977 resultados para Roman army


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El contacto de las tribus de la Galia con los romanos produjo un proceso de polarización socio-económica y promovió el clientelismo. El orden romano no produjo el reemplazo de la elite social de la población, sino que la integró dentro de sus instituciones como magistrados en las civitates y como jefes de las unidades de auxiliares. Esta continuidad social provocó que el liderazgo de la antigua elite se mantuviera. Tras el fracaso de la última revuelta en el 70, la represión y la reorganización militar subsiguiente impulsó la aparición de una nueva elite gala menos poderosa que la anterior

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El contacto de las tribus de la Galia con los romanos produjo un proceso de polarización socio-económica y promovió el clientelismo. El orden romano no produjo el reemplazo de la elite social de la población, sino que la integró dentro de sus instituciones como magistrados en las civitates y como jefes de las unidades de auxiliares. Esta continuidad social provocó que el liderazgo de la antigua elite se mantuviera. Tras el fracaso de la última revuelta en el 70, la represión y la reorganización militar subsiguiente impulsó la aparición de una nueva elite gala menos poderosa que la anterior

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El contacto de las tribus de la Galia con los romanos produjo un proceso de polarización socio-económica y promovió el clientelismo. El orden romano no produjo el reemplazo de la elite social de la población, sino que la integró dentro de sus instituciones como magistrados en las civitates y como jefes de las unidades de auxiliares. Esta continuidad social provocó que el liderazgo de la antigua elite se mantuviera. Tras el fracaso de la última revuelta en el 70, la represión y la reorganización militar subsiguiente impulsó la aparición de una nueva elite gala menos poderosa que la anterior

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Papers of the school were ordinarily published in the American Journal of Archaeology, 2d. ser.; supplementary volumes wre authorized when material for publication either exceeded the space available in the journal, or when it was of such a nature as to make a different mode of publication advisable. (cf. v. 1, Prefatory note) The present volumes form the only collection of papers issued separately by the school in Rome. (Lists of the papers published in other journals, 1898-1907, may be found in the Supplementary papers, v. 1-2, Prefatory note) From 1909-12, the reports, etc., of the school were published in the Bulletin of the Archaeological Institute of America. On January 1, 1913, the American School of Classical Studies in Rome became a part of the American Academy in Rome.

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Cette recherche a pour but d’éclaircir le rôle logistique des lixae dans les armées romaines et l’évolution de celui-ci entre la fin de la période républicaine et de l’Empire tardif. Bien que ceux-ci soient souvent associés aux vivandiers et aux valets d’armée, leur présence dans les armées ne se limite pas à ces deux rôles. Aussi, il sera d’abord question du contexte civil dans les armées romaines en rapport avec les lixae. L’étymologie et l’historiographie des lixae seront ensuite traitées avant d’entreprendre la description et l’analyse de leurs différents rôles d’après les sources anciennes. La dernière partie de cette recherche sera consacrée aux différents rôles des lixae dans les armées romaines et à leur évolution à travers le temps. L’hypothèse avancée dans la recherche est celle d’une spécialisation du rôle marchand des lixae dans les armées entre la période républicaine et la période du haut empire et de l’empire tardif. Enfin, l’ensemble des sources anciennes mentionnant les lixae est regroupé dans deux catalogues en annexe de la recherche.

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During the civil war between Caesar and Pompey, the military oath which binds the soldier to his army is often openly violated. Yet despite this offense, commanders of armed struggle require recursively the oath to their men. Admittedly, this ritual act seems ineffective given the many desertions and mutinies identified, but military leaders use its symbolic and sacred meaning to legitimize one hand their “anti-republican” actions, on the other armies fighting in a context deemed impius.

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Deeply conflicting views on the political situation of Judaea under the Roman prefects (6-41 c.e.) have been offered. According to some scholars, this was a period of persistent political unrest and agitation, whilst according to a widespread view it was a quiescent period of political calm (reflected in Tacitus’ phrase sub Tiberio quies). The present article critically examines again the main available sources –particularly Josephus, the canonical Gospels and Tacitus– in order to offer a more reliable historical reconstruction. The conclusions drawn by this survey calls into question some widespread and insufficiently nuanced views on the period. This, in turn, allows a reflection on the non-epistemic factors which might contribute to explain the origin of such views.

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L’étude du “brigandage lusitanien” a donné lieu à une importante activité de recherche depuis la fin du XIXe siècle. Pour autant, et malgré une inflexion progressive de l’historiographie moderne vers une approche plus nuancée de l’origine du phénomène, le problème de la terre reste encore aujourd’hui au centre des préoccupations de nombre d’historiens et archéologiques. À partir d’une discussion serrée des principaux passages de Tite-Live, Diodore et surtout Appien, relatifs à la relation que d’aucuns ont voulu établir entre manque et/ou pauvreté de la terre et développement du brigandage chez les Lusitaniens, il est proposé une critique de l’interprétation socio-économique.

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Cette recherche a pour but d’éclaircir le rôle logistique des lixae dans les armées romaines et l’évolution de celui-ci entre la fin de la période républicaine et de l’Empire tardif. Bien que ceux-ci soient souvent associés aux vivandiers et aux valets d’armée, leur présence dans les armées ne se limite pas à ces deux rôles. Aussi, il sera d’abord question du contexte civil dans les armées romaines en rapport avec les lixae. L’étymologie et l’historiographie des lixae seront ensuite traitées avant d’entreprendre la description et l’analyse de leurs différents rôles d’après les sources anciennes. La dernière partie de cette recherche sera consacrée aux différents rôles des lixae dans les armées romaines et à leur évolution à travers le temps. L’hypothèse avancée dans la recherche est celle d’une spécialisation du rôle marchand des lixae dans les armées entre la période républicaine et la période du haut empire et de l’empire tardif. Enfin, l’ensemble des sources anciennes mentionnant les lixae est regroupé dans deux catalogues en annexe de la recherche.

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This study analyses the diction of Latin building inscriptions. Despite its importance, this topic has rarely been discussed before: the most substantial contribution on the subject is a short dissertation by Klaus Gast (1965) that focuses on 100 inscriptions dating mostly from the Republican period. Marietta Horster (2001) also touched upon this theme in her thesis on imperial building inscriptions. I have collected my source material in North Africa because more Latin building inscriptions dating from the Imperial period have survived there than in any other area of the Roman Empire. By means of a thorough and independent survey, I have assembled all relevant African Latin building inscriptions datable to the Roman period (between 146 BC and AD 425), 1002 texts, into a corpus. These inscriptions are all fully edited in Appendix 1; Appendix 2 contains references to earlier editions. To facilitate search operations, both are also available in electronic form. They are downloadable from the address http://www.helsinki.fi/hum/kla/htm/jatkoopinnot.htm. Chapter one is an introduction dealing with the nature of building inscriptions as source material. Chapter two offers a statistical overview of the material. The following main section of the work falls into five chapters, each of which analyses one main part of a building inscription. An average building inscription can be divided into five parts: the starting phrase opens the inscription (a dedication to gods, for example), the subject part identifies the builder, the object part describes the constructed or repaired building, the predicate part records the building activity and the supplement part offers additional information on the project (it can specify the funding, for instance). These chapters are systematic and chronological and their purpose is to register and interpret the phrases used, to analyse reasons for their use and for their popularity among the different groups of builders. Chapter eight, which follows the main section of the work, creates a typology of building inscriptions based on their structure. It also presents the most frequently attested types of building inscriptions. The conclusion describes, on a general level, how the diction of building inscriptions developed during the period of study and how this striking development resulted from socio-economic changes that took place in Romano-African society during Antiquity. This study shows that the phraseology of building inscriptions had a clear correlation both with the type of builder and with the date of carving. Private builders tended to accentuate their participation (especially its financial side) in the project; honouring the emperor received more emphasis in the building inscriptions set up by communities; the texts produced by the army were concise. The chronological development is so clear that it enables stylistic dating. At the beginning of the imperial period the phrases were clear, concrete, formal and stereotyped but by Late Antiquity they have become vague, subjective, flexible, varied and even rhetorically or poetically coloured.

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Työ käsittelee Rooman laivaston kehitystä, toimintaa ja osallistumista laajenemispolitiikkaan, jossa Rooma kasvoi kaupunkivaltiosta Välimeren hallitsijaksi. Rooma on aikaisemmissa tutkimuksissa nähty maavaltiona vailla kiinnostusta merenkulkuun. On katsottu, että ainoa merkittävä merisota Rooman historiassa on ensimmäinen puunilaissota (264-241 eKr.) ja että siinäkin roomalaiset (jotka historioitsija Polybius kuvaa vasta-alkajiksi) menestyivät Karthagoa vastaan turvautumalla laskusiltoihin, joiden avulla he saattoivat muuttaa meritaistelun maataisteluksi. Polybiuksen kuvaukseen on aina tähän asti luotettu. On katsottu että Roomalla ei ollut laivastoa ennen ensimmäistä puunilaissotaa ja että Rooma kaikissa sodissaan panosti merisodankäyntiin mahdollisimman vähän. Tämä työ pyrkii kumoamaan nämä käsitykset. Laivasto oli osallisena ja ehdottoman välttämätön kaikissa Rooman laajenemispolitiikan käänteissä. Arkeologian tiedot osoittavat, että ennen ensimmäistä puunilaissotaa Rooma kehittyi ja siitä tuli merkittävä kaupunki nimenomaan kaupankäynnin ja ulkomaisten kontaktien seurauksena. Se ei siis ollut puhdas agraarivaltio. Roomalaisilla oli laivasto jo viimeistään 500-luvulta lähtien eKr. ja sitä käytettiin Rooman laajentaessa valtaansa Italiassa. Näin ollen ensimmäisessä puunilaissodassa läntisen Välimeren herruudesta kilpaili kaksi merivaltiota, Rooma ja Karthago. Toinen puunilaissota (218-201) tunnetaan yleensä Hannibalin tulosta Alppien yli Italiaan, mutta se oli myöskin merkittävä merisota ja karthagolaiset hävisivät sen nimenomaan merellä. Rooma osallistui kilpailuun itäisen Välimeren hallinnasta ja kukisti Makedonian ja Syyrian laivastot, jotka eivät olleet mitenkään Rooman laivaston veroisia. Kaikista Rooman vastustajista Karthagolla olisi ollut suurin mahdollisuus pysäyttää Rooman laivaston voittokulu toisessa puunilaissodassa. Laivastoa käytettiin moniin eri tarkoituksiin. Suuret meritaistelut eivät ole ainoa osoitus laivastojen mukanaolosta ja merkityksestä, vaan on myös otettava huomion sotalaivojen rakenne ja toimintaedellytykset. Sotalaivat oli rakennettu taisteluita varten ja niissä oli hyvin niukasti säilytystilaa. Niiden oli päästävä laskemaan maihin aina kun miehistö tarvitsi vettä, ruokaa ja lepoa. Laivastot saattoivat toimia vain niiden rannikoiden tuntumassa, joiden satamiin ja laskupaikkoihin niillä oli turvallinen pääsy. Roomalaiset olivat hyvin tietoisia tästä. Suuret merentakaiset sotaretket Afrikkaan, Espanjaan, Kreikkaan ja Vähän-Aasian rannikolle perustuivat kaikki siihen, että Rooman laivasto hallitsi purjehdusreittejä ja sopivia laskupaikkoja ja saattoi huolehtia joukkojen ja varusteiden kuljettamisesta kaukana taisteleville armeijoille. Samalla Rooman laivasto kävi itsenäistä sotaa merellä ja haastoi ja kukisti kaikki Välimeren merivaltiot. 130-luvulle eKr. tultaessa se oli lyönyt vihollisensa ja riisunut aseista liittolaisensa; Rooman laivasto hallitsi Välimerta yksin.

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Hoards of denarii are common in Britain and the number which have been recorded in detail means that it is now possible to suggest reasonably accurately what a ‘normal’ hoard of a particular date should look like. That being the case, we can then look for variation around that norm and both investigate and speculate what that variation means. A methodology is developed which suggests periods of faster and less rapid coin circulation which has implications for consideration of monetisation. The model also enables us to view where denarii entered circulation; unsurprisingly the army looms large in this picture. The methodology is directly transferable to other provinces and other periods where there are longlived, relatively stable monetary systems.

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The recent archaeological works in Hinojosa, allowed us to discover a camp from Roman republic period. It is located in the center of the Celtiberian area and its study could open interesting perspectives to study this historical period. This paper shows the results of its preliminary studies.

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One of the greatest challenges facing the Roman Catholic Church (the Church) across the world continues to be found in addressing complaints of child sexual abuse (csa) by clergy. The list of Catholic clergy in Australia who have been criminally processed for sexual offences against children is disturbingly long. As disturbing as this list is, more disturbing are the accounts of clergy who have not been criminally prosecuted, but protected within the cloister of the Church. It is increasingly recognised that the significant difficulty with child sexual abuse in Catholic Churches, in particular, has not been the presence of perpetrators but the response of Church leadership to allegations of csa by clergy. Those who have faced criminal charges have often done so due to the resilience of victim/survivors and not because of the support of Church structures or culture. The Church has been slow to come to terms with the realities of the perpetration of csa by its clergy and even slower to recognise the need to prioritise victims in any effective, just response. The church has been slowest of all recognising that there are significant cultural and discursive challenges to confront in addressing the management of csa by clergy. There is, however, progressive recognition of the role that discursive constructs of forgiveness have played in perpetuating the crises and ultimately in perpetuating abuse. The institutional praxis of forgiveness can be demonstrated not only in the Church, but in lessons learned from use of forgiveness as an institutional response to mass violations of human rights. This paper explores the juncture between criminality, church culture and forgiveness in responding to csa by clergy.