956 resultados para Japan -- Military policy


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La politique militaire de la France en Afrique est en évolution. La véracité factuelle de ce constat est désormais difficilement contestable. Ce changement s’observe d’abord dans le discours où l’on parle de plus en plus d’anciennes pratiques dépassées et reconnaît que ce qui était politiquement possible et admis il y a vingt ans ne l’est plus aujourd’hui. Ce processus s’incarne ensuite dans la modification des instruments d’action ainsi que dans les modes et les niveaux d’utilisation de ces instruments. Partant de ces considérations, le présent travail se propose d’examiner les facteurs à l’origine de cette évolution. Il part des réponses jusqu’ici proposées pour apporter un éclairage nouveau au sujet des forces et dynamiques à la base des changements annoncés ou observés. Contrairement à la littérature existante qui a jusqu’ici privilégié les approches matérialistes et utilitaristes pour expliquer les transformations entreprises et celles promises dans la politique militaire africaine de la France, cette étude propose, à l’inverse, une perspective inspirée des approches cognitives et axée sur le processus d’apprentissage. Ainsi, plutôt que de voir dans les réformes ici analysées le résultat exclusif de changements structurels ou systémiques survenus dans l’environnement économique, social ou international des États, notre analyse fera davantage valoir que cette transformation a pour l’essentiel été une adaptation faite à la lumière des leçons tirées d’expériences antérieures. Cette analyse s’appuie sur l’Advocacy Coalition Framework. Développée par Paul A Sabatier et ses collègues, il postule que la prise de décision en matière de politique publique peut être mieux comprise comme une compétition entre coalitions de cause, chacune étant constituée d’acteurs provenant d’une multitudes d’institutions (leaders de groupes d’intérêt, agences administratives, chercheurs, journalistes) qui partagent un système de croyances lié à l’action publique et qui s’engagent dans un effort concerté afin de traduire des éléments de leur système de croyances en une politique publique.

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In the last three decades, the Brazilian social dynamics evidenced increasing requirements in the public security, in the search not only for efficient and efficient police institutions, however that they added in its daily one, positions more adjusted to the Democratic State of Right and a bigger respect to the human rights and the citizenship. In this direction, the practical one of the police violence has been hardly debated in the media and the academics institutions, in the search for elements that clarify its roots and elements of intervention that allow to its control and reduction. The research considers, from the study of the social representations constructed by the soldiers of the Military Policy of the Rio Grande do Norte, having as objects the police violence, searching to evidence the central elements of these representations and its practical reproduction in the daily one, while a products of habitus effective in the institution

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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Dada la grave situación mundial actual, y en vistas de la geopolítica militar norteamericana, es de gran importancia para la crítica del presente revisar el pensamiento del filósofo Enrique Dussel respecto de la argumentación lockeana (John Locke), utilizada largamente para la justificación del esclavismo y del colonialismo, teniendo vigencia aún en nuestros días como base autojustificatoria de la geopolítica militar norteamericana. Realizar una crítica desde la filosofía política de liberación de Enrique Dussel es entender a la política como horizonte de realización de su ética de liberación, posicionándose desde la perspectiva de las «víctimas».

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This paper analyzes "institutional connectivity", or the degree of seamless trade in services centering on the distribution sector. Foreign equity participation in mode 3 (commercial presence) of trade in services and business firms’ investment performance has been studied closely. Net economic benefits of transparent institutional connectivity in the wholesale sector have also been revealed statistically in the case of Japan’s bilateral FTAs with other APEC members. Given these results, APEC could work on establishing its own harmonized "service trade commitment table" with only the foreign capital participation as its simple policy restriction. This would surely enhance an APEC-wide, institutional supply chain connectivity.

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Global G.A.P. is a one of the most influential private standards in the area of food safety and sustainability. With increasing impacts of Global G.A.P., many Asian countries have introduced the country versions of GAPs; China GAP, Japan GAP, Viet GAP, Thai GAP and ASEAN GAP. Each has been influenced by Global G.A.P. but ways of implementation, implementation bodies as well as focus differ from each other. This paper examines the development and motivation behind how the Asian GAPs have been introduced both from current situation and from historical perspectives. Then we compare current situation of different Asian GAPs.

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La monografía pretende explicar el rol desempeñado por Exxon Mobil y Chevron en la formulación de la Gran Estrategia del gobierno Bush hacia Irak. Especialmente, se sostiene que las dos compañías multinacionales mencionadas lograron que la intervención militar en Irak, fuera pensada como un objetivo fundamental de la política energética del gobierno Bush. Para lograr este objetivo, Chevron y Exxon aprovecharon principalmente su posición en la economía nacional estadounidense. De hecho, lograron celebrar contratos a largo plazo para la extracción del crudo y de gas en Irak. Fundamentándose en un análisis documental, estas compañías son analizadas como grupos de presión empresarial y grupos económicos, cuyos beneficios derivados de la invasión en Irak pueden encontrarse incluso durante el gobierno Obama.

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"The 1990s saw the United Nations, the militaries of key member states, and NGOs increasingly entangled in the complex affairs of disrupted states. Whether as deliverers of humanitarian assistance or as agents of political, social, and civic reconstruction, whether in Somalia, Bosnia, Kosovo, or East Timor, these actors have had to learn ways of interacting with each other in order to optimize the benefits for the populations they seek to assist. Yet the challenges have proved daunting. Civil and military actors have different organizational cultures and standard operating procedures and are confronted with the need to work together to perform tasks to which different actors may attach quite different priorities."--BOOK JACKET.

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The thesis provides an understanding of the ignored need for a modern air defence system for the Australian air force to meet the growing threat from Japan in the 1930s and early 1940s. The quality of advice provided to, and accepted by, Australian politicians was misleading and eliminated the need for fighters and interceptors despite glaring evidence to the contrary. Based on primary source material, including official documents, Allied and Axis pilot memoirs, popular aviation literature and newspaper and magazine articles and interviews, the thesis highlights the inability of Australian politicians to face the reality of the international situation.

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The dissertation examines the foreign policies of the United States through the prism of science and technology. In the focal point of scrutiny is the policy establishing the International Institute for Applied Systems Analysis (IIASA) and the development of the multilateral part of bridge building in American foreign policy during the 1960s and early 1970s. After a long and arduous negotiation process, the institute was finally established by twelve national member organizations from the following countries: Bulgaria, Canada, Czechoslovakia, Federal Republic of Germany (FRG), France, German Democratic Republic (GDR), Great Britain, Italy, Japan, Poland, Soviet Union and United States; a few years later Sweden, Finland and the Netherlands also joined. It is said that the goal of the institute was to bring together researchers from East and West to solve pertinent problems caused by the modernization process experienced in industrialized world. It originates from President Lyndon B. Johnson s bridge building policies that were launched in 1964, and was set in a well-contested and crowded domain of other international organizations of environmental and social planning. Since the distinct need for yet another organization was not evident, the process of negotiations in this multinational environment enlightens the foreign policy ambitions of the United States on the road to the Cold War détente. The study places this project within its political era, and juxtaposes it with other international organizations, especially that of the OECD, ECE and NATO. Conventionally, Lyndon Johnson s bridge building policies have been seen as a means to normalize its international relations bilaterally with different East European countries, and the multilateral dimension of the policy has been ignored. This is why IIASA s establishment process in this multilateral environment brings forth new information on US foreign policy goals, the means to achieve these goals, as well as its relations to other advanced industrialized societies before the time of détente, during the 1960s and early 1970s. Furthermore, the substance of the institute applied systems analysis illuminates the differences between European and American methodological thinking in social planning. Systems analysis is closely associated with (American) science and technology policies of the 1960s, especially in its military administrative applications, thus analysis within the foreign policy environment of the United States proved particularly fruitful. In the 1960s the institutional structures of European continent with faltering, and the growing tendencies of integration were in flux. One example of this was the long, drawn-out process of British membership in the EEC, another is de Gaulle s withdrawal from NATO s military-political cooperation. On the other hand, however, economic cooperation in Europe between East and West, and especially with the Soviet Union was expanding rapidly. This American initiative to form a new institutional actor has to be seen in that structural context, showing that bridge building was needed not only to the East, but also to the West. The narrative amounts to an analysis of how the United States managed both cooperation and conflict in its hegemonic aspirations in the emerging modern world, and how it used its special relationship with the United Kingdom to achieve its goals. The research is based on the archives of the United States, Great Britain, Sweden, Finland, and IIASA. The primary sources have been complemented with both contemporary and present day research literature, periodicals, and interviews.

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With more than two decades of weak economic performance since the bubble burst in the ‘90s, the Japanese deflationary scenario has become the economic fate every developed economy fears to become. As the euro area continues to experience sustained low inflation, studying the Japanese monetary policy may shed light on how to prevent persistent deflation. Using an SVAR methodology to understand the monetary transmission mechanism, we find some evidence that the euro area may possess characteristics that would eventually lead to a deflationary scenario. The extent of whether it would suffer the same Japanese fate would depend on how macroeconomic policies are timely coordinated as a response to its liquidity problem and increasing public debt across member states.

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This paper was prepared for the conference on "China into the twenty-first century: Strategic partner and...or peer competitor"