances can be said to have a common denominator, which is to display attention towards the present moment and the utterances which are produced prior or after the production of "nú". Instead of anchoring the utterances in external time or reference time, these instances position the utterance in discourse internal time, or discourse time.

Konstruktioiden dynamiikkaa

Dynamic constructions Dynamic constructions is a study of the dynamism of Finnish grammar. Dynamism as a linguistic phenomenon is studied on both the diachronic and synchronic level. The study therefore focuses not only on the temporal changes of grammar but also on the conventionality of grammatical structures and on the interplay between closely related constructions. Dynamism is also treated as a phenomenon occurring between different varieties of Finnish. All in all, dynamism is shown to be a key feature of the nature of grammar. The study is set within the framework of cognitive linguistics and construction grammar. Both theories emphasise the role of constructions pairings of form with semantic or discourse function in the composition and development of grammar. The grammar of a language is understood to be a structured inventory of such constructions. I argue that the constructions are best studied in their original contexts of use. Thus, the study is usage-based in a strict sense. The data is compiled from various corpora consisting of both written and spoken as well as standard and non-standard Finnish. The dissertation consists of an introduction and four empirical studies. The four papers examine various Finnish constructions and thereby shed light on different aspects of the dynamism of a grammar. The first paper focuses on the diachronic development of the Finnish temporal converb essa. The second paper discusses a specific construction which includes the essa converb, that is, the mikäs on ollessa construction. Some closely related constructions and their semantic interplay are also examined. The third paper extensively studies what is generally regarded as an ellipsis of the negation verb in Finnish. By using present day Finnish data, I show that the omission of the negation verb is not an instance of mere ellipsis but rather a construction. The final paper combines the themes of the second and the third paper by focusing on closely related constructions of the negative ellipsis construction.

Kuvan ja tekstin välissä : Kuvateksti uutiskuvan ja lehtijutun elementtinä

The study focuses on picture captions: their grammar and interplay with photographs and their position as semi-independent elements of the news stories. The research was conducted in the framework of critical discourse analysis, social semiotic visual theory and fennistic syntactical research. The data consist of 441 press photographs, 1,815 captions and a number of news items from Finnish dailies. The generic structure potential of the caption includes the caption headline, the caption proper, i.e. the verbalization of the picture content, and the frame. In the data, 41 per cent of the captions have a headline, and 44 per cent contain a caption proper. Characteristic of the caption proper is omission of the finite verb and the use of the present tense, both of which have decreased in Finnish papers during the 20th century. The caption proper is typically a main clause, and both subordinate clauses and participal phrases occur mostly in the frame. While comparing caption variants attached to the same pictures, the processes and their participants proved to be identified considerably identically, following the news agency captions. Instead, the reader?s interpretations of a picture could be directed by framing it in different ways. For example, the caption may focus on the only person depicted, deal with a whole group, or give an abstract account of the situation. The caption is a paratext, a typographically marked, semi-independent element of a news story. Between the headline and the caption, four semantic relations have been identified. The caption may be a paraphrase of the headline, or a close-up illustrating an abstract headline with a concrete example. If the name of the person depicted is their only common factor, the relation between the caption and the headline is additive. A specifying caption will give more details than the headline. The caption may complete, repeat, or summarize the body copy. Naturally, most captions completing the story verbalize the content of the picture. As the caption is often based on the story, it may even repeat the body copy verbatim. The summarizing function is probably becoming increasingly important, as most Finnish newspapers have abandoned the use of a separate standfirst.

Toiminta ja tarkoite : Tutkimus suomen pronominista

The study describes the use and meaning of the Finnish demonstrative pronouns, focus being on the pronoun "tämä" (roughly 'this'). The Finnish demonstrative system is a three way one, the other two demonstratives are "tuo" ('that') and "se" ('it'). The data consisted of 12 half hours of video- and tape-recorded face-to-face and telephone conversations. The method for the study was ethnomethodological conversation analysis (CA); in addition to CA, the theoretical framework consisted of functional linguistics and linguistic anthropology. First, the study dealt with the syntactic distribution of the three demonstratives. The pronouns were analysed according to whether they are before or after the verb, and whether they compose an NP on their own or are determinants of a lexical NP. The study suggested that the form and the placement of the NP presents the referent as continuous/discontinuous or given/new. Givenness of a referent was defined as "identified adequately for the purposes of the on-going action". The so-called dislocated utterances were considered separately. It was found that left-dislocations are used for inserting referents in a particular relation to the on-going activity. Right-dislocations offer a solution for the sometimes competing motivations of newness and continuity: they are used for securing the identifiability of a referent that is implied to be continuous. Second, the study focussed on analysing the meaning of the pronouns according to three dimensions of reference: referential, indexical and relational. It was found that the demonstratives can organize interactional or spatial context. When organizing interactional context, the demonstrative pronouns express the role of identifying the referent in relation to the on-going activity. The pronoun "tämä" expresses that the referent is referentially open and the characterization of the referent is given in the on-going turn. Furthermore, it expresses asymmetry of the indexical ground: it expresses that the participants of a conversation do not share a mutual understanding of the activity at that particular time. In addition, the referent of the pronoun "tämä" is central for understanding the on-going action. Centrality could be understood as the relational feature of the pronoun. However, it is a consequence of the referential and indexical features of "tämä". The pronoun "tuo" also expresses referential openness, but it implies indexical symmetry. The pronoun "se" implies that the referent is known enough, and implies indexical symmetry. When used spatially, the pronouns may refer to a physical space or to a situation. They express or imply that the speaker is inside or outside the referent. The pronoun "tämä" implies inclusion, and the pronoun "tuo" expresses exclusion.

Nonverbal predication in Erzya : Studies on morphosyntactic variation and part of speech distinctions

This dissertation consists of four articles and an introduction. The five parts address the same topic, nonverbal predication in Erzya, from different perspectives. The work is at the same time linguistic typology and Uralic studies. The findings based on a large corpus of empirical Erzya data, which was collected using several different methods and included recordings of the spoken language, made it possible for the present study to apply, then test and finally discuss the previous theories based on cross-linguistic data. Erzya makes use of multiple predication patterns which vary from totally analytic to the morphologically very complex. Nonverbal predicate clause types are classified on the basis of propositional acts in clauses denoting class-membership, identity, property and location. The predicates of these clauses are nouns, adjectives and locational expressions, respectively. The following three predication strategies in Erzya nonverbal predication can be identified: i. the zero-copula construction, ii. the predicative suffix construction and iii. the copula construction. It has been suggested that verbs and nouns cannot be clearly distinguished on morphological grounds when functioning as predicates in Erzya. This study shows that even though predicativity must not be considered a sufficient tool for defining parts of speech in any language, the Erzya lexical classes of adjective, noun and verb can be distinguished from each other also in predicate position. The relative frequency and degree of obligation for using the predicative suffix construction decreases when moving left to right on the scale verb adjective/locative noun ( identificational statement). The predicative suffix is the main pattern in the present tense over the whole domain of nonverbal predication in Standard Erzya, but if it is replaced it is most likely to be with a zero-copula construction in a nominal predication. This study exploits the theory of (a)symmetry for the first time in order to describe verbal vs. nonverbal predication. It is shown that the asymmetry of paradigms and constructions differentiates the lexical classes. Asymmetrical structures are motivated by functional level asymmetry. Variation in predication as such adds to the complexity of the grammar. When symmetric structures are employed, the functional complexity of grammar decreases, even though morphological complexity increases. The genre affects the employment of predication strategies in Erzya. There are differences in the relative frequency of the patterns, and some patterns are totally lacking from some of the data. The clearest difference is that the past tense predicative suffix construction occurs relatively frequently in Standard Erzya, while it occurs infrequently in the other data. Also, the predicative suffixes of the present tense are used more regularly in written Standard Erzya than in any other genre. The genre also affects the incidence of the translative in uľ(ń)ems copula constructions. In translations from Russian to Erzya the translative case is employed relatively frequently in comparison to other data. This study reveals differences between the two Mordvinic languages Erzya and Moksha. The predicative suffixes (bound person markers) of the present tense are used more regularly in Moksha in all kinds of nonverbal predicate clauses compared to Erzya. It should further be observed that identificational statements are encoded with a predicative suffix in Moksha, but seldom in Erzya. Erzya clauses are more frequently encoded using zero-constructions, displaying agreement in number only.

Semantic Fluency in Mild and Moderate Alzheimer's Disease

Alzheimer's disease (AD) is characterized by an impairment of the semantic memory responsible for processing meaning-related knowledge. This study was aimed at examining how Finnish-speaking healthy elderly subjects (n = 30) and mildly (n=20) and moderately (n = 20) demented AD patients utilize semantic knowledge to performa semantic fluency task, a method of studying semantic memory. In this task subjects are typically given 60 seconds to generate words belonging to the semantic category of animals. Successful task performance requires fast retrieval of subcategory exemplars in clusters (e.g., farm animals: 'cow', 'horse', 'sheep') and switching between subcategories (e.g., pets, water animals, birds, rodents). In this study, thescope of the task was extended to cover various noun and verb categories. The results indicated that, compared with normal controls, both mildly and moderately demented AD patients showed reduced word production, limited clustering and switching, narrowed semantic space, and an increase in errors, particularly perseverations. However, the size of the clusters, the proportion of clustered words, and the frequency and prototypicality of words remained relatively similar across the subject groups. Although the moderately demented patients showed a poor eroverall performance than the mildly demented patients in the individual categories, the error analysis appeared unaffected by the severity of AD. The results indicate a semantically rather coherent performance but less specific, effective, and flexible functioning of the semantic memory in mild and moderate AD patients. The findings are discussed in relation to recent theories of word production and semantic representation. Keywords: semantic fluency, clustering, switching, semantic category, nouns, verbs, Alzheimer's disease

Unitary Processes with Independent Increments and Representations of Hilbert Tensor Algebras

The aim of this article is to characterize unitary increment process by a quantum stochastic integral representation on symmetric Fock space. Under certain assumptions we have proved its unitary equivalence to a Hudson-Parthasarathy flow.

Optimal multicommodity flow through the complete graph with random edge capacities

We consider a multicommodity flow problem on a complete graph whose edges have random, independent, and identically distributed capacities. We show that, as the number of nodes tends to infinity, the maximumutility, given by the average of a concave function of each commodity How, has an almost-sure limit. Furthermore, the asymptotically optimal flow uses only direct and two-hop paths, and can be obtained in a distributed manner.

Existence and approximations of solutions to some fractional order functional integral equations

In this paper we shall study a fractional order functional integral equation. In the first part of the paper, we proved the existence and uniqueness of mile and global solutions in a Banach space. In the second part of the paper, we used the analytic semigroups theory oflinear operators and the fixed point method to establish the existence, uniqueness and convergence of approximate solutions of the given problem in a separable Hilbert space. We also proved the existence and convergence of Faedo-Galerkin approximate solution to the given problem. Finally, we give an example.

Adnominal Person in the Morphological System of Erzya : Adnominaalinen persoona ersän kielen morfologisessa järjestelmässä

This dissertation is a synchronic description of adnominal person in the highly synthetic morphological system of Erzya as attested in extensive Erzya-language written-text corpora consisting of nearly 140 publications with over 4.5 million words and over 285,000 unique lexical items. Insight for this description have been obtained from several source grammars in German, Russian, Erzya, Finnish, Estonian and Hungarian, as well as bounteous discussions in the understanding of the language with native speakers and grammarians 1993 2010. Introductory information includes the discussion of the status of Erzya as a lan- guage, the enumeration of phonemes generally used in the transliteration of texts and an in-depth description of adnominal morphology. The reader is then made aware of typological and Erzya-specifc work in the study of adnominal-type person. Methods of description draw upon the prerequisite information required in the development of a two-level morphological analyzer, as can be obtained in the typological description of allomorphic variation in the target language. Indication of original author or dialect background is considered important in the attestation of linguistic phenomena, such that variation might be plotted for a synchronic description of the language. The phonological description includes the establishment of a 6-vowel, 29-consonant phoneme system for use in the transliteration of annotated texts, i.e. two phonemes more than are generally recognized, and numerous rules governing allophonic variation in the language. Erzya adnominal morphology is demonstrated to have a three-way split in stem types and a three-layer system of non-derivative affixation. The adnominal-affixation layers are broken into (a) declension (the categories of case, number and deictic marking); (b) nominal conjugation (non-verb grammatical and oblique-case items can be conjugated), and (c) clitic marking. Each layer is given statistical detail with regard to concatenability. Finally, individual subsections are dedicated to the matters of: possessive declension compatibility in the distinction of sublexica; genitive and dative-case paradigmatic defectivity in the possessive declension, where it is demonstrated to be parametrically diverse, and secondary declension, a proposed typology modifiers without nouns , as compatible with adnominal person.

Three-year-olds are sensitive to semantic prominence during online language comprehension

Recent evidence from adult pronoun comprehension suggests that semantic factors such as verb transitivity affect referent salience and thereby anap- hora resolution. We tested whether the same semantic factors influence pronoun comprehension in young children. In a visual world study, 3-year- olds heard stories that began with a sentence containing either a high or a low transitivity verb. Looking behaviour to pictures depicting the subject and object of this sentence was recorded as children listened to a subsequent sentence containing a pronoun. Children showed a stronger preference to look to the subject as opposed to the object antecedent in the low transitivity condition. In addition there were general preferences (1) to look to the subject in both conditions and (2) to look more at both potential antecedents in the high transitivity condition. This suggests that children, like adults, are affected by semantic factors, specifically semantic prominence, when interpreting anaphoric pronouns.

Random matrices: Universality of ESDs and the circular law

Given an n x n complex matrix A, let mu(A)(x, y) := 1/n vertical bar{1 <= i <= n, Re lambda(i) <= x, Im lambda(i) <= y}vertical bar be the empirical spectral distribution (ESD) of its eigenvalues lambda(i) is an element of C, i = l, ... , n. We consider the limiting distribution (both in probability and in the almost sure convergence sense) of the normalized ESD mu(1/root n An) of a random matrix A(n) = (a(ij))(1 <= i, j <= n), where the random variables a(ij) - E(a(ij)) are i.i.d. copies of a fixed random variable x with unit variance. We prove a universality principle for such ensembles, namely, that the limit distribution in question is independent of the actual choice of x. In particular, in order to compute this distribution, one can assume that x is real or complex Gaussian. As a related result, we show how laws for this ESD follow from laws for the singular value distribution of 1/root n A(n) - zI for complex z. As a corollary, we establish the circular law conjecture (both almost surely and in probability), which asserts that mu(1/root n An) converges to the uniform measure on the unit disc when the a(ij) have zero mean.