869 resultados para JUSTICE SYSTEM


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 Guatemala is not a failed state and is unlikely to become one in the near future. Although the state currently fails to provide adequate security to its citizens or an appropriate range of effective social programs, it does supply a functioning electoral democracy, sound economic management, and a promising new antipoverty program, My Family Progresses (MIFAPRO).  Guatemala is a weak state. The principal security threats represented by expanding Mexican drug trafficking organizations (DTOs), criminal parallel powers, and urban gangs have overwhelmed the resources of the under-resourced and compromised criminal justice system. The UN-sponsored International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), however, has demonstrated that progress against organized crime is possible.  The principal obstacles to strengthening the Guatemalan state lie in the traditional economic elite’s resistance to taxation and the venal political class’ narrow focus on short-term interests. Guatemala lacks a strong, policyoriented, mass-based political party that could develop a coherent national reform program and mobilize public support around it.  The United States should strengthen the Guatemalan state by expanding the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI) and by strongly supporting CICIG, MIFAPRO, and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE).

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The growth of criminal gangs and organized crime groups has created unprecedented challenges in Central America. Homicide rates are among the highest in the world, countries spend on average close to 10 percent of GDP to respond to the challenges of public insecurity, and the security forces are frequently overwhelmed and at times coopted by the criminal groups they are increasingly tasked to counter. With some 90 percent of the 700 metric tons of cocaine trafficked from South America to the United States passing through Central America, the lure of aiding illegal traffickers through provision of arms, intelligence, or simply withholding or delaying the use of force is enormous. These conditions raise the question: to what extent are militaries in Central America compromised by illicit ties to criminal groups? The study focuses on three cases: Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Honduras. It finds that: Although illicit ties between the military and criminal groups have grown in the last decade, militaries in these countries are not yet “lost’ to criminal groups. Supplying criminal groups with light arms from military stocks is typical and on the rise, but still not common. In general the less exposed services, the navies and air forces, are the most reliable and effective ones in their roles in interdiction. Of the three countries in the study, the Honduran military is the most worrying because it is embedded in a context where civilian corruption is extremely common, state institutions are notoriously weak, and the political system remains polarized and lacks the popular legitimacy and political will needed to make necessary reforms. Overall, the armed forces in the three countries remain less compromised than civilian peers, particularly the police. However, in the worsening crime and insecurity context, there is a limited window of opportunity in which to introduce measures targeted toward the military, and such efforts can only succeed if opportunities for corruption in other sectors of the state, in particular in law enforcement and the justice system, are also addressed. Measures targeted toward the military should include: Enhanced material benefits and professional education opportunities that open doors for soldiers in promising legitimate careers once they leave military service. A clear system of rewards and punishments specifically designed to deter collusion with criminal groups. More effective securing of military arsenals. Skills and external oversight leveraged through combined operations, to build cooperation among those sectors of the military that have successful and clean records in countering criminal groups, and to expose weaker forces to effective best practices.

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Lineup procedures have recently garnered extensive empirical attention, in an effort to reduce the number of mistaken identifications that plague the criminal justice system. Relatively little attention, however, has been paid to the influence of the lineup constructor or the lineup construction technique on the quality of the lineup. This study examined whether the cross-race effect has an influence on the quality of lineups constructed using a match-to-suspect or match-to-description technique in a series of three phases. Participants generated descriptions of same- and other-race targets in Phase 1, which were used in Phase 2. In Phase 2, participants were asked to create lineups for own-race targets and other-race targets using one of two techniques. The lineups created in this phase were examined for lineup quality in Phase 3 by calculating lineup fairness assessments through the use of a mock witness paradigm. ^ Overall, the results of these experiment phases suggest that the race of those involved in the lineup construction process influences lineups. There was no difference in witness description accuracy in Phase 1, which ran counter to predictions based on the cross-race effect. The cross-race effect was observed, however, in Phases 2 and 3. The lineup construction technique used also influenced several of the process measures, selection estimates, and fairness judgments in Phase 2. Interestingly, the presence of the cross-race effect was in the opposite direction as predicted for some measures in both phases. In Phase 2, the cross-race effect was as predicted for number of foils viewed, but in the opposite direction for average time spent viewing each foil. In Phase 3, the cross-race effect was in the opposite direction than predicted, with higher levels of lineup fairness in other-race lineups. The practical implications of these findings are discussed in relation to lineup fairness within the legal system. ^

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Abstract: This informative and interactive teaching symposium posits the Positive Peer Leadership Mentoring Program (PPLM) as an evidence-based wrap-around service for youth and families in Miami-Dade who are involved in the school-to-prison pipeline. Presenters first provide information to initiate the dialogic process of discerning and interpreting the school-to-prison pipeline, impacted by costs of incarceration for Black youth and families and the move toward effective mental health services in the juvenile justice system. Then, participants experience an interactive pedagogical mentoring format set forth in PPLM as the first step toward transforming the school-to-prison pipeline in their own classroom or other educational setting.

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The inequalities that mark the women’s lives in societies around the world have been the subject of intense discussion by the feminist movement, with developments in questioning about possibilities of full citizenship. In this scenario the Brazilian feminist movement has achieved steadily, in recent decades, an effort to participate in the formulation of the public policy agenda, as well as the realization of demands to institutionalize the legal parameters as regulations for the issue of violence against women. On the grounds of social justice, many discourses are made with a focus on reframing the institutional role of the state in the areas of constitutional law and criminal law. Considering these discourses, proposals were reformulated and the action of the state was resized, what ended in the enactment of Law 11,340 / 2006 (Maria da Penha Law), with a great impact on the Brazilian criminal justice system. Taking this perspective as its starting point, this research is focused on understanding the struggles for access to the legal field regarding the implementation of the Maria da Penha Law. This qualitative and quantitative research analyses the way the social practices and social representations which involve activists of the feminist movement and operators from the justice system are established in Juazeiro/ BA and Petrolina/PE before the institutional reshuffles of the state. As a result, it was revealed that, despite inconsistencies in the performance of the criminal justice system, the positioning of feminist activism is grounded on the assumption.

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The objective of this study was to investigate the assistance for the female adolescents perpetrators of offences in the state of Rio Grande do Norte. Through the Thematic Oral History and Documentary Analysis methods, we sought to uncover historical aspects of the work provided in women’s units of the Fundação dos Direitos das Crianças e Adolescentes (FUNDAC) [Foundation for the Rights of Children and Adolescents], from the experiences of professionals who have worked in these units since the beginning of their activities. For this, we made visits to FUNDAC and the Centro Educacional Padre João Maria (CEDUC) [Educational Center Father João Maria], to identify professionals who could participate in the study, as well as institutional documents on routine of treatment. Eight professionals were found from three identified units: Granja Santana, Instituto Padre João Maria and CEDUC, who were interviewed according to a semi-structured script. The analysis of the collected material is supported in Marxian theory and feminist perspective on the sexual division of labor. The results are organized into five areas of analysis: (1) the creation of the service units; (2) the deviant “behavior”: reasons for institutionalization of female adolescents; (3) educational proposal: a female version; service strategies and; the rules and punishment: the domesticated teenage girl. The study indicates that the commission of the offense by the female adolescents in state of Rio Grande do Norte (RN) has been associated with the conduct of their families, particularly their mothers. Moreover, in general, service strategies, educational proposals, disciplinary measures were and have been developed based on the naturalization of what is female. Therefore, the assistance to adolescent girls in RN, those thirty-five years, left intact the existing hierarchy in social relations between the sexes, it reproduced the subordination of female adolescents in the juvenile justice system.

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Prior to the Civil Rights Movement, fewer than 50 Black judges had been elected or appointed to the judiciary. As of August 2015, there are over 1,000 Black state and federal judges. As the number of black judges has increased, one question arises: have American courts been altered purely by this substantial increase? One expectation—and, at times, a prediction—behind the increased descriptive representation of Black judges is that their mere presence would alter the judiciary. It was supposed that these judges would substantively represent Black interests in the decisions they made. In other words, it was suspected, and predicted, that Blacks in the judiciary would enhance equality and justice by being aware of, responsive to, and advocating for African Americans. This theory about the likely role of Black judges derives from theoretical work on political representation and racial group consciousness, and empirical studies of Black elite behavior in other political institutions.

Despite such predictions, there is no corresponding scholarly consensus regarding whether Black judges possess a racial group consciousness and have racially distinctive judicial behavior. Therefore, the theory undergirding the demand for increased diversification, as a means to transform the judiciary, remains unsubstantiated. This is precisely where this project, “They’re There, Now What?: The Identities, Behavior, and Perceptions of Black Judges,” seeks to intervene in and explore, if not settle, the matter of whether black judges possess a racial group consciousness and exhibit racially-distinctive judicial behavior. It addresses a set of interrelated questions relevant to understanding whether we can view Black judges as representatives in ways that are similar to how we view other Black political officials. I examine these questions using a multi-method approach. For my analyses, I draw on diverse materials: the published biographies of every Black judge appointed to the federal bench, a survey experiment with a nationally-representative adult sample, and semi-structured interviews with 30 Black judges.

This research, which engages with scholarship on representation, group consciousness, judicial behavior, and candidate perceptions, offers new insights into the lives, perceptions, and behavior of Black judges, as well as the manifestations of Black substantive representation in the judiciary. My dissertation argues that, despite the general reluctance to use the term “representation” when referring to judges, we can consider Black judges as representatives. Black judges behave as substantive representatives by (1) sharing and understanding the experience, history, and perspectives of Black Americans, (2) challenging language, persons, policies, and laws they feel negatively affect, or violate the rights and liberties of, African Americans, (3) respecting African American litigants, and (4) ensuring the rights of African Americans are protected and the needs of black Americans are being met.

Only through research that considers the perspectives, identities, perceptions, and behavior of Black judges will we arrive at a more comprehensive understanding of the importance of racial diversity in the courts. As this project finds, a link between descriptive representation and substantive representation can, and frequently does exist within the judicial context. Such a link is significant given that Blacks’ liberty and justice through the American legal system continues to be subject to those who exercise judicial power. This dissertation has implications for the discourse surrounding the need for increased descriptive and substantive representation of Blacks in the judiciary, and the factors that affect representation in the justice system.

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Research on women prisoners and drug use is scarce in our context and needs theoretical tools to understand their life paths. In this article, I introduce an intersectional perspective on the experiences of women in prison, with particular focus on drug use. To illustrate this, I draw on the life story of one of the women interviewed in prison, in order to explore the axes of inequality in the lives of women in prison. These are usually presented as accumulated and articulated in complex and diverse ways. The theoretical tool of intersectionality allows us to gain an understanding of the phenomenon of women prisoners who have used drugs. This includes both the structural constraints in which they were embedded and the decisions they made, considering the circumstances of disadvantage in which they were immersed. This is a perspective which has already been intuitively present since the dawn of feminist criminology in the English-speaking world and can now be developed further due to new contributions in this field of gender studies.

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The Information Technology (IT) is increasing his applicability to business, both private and public companies. It is necessary the adequate use of the new technologies and get cooperation and technology acceptance of the system. People tend to resist to the changes, contributing so that the technology is rejected or even it is not recognized as promoting of the changes. This study is relevant and aim to evaluate the impacts of new technologies, considering their users as fundamental factors in the change process. The survey analyzed the advantages and the barriers of the system use in three federal special judicial of Rio Grande do Norte, with data collected in May of 2007, through the application of questionnaires to thirty eight users of the virtual system CRETA. The users' perception was evaluated, under the optics of five variables: efficiency, image, agility, ease of use and quality. Starting from the obtained results, it was evidenced that the implementation of the system felt accordingly the expected and it reached the objectives intended that were: the velocity and efficiency in the path of the lawsuits, larger productivity, resulting in a better quality of the final work introduced to the citizen and proportionate an improvement in the organizational image of the judiciary power

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08

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In diesem Aufsatz werden historisch-systematische Anregungen zur Debatte um Kompetenz und Kompetenzen im Kontext bildungs- und professionstheoretischer Überlegungen angeboten. Dies ist der Ausgangspunkt für ein Nachdenken über angestrebte Kompetenzen Globalen Lernens sowie Kompetenzfelder des Global Teachers, um einen kompetenzorientierten Umgang damit zu ermöglichen. (DIPF/Orig.)

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Background: The increasing ageing prison population is becoming a pressing issue throughout the criminal justice system. Alongside the rising population, are a host of health and wellbeing issues that contribute to older offenders needs whilst in prison. It has been recommended that meaningful activities can have positive effects on this population and therefore this paper uniquely reviews older offenders accounts of taking part in an arts based project, Good Vibrations, whilst imprisoned. Objective and design: The Good Vibrations project engages individuals in Gamelan music making with an end of project performance. This study used independent in-depth interviews to capture the voices of older offenders who took part in an art based prison project. Analysis and Results: The interview data was analysed using thematic analysis, which highlighted themes that were consistent with other populations who have taken part in a Good Vibrations project, along with specific age relating issues of mobility, motivation, identity and wellbeing.

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Trata-se de um estudo sistêmico e metódico dos institutos da ampla defesa e do contraditório aplicados no bojo de um inquérito policial à luz dos demais princípios constitucionais fundamentais. Far-se-á um olhar comparativo entre as normas e demais fatores jurídicos, políticos, econômicos e sociais do Brasil e de Portugal, bem como referências subsidiárias de outros países da Europa e do mundo. O tema gira em torno do sistema processual penal brasileiro no que tange às investigações preliminares da polícia judiciária. Estabelece como ponto de partida a efetivação do Estado Democrático de Direito no processo de construção de uma sociedade comprometida no senso de igualdade e justiça. Para tanto, avaliaremos a conveniência de se instituir aqueles princípios no texto constitucional e respectivas leis como forma de dar concretude à formação da culpa do acusado ainda na fase policial; ou, pelo menos, para promover uma investigação criminal livres de quaisquer vícios. Também será necessário refletir sobre a evolução da persecução penal no mundo e no Brasil para que possamos, a partir de uma análise comparativa, avaliar os aspectos positivos e negativos que devem ser repetidos ou rechaçados. Proporemos uma mudança de paradigma de investigação criminal, elegendo o órgão ministerial como condutor das investigações, em contraponto ao atual modelo brasileiro que deposita essa prerrogativa exclusivamente nas mãos da polícia judiciária, para então concluirmos se vale a pena uma alteração normativa lastreada na otimização dos resultados no combate à criminalidade tendo o inquérito policial como instrumento de controle. Nesta esteira, feito o breve estudo da evolução histórica dos institutos, passaremos por uma reflexão mais moderna do Estado Garantidor pautado no senso democrático atual, para, então, esmiuçar a merecida atenção dos princípios fundamentais constitucionais e finalmente mergulhar nos principais aspectos do inquérito policial, sempre propondo a eventual aplicabilidade da ampla defesa e do contraditório como forma de compatibilizar de vez com a noção de democracia plena dos institutos penais. Em seguida, iremos colacionar os resultados da pesquisa empírica feita por meio de entrevistas com profissionais de alta envergadura jurídica, os quais apresentarão suas perspectivas quanto ao tema e terão suas manifestações analisadas de forma qualiquantitativa. Concluiremos o trabalho com as reflexões finais.

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Effective school discipline practices are essential to keeping schools safe and creating an optimal learning environment. However, the overreliance of exclusionary discipline often removes students from the school setting and deprives them of the opportunity to learn. Previous research has suggested that students are being introduced to the juvenile justice system through the use of school-based juvenile court referrals. In 2011, approximately 1.2 million delinquency cases were referred to the juvenile courts in the United States. Preliminary evidence suggests that an increasing number of these referrals have originated in the schools. This study investigated school-based referrals to the juvenile courts as an element of the School-to-Prison Pipeline (StPP). The likelihood of school-based juvenile court referrals and rate of dismissal of these referrals was examined in several states using data from the National Juvenile Court Data Archives. In addition, the study examined race and special education status as predictors of school-based juvenile court referrals. Descriptive statistics, logistic regression and odds ratio, were used to analyze the data, make conclusions based on the findings and recommend appropriate school discipline practices.

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A alteração na definição da idade de ingresso no ensino fundamental de 7 para 6 anos pela Lei nº 11.114 de 2006 no Brasil tem suscitado debates nos campos da educação e do sistema de justiça sobre a data limite de ingresso. Este artigo tem como objetivo apresentar o cenário da implantação do corte etário para o ingresso no ensino fundamental, bem como problematizar a entrada precoce da criança nesta etapa da educação básica, buscando analisar as implicaçõesdo ingresso das crianças pequenas no ensino fundamental na limitação do seu direito educacional e para a constituição da infância. O acesso a cada uma das etapas da educação básica pressupõe uma faixa etária adequada e seu ingresso deve ocorrer tendo com referência a idade estabelecida e não laudos psicológicos e/ou pedagógicos que atestem a capacidade de cada criança, o que revela certa concepção de criança, infância e processos educativos.