Makt, konst, elit - konstfältets positioner, relationer och resurser i 1940- och 1950-talens Helsingfors

The dissertation examines the power mechanisms and institutional power hierarchies of the 1940s-1950s era arts elite in Helsinki and their influence on issues of taste in the visual arts. For the purposes of this study, the elite is understood to consist mainly of the board members of the principal elected bodies in the field of the arts. The theoretical framework employed is based on Pierre Bourdieu s field theory and the network perspective. The author has examined what the key, pervasive valuations were that governed the exercising of power by the arts elite in issues of taste, involving determination of who was an acknowledged artist and what was good art. The dissertation demonstrates that this exercising of power was governed by certain collective practices which maintained the illusion that the exercising of power was democratic and based on artistic quality. These practices were the corporate system, using artistic arguments in issues of taste, and using networks in the exercising of power. The struggle in the field of the arts was about who ultimately was entitled to define the value of contemporary art; the issue did not arise regarding historical art. Artists managed to gain a leading position as gatekeepers in issues regarding contemporary art. The author discusses a number of conflicts in the field of the arts that highlight the institutional hierarchies and the capital held by the various players. The structural changes that occurred in administration in the field of cultural production in the 1950s led to the separation of bureaucratic competence on the one hand and aesthetic competence on the other. There was a hierarchy in the field of the arts between institutions, between instruments of legitimisation, and between the symbolic and social capital of players in the field. The hierarchy in the arts ultimately depended on how well the elite could influence tastes through the instruments at their disposal. The various instruments of legitimisation grants, purchases, etc. were ranked differently in the evaluation of acknowledged artists and good art. The dissertation discusses what values, in the form of types of symbolic capital, the arts elite embraced and what role these played in the elite s exercising of power, with particular focus on gender, language, region and economic capital. The aesthetic capital of an artist was of only minor importance in the exercising of power by the arts elite. The dissertation further discusses the points of contact between the arts elite and players in other fields, such as the economic, media and consumer fields. When the arts elite, through the Academy of Fine Arts, became an active player in the art market, this led to a hierarchy where the division between acknowledged and not-acknowledged galleries became sharper.

Shanghai Collection 1924 - 1950

The collection relates to life in the ghetto and includes materials on: founding of the ghetto; relief groups such as JDC, ORT, HIAS, and SACRA (Shanghai Ashkenazic Collaborating Relief Association); political organizations such as Zionist groups, the Bund; the rabbinate; the sick and benevolent society; kitchen fund; commercial establishments; religious schools , secular schools; professional associations; art, theater and music activities; Jewish press; emigration from Shanghai after World War II. There are also manuscript histories of the Shanghai Ghetto.

Aika ennen aluepolitiikkaa. Pohjoisen kehityshankkeet ja alueiden kehittämisen idea 1950-luvun Suomessa

The dissertation focuses on the recognition of the problems of uneven regional development in Finland in the 1950s, and the way the idea of controlling this development was introduced to Finnish politics. Since it is often stated that Finnish regional policy only began in the mid-1960s, the period at hand is considered to fall in the time before regional policy. However, various ideas, plans and projects of regional development as well as different aims of development were brought forward and discussed already in the 1950s. These give an interesting perspective to the ideas of later regional development. In the 1950s, many Finnish politicians became more conscious of the unavoidable societal change. The need for overall modernisation of the society made it reasonable to expect a growing level of unemployment and eagerness to migration. The uneven distribution of well-being was also feared to cause discontent and political changes. International experience proved interfering in the regional development possible when using the argument of public interest ; the measures taken increased the level of well-being, helped sustain societal balance, and supported national economy. Many of the development projects of the 1950s focused on Northern Finland, the natural resources of which were considered an important reserve and the political climate of which was regarded unstable. After the late 1940s, regional development was discussed frequently both on the national and the regional level. Direct and indirect support was given to less developed areas and the government outlined thorough investigations in order to relieve the regional problem. Towards the end of the decade, the measures taken were already often connected to the idea of equality. In the 1950s the conflicts within and between the largest Finnish political parties significantly affected the decisions of regional development. There are three case studies in this qualitative research based on the narrative method. The case studies clarify the characteristics of the 1950s regional development. In the first one, the representatives of the northern region and the state first discuss the location of a state-run nitrogen fertilizer factory and later the location of a new university. In the second, the aims and perspectives of private entrepreneurs and the state collide due to ideas of statist industrialisation projects and later due to an idea of a tax relief targeting northern industry. In the third case, the main role is given to the changing rural areas, in relation to which societal development and urbanisation were often measured. The regional development of the 1950s laid groundwork for the new, more established regional policy. The early problem solving actions were aimed both at the prevailing situation and the future and thus showed the way for the upcoming actions. Regional development policy existed already before regional policy.

Graduate School for Jewish Social Work (New York, N.Y.) records, undated, 1925-1950.

The collection consists of records of the administration of the school; records of a Lower East Side documentation project, including photographs; and letters from a project on the Men's and Women's Department of Der Tag. The collection is arranged in four series: Series I. Administration, Series II. Committee on Research, Series III. Der Tag Project, and Series IV. East Side Project.

Milton Weill papers, 1918-1950.

Contains correspondence, memoranda, speeches, etc. to various departments on the National Jewish Welfare Board, the Anti-Defamation League, and the Jewish War Veterans of the U.S. relating to Jewish personnel in the U.S. Armed Forces during World War II and concerned with public relations, anti-Semitism and discrimination, the chaplaincy, etc.; includes also published articles and radio addresses for the same period and extensive correspondence with Rabbi Milton Steinberg from 1946 to 1950, as well as material by and about Rabbi Steinberg. The collection also contains personal family correspondence while Weill was serving overseas during World War I, memorabilia and a scrapbook relating to these military experiences, and undated typescript copies of dramatic sketches.

Eva Stroh Family Collection 1860-2005 Bulk: 1912-1950

The Eva Stroh Family Collection provides material on the lives and family history of members of the Sondheimer and Stroh families. The collection consists of numerous photos and several photo albums, family trees, official documents, correspondence, published articles and clippings and some notes, a notebook documenting cultural activities and some daily calendars.

Socialist Realism instead of Formalism : the Formation and Development of the Soviet Music Control System 1932-1950

Whereas it has been widely assumed in the public that the Soviet music policy system had a “top-down” structure of control and command that directly affected musical creativity, in fact my research shows that the relations between the different levels of the music policy system were vague, and the viewpoints of its representatives differed from each other. Because the representatives of the party and government organs controlling operas could not define which kind of music represented Socialist Realism, the system as it developed during the 1930s and 1940s did not function effectively enough in order to create such a centralised control of Soviet music, still less could Soviet operas fulfil the highly ambiguous aesthetics of Socialist Realism. I show that musical discussions developed as bureaucratic ritualistic arenas, where it became more important to reveal the heretical composers, making scapegoats of them, and requiring them to perform self-criticism, than to give directions on how to reach the artistic goals of Socialist Realism. When one opera was found to be unacceptable, this lead to a strengthening of control by the party leadership, which lead to more operas, one after the other, to be revealed as failures. I have studied the control of the composition, staging and reception of the opera case-studies, which remain obscure in the West despite a growing scholarly interest in them, and have created a detailed picture of the foundation and development of the Soviet music control system in 1932-1950. My detailed discussion of such case-studies as Ivan Dzerzhinskii’s The Quiet Don, Dmitrii Shostakovich’s Lady Macbeth of Mtsensk District, Vano Muradeli’s The Great Friendship, Sergei Prokofiev’s Story of a Real Man, Tikhon Khrennikov’s Frol Skobeev and Evgenii Zhukovskii’s From All One’s Heart backs with documentary precision the historically revisionist model of the development of Soviet music. In February 1948, composers belonging to the elite of the Union of Soviet Composers, e.g. Dmitri Shostakovich and Sergei Prokofiev, were accused in a Central Committee Resolution of formalism, as been under the influence of western modernism. Accusations of formalism were connected to the criticism of the conciderable financial, material and social privileges these composers enjoyed in the leadership of the Union. With my new archival findings I give a more detailed picture of the financial background for the 1948 campaign. The independent position of the music funding organization of the Union of Soviet Composers (Muzfond) to decide on its finances was an exceptional phenomenon in the Soviet Union and contradicted the strivings to strengthen the control of Soviet music. The financial audits of the Union of Soviet Composers did not, however, change the elite status of some of its composers, except for maybe a short duration in some cases. At the same time the independence of the significal financial authorities of Soviet theatres was restricted. The cuts in the governmental funding allocated to Soviet theatres contradicted the intensified ideological demands for Soviet operas.

Kädestä suuhun : Makro- ja mikrotaloudellinen tarkastelu suomalaisten kotitalouksien säästämisestä ja sen mittaamisesta 1950-luvulla

This study is divided into two parts: a methodological part and a part which focuses on the saving of households. In the 1950 s both the concepts as well as the household surveys themselves went through a rapid change. The development of national accounts was motivated by the Keynesian theory and the 1940 s and 1950 s were an important time for the development of the national accounts. Before this, saving was understood as cash money or money deposited in bank accounts but the changes in this era led to the establishment of the modern saving concept. Separate from the development of national accounts, household surveys were established. Household surveys have been conducted in Finland from the beginning of the 20th century. At that time surveys were conducted in order to observe the working class living standard and as a result, these were based on the tradition of welfare studies. Also a motivation for undertaking the studies was to estimate weights for the consumer price index. A final reason underpinning the government s interest in observing this data regarded whether there were any reasons for the working class to become radicalised and therefore adopt revolutionary ideas. As the need for the economic analysis increased and the data requirements underlying the political decision making process also expanded, the two traditions and thus, the two data sources started to integrate. In the 1950s the household surveys were compiled distinctly from the national accounts and they were virtually unaffected by economic theory. The 1966 survey was the first study that was clearly motivated by national accounts and saving analysis. This study also covered the whole population rather than it being limited to just part of it. It is essential to note that the integration of these two traditions is still continuing. This recently took a big step forward as the Stiglitz, Sen and Fitoussi Committee Report was introduced and thus, the criticism of the current measure of welfare was taken seriously. The Stiglitz report emphasises that the focus in the measurement of welfare should be on the households and the macro as well as micro perspective should be included in the analysis. In this study the national accounts are applied to the household survey data from the years 1950-51, 1955-56 and 1959-60. The first two studies cover the working population of towns and market towns and the last survey covers the population of rural areas. The analysis is performed at three levels: macro economic level, meso level, i.e. at the level of different types of households, and micro level, i.e. at the level of individual households. As a result it analyses how the different households saved and consumed and how that changed during the 1950 s.

On the principles of Japanese forest policy since 1950.

XVIII IUFRO World Congress, Ljubljana 1986.

Päivikin sadusta Metsolan lapsiin : Aili Somersalon lastenkirjojen nimistö 1910-luvulta 1950-luvulle

Tutkielmassa selvitetään, millaiset piirteet ovat tyypillisiä Aili Somersalon kirjoittamien satuteosten nimistölle. Tarkasteltavana on 274 nimeä, jotka on poimittu kymmenestä Somersalon vuosina 1918 1951 julkaistusta lastenkirjasta. Nimiaineisto on jaettu kuuteen eri kategoriaan: ihmisten nimiin, eläinten nimiin, kuvitteellisiin nimiin, fantastisten satuolentojen nimiin, paikannimiin ja lainanimiin. Tutkielmassa keskitytään nimien rakenteellisten piirteiden ja funktioiden erittelyyn. Tämän lisäksi pohditaan, kuinka nimet ovat motivoituneet ja muuttuuko kirjailijan nimenanto vuosikymmenten aikana. Tutkielmassa sivutaan myös nimen ja nimityksen välistä rajaa sekä kyseenalaistetaan iso alkukirjain proprin tunnusmerkkinä kaunokirjallisessa kontekstissa. Aineiston nimille tyypillisiä rakenteellisia piirteitä ovat yksinimisyys, yhdysnimirakenne ja nimien kaksiosaisuus, appellatiivisuus ja adjektiivien esiintyminen nimenä tai nimenosana, johtimien käyttö sekä erilaiset äänteelliset piirteet. Nimen perustehtävän, identifioinnin, lisäksi aineiston nimet pyrkivät kuvailemaan, luokittelemaan ja lokalisoimaan tarkoitteitaan. Vuosikymmenten aikana teosten nimimäärä kasvaa maltillisesti. Teosten sisältämissä konventionaalisissa nimissä näkyy kulloisenkin vuosikymmenen nimimuoti. Merkillepantavaa on myös teoksissa esiintyvä hahmojen samanimisyys. Mielenkiintoisen lisän analyysiin tuovat aineiston lainanimet, jotka ovat peräisin paitsi universaalista satuperinteestä, myös suomalaisesta kansanmytologiasta ja Kalevalasta. Kansallisromanttisuus näkyy myös teoksiin valikoituneissa konventionaalisissa nimissä, joista suuri osa on omakielisiä. Kirjailija on lainannut teoksiinsa nimiä myös omasta elämänpiiristään. Somersalon nimenmuodostus nojaa vahvasti leksikkoon. Aineiston nimien ja nimitysten välinen raja ei ole yksiselitteinen, ja aineiston voikin luonnehtia koostuvan nimityksen kaltaisista nimistä ja nimen kaltaisista nimityksistä. Kaiken kaikkiaan aineiston nimet ovat hyvin informatiivisia, tarkoitteen fyysisiä tai mentaalisia ominaisuuksia kuvailevia, ja toimivat olennaisena osana tarinankerrontaa. Nimet kielivät kirjailijan kannattamasta ideologiasta, ja kytkeytyvät siten myös reaalimaailmaan. Vaikka kirjailijan nimenanto on osin huolimatonta, on se silti selvästi harkittua. Aili Somersalon luoma nimimaisema on omalakinen ja tunnistettava.

Hyvinvointivaltion läpimurto : Pienviljelyhegemonian rapautumisen, kansalaisliikehdinnän ja poliittisen murroksen keskinäiset suhteet suomalaisessa yhteiskunnassa 1950-luvun loppuvuosina

A Breakthrough of Welfare State. The inter-relationships of the civic movement, political transformation, and eroding of a hegemony based on small scale farming in the Finnish society in the late 1950's. The unusually rapid and powerful structural change; the non-parliamentary civic movements of 1956 - 1963; and the left majority in the Finnish parliament between 1958 - 1962 all took place as the Finnish welfare state started to develop. The aim of my research is to analyse the inter-relationships of these processes. The research describes the way the former semi self-sufficient, semi-proletarian and labour-intensive form of production - a simple and discriminatory system in itself - made it possible for the majority of the population to survive through hard work. For some it even provided a possibility to prosper. The waning vitality of semi self-sufficiency and small scale agriculture triggered a political ferment and started a period of searching for something new. The process was so intense that it broke up most of the parties and tore down the old consensus that was based on the power of economic and political elite. The most crucial battle of the great transformation was waged over the nature of the state: Should we build a welfare state and construct social security systems, or should we revert to the old night watchman state and, for example, cancel the modest forms of redistribution of income carried out in the 1950's? The people joining the civic movements were either cottagers of the impoverishing countryside or, quite often, people who had come from the countryside and thus had grown up under conditions of some form of solidarity that included taking care of one's own family. The Finnish social insurance developed in the midst of a change in the structure of production of the society, and it became a compromise to satisfy the needs of both the waning society of small scale agriculture and the rising proletarian society based on wage labour. The hodgepodge of political schemes and use of power became a battle between different notions of the economy and the state; the distribution of national income; and the position of Finland in the international context. This battle created a shape of an interregnum - a period of transformation including two notions of society, two alternative paths for the future and the logic of a correctional move. The transformation of Finland from a poor developing country into a prosperous society has been praised as a success story. In 1956 - 1959, when the old form of governance based on the interests of small scale agriculture and wood processing industry was in decay, and when the future seemed uncertain, the projects to reduce social benefits and efforts to distribute national income even more unequally than before led to a powerful counter-movement by citizens and started an hegemonic change and a equal socia development.

Deutschland, Deutschland über alles : Tysk föreningsverksamhet i Finland och Sverige 1910-1950

The voluntary associations dealt with in this dissertation were ethnic clubs and societies promoting the interests of German immigrants in Finland and Sweden. The associations were founded at the end of the 19th century as well as at the beginning of the 20th century during a time in which migration was high, the civil society grew rapidly and nationalism flourished. The work includes over 70 different associations in Finland and Sweden with a number of members ranging from ten to at most 2, 500. The largest and most important associations were situated in Helsinki and Stockholm where also most of the German immigrants lived. The main aim of this work is to explore to what extent and how the changes in government in Germany during 1910 to 1950 were reflected in the structures and participants, financial resources and meeting places, networks and activities of the German associations in Finland and Sweden. The study also deals with how a collective German national identity was created within the German associations. The period between 1910 and 1950 has been described by Hobsbawm as the apogee of nationalism. Nationalism and transnationalism are therefore key elements in the work. Additionally the research deals with theories about associations, networking and identity. The analysis is mostly based on minutes of meetings, descriptions of festivities, annual reports and historical outlines about the associations. Archival sources from the German legations, the German Foreign Office, and Finnish and Swedish officials such as the police and the Foreign Offices are also used. The study shows that the collective national identity in the associations during the Weimar Republic mostly went back to the time of the Wilhelmine Empire. It is argued that this fact, the cultural propaganda and the aims of the Weimar Republic to strengthen the contacts between Germany and the German associations abroad, and the role of the German legations and envoys finally helped the small groups of NSDAP to infiltrate, systematically coordinate and finally centralize the German associational life in Finland and Sweden. The Gleichschaltung did not go as smoothly as the party wanted, though. There was a small but consistent opposition that continued to exist in Finland until 1941 and in Sweden until 1945. The collective national identity was displayed much more in Sweden than in Finland, where the associations kept a lower profile. The reasons for the profile differences can be found in the smaller number of German immigrants in Finland and the greater German propaganda in Sweden, but also in the Finnish association act from 1919 and the changes in it during the 1920s and 1930s. Finally, the research shows how the loss of two world wars influenced the associations. It argues that 1918 made the German associations more vulnerable to influence from Germany, whereas 1945 brought the associational life back to where it once started as welfare, recreational and school associations.