Towards Multiculturalism in Turkish Public Service Broadcasting

The announcement of Turkey as a European Union (EU) candidate country in the Helsinki Summit (10, 11 December 1999) marked a distinct change of identity policy and attitudes towards its citizens. A result in the shift of mindset has been the launch of the first public service broadcasting TV channel for Kurdish people on the 1st of January 2009. TRT 6 (Şeş) broadcasting in unofficial Kurdish language is run by Turkish Radio and Television Corporation (TRT). The thesis attempts to elaborate on the discussions surrounding the launch of TRT 6, Turkey’s first public service broadcasting TV channel for its Kurdish citizens. The research aims at finding the discourses of multiculturalism and public service broadcasting through the mainstream Turkish newspapers, Cumhuriyet, Hurriyet, Sabah, Taraf and Zaman. The method used for the research is Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and the representative newspapers of the Turkish print media are under the question: How has the launch of TRT 6, as the first public service broadcasting channel of Turkey in Kurdish language, been discussed by Turkish daily newspapers in terms of multiculturalism and minority media? The most significant results of the research is that the concerning newspapers have mostly discussed the launch of TRT 6 in the same line with their political affiliation. Thus it is comprehensively concluded that the selected newspapers proved holding a high level of political parallelism, and low professionalism. However, it should be noted that Taraf differs itself from others while challenging the hegemonic discourses embedded in the articles of the other newspapers. Moreover, the study detected three types of discourses: Pro-multiculturalism discourse, Unification discourse, and Assimilation discourse. It can be concluded that in Turkey, media owners and even individual journalists have incentives to form ideological alliances with political parties, and media appears to be an instrument of power struggle. Today, Turkey seems to restore Kurdish identity in its identity policy and aims to proceed with the negotiation for membership of the European Union (EU). The country still strives to transform from the traditional nation-state to a multiethnic democratic state, with multiculturalism as a policy discussed throughout the two terms that the AKP government has been in power. However, this transformation is not an easy process because of the deep-rooted traditions of the nation-state structure that has also polarized the Turkish press.

An Axiom of Military Law : Applicability of National Criminal Law to Military Personnel and Associated Civilians Abroad

States regularly deploy elements of their armed forces abroad. When that happens, the military personnel concerned largely remain governed by the penal law of the State that they serve. This extraterritorial extension of national criminal law, which has been treated as axiomatic in domestic law and ignored by international law scholarship, is the subject of this dissertation. The first part of the study considers the ambit of national criminal law without any special regard to the armed forces. It explores the historical development of the currently prevailing system of territorial law and looks at the ambit that national legal systems claim today. Turning then to international law, the study debunks the oddly persistent belief that States enjoy a freedom to extend their laws to extraterritorial conduct as they please, and that they are in this respect constrained only by some specific prohibitions in international law. Six arguments historical, empirical, ideological, functional, doctrinal and systemic are advanced to support a contrary view: that States are prohibited from extending the reach of their legal systems abroad, unless they can rely on a permissive principle of international law for doing so. The second part of the study deals specifically with State jurisdiction in a military context, that is to say, as applied to military personnel in the strict sense (service members) and various civilians serving with or accompanying the forces (associated civilians). While the status of armed forces on foreign soil has transformed from one encapsulated in the customary concept of extraterritoriality to a modern regulation of immunities granted by treaties, elements of armed forces located abroad usually do enjoy some degree of insulation from the legal system of the host State. As a corollary, they should generally remain covered by the law of their own State. The extent of this extraterritorial extension of national law is revealed in a comparative review of national legislation, paying particular attention to recent legal reforms in the United States and the United Kingdom two states that have sought to extend the scope of their national law to cover the conduct of military contractor personnel. The principal argument of the dissertation is that applying national criminal law to service members and associated civilians abroad is distinct from other extraterritorial claims of jurisdiction (in particular, the nationality principle or the protective principle of jurisdiction). The service jurisdiction over the armed forces has a distinct aim: ensuring the coherence and indivisibility of the forces and maintaining discipline. Furthermore, the exercise of service jurisdiction seeks to reduce the chances of the State itself becoming internationally liable for the conduct of its service members and associated civilians. Critically, the legal system of the troop-deploying State, by extending its reach abroad, seeks to avoid accountability gaps that might result from immunities from host State law.

Vapaussodan perintö : Valkoisuus paikallisyhteisössä sisältö, ylläpitäjät ja rapautuminen Iisalmessa 1918 1933

Legacy of the Finnish Civil War. White nationalism in a local community - content, supporters and disintegration in Iisalmi 1918 - 1933. Using one local community (Iisalmi) as an example, this study centres around the winners of the 1918 Finnish Civil War, exploring their collectivity its subsequent breakdown during 1918 - 1933. Referring to this collectivity by the methodological concept of white nationalism, the thesis first discusses its origin, content and forms. This is done by elucidating the discourses and symbols that came to constitute central ideological and ritualistic elements of white nationalism. Next, the thesis describes and analyzes fundamental actors of the Finnish civil society (such as White Guard and Lotta Svärd) that maintained white nationalism as a form of counter or parallel hegemony to the integration policy of the 1920s. Also highlighted is the significance of white nationalism as a power broker and an instrument of moral regulation in inter-war Finnish society. A third contribution of this thesis involves presenting a new interpretation of the legacy of the Civil War, i.e., the right-wing radicalism during the years 1919 - 1933. I shall describe attempts of the extreme right (Lapua Movement and IKL, Patriotic People s Movement) to use the white nationalism discourse as a vehicle for their political ambitions, as well as the strong counter-reaction these attempts induced among other middle-class groups. At the core of this research is the concept of white nationalism, whose key elements were the sacrifice of 1918, fatherland under threat and warrior citizenship. Winners of the civil war strove to blend these ideals into a homogenized culture, to which the working class and wavering members of the middle-class were coaxed and pressurized to subscribe. The thesis draws on Anglo-American symbol theories, theory of social identity groups, Antonio Gramsci s concept of cultural hegemony and Stuart Hall s approach to discourse and power.

Notions of Nation : A Critical Discursive Psychology perspective on the Isle of Man

At the the heart of this study can be seen the dual concern of how the nation is represented as a categorical entity and how this is put to use in everyday social interactions.This can be seen as a reaction to the general approach to categorisation and identity functions that tend to be reified and essentialized within the social sciences. The empirical focus of this study is the Isle of Man, a crown dependency situated geographically central within the British Isles while remaining political outside the United Kingdom. The choice of this site was chosen explicitly as ‘notions of nation’ expressed on the island can be seen as being contested and ephemerally unstable. To get at these ‘notions of nation’ is was necessary to choose specific theoretical tools that were able to capture the wider cultural and representational domain while being capable of addressing the nuanced and functional aspects of interaction. As such, the main theoretical perspective used within this study was that of critical discursive psychology which incorporates the specific theoretical tools interpretative repertoires, ideological dilemmas and subject positions. To supplement these tools, a discursive approach to place was taken in tandem to address the form and function of place attached to nationhood. Two methods of data collection were utilized, that of computer mediated communication and acquaintance interviews. From the data a number of interpretative repertoires were proposed, namely being, essential rights, economic worth, heritage claims, conflict orientation, people-as-nation and place-as-nation. Attached to such interpretative repertoires were the ideological dilemmas region vs. country, people vs. place and individualism vs. collectivism. The subject positions found are much more difficult to condense, but the most significant ones were gender, age and parentage. The final focus of the study, that of place, was shown to be more than just an unreflected on ‘container’ of people but was significant in terms of the rhetorical construction of such places for how people saw themselves and the discursive function of the particular interaction. As such, certain forms of place construction included size, community, temporal, economic, safety, political and recognition. A number of conclusions were drawn from the above which included, that when looking at nation categories we should take into account the specific meanings that people attach to such concepts and to be aware of the particular uses they are put to in interaction. Also, that it is impossible to separate concepts neatly, but it is necessary to be aware of the intersection where concepts cross, and clash, when looking at nationhood.

Rauhan atomi, sodan koodi : Suomalaisen atomivoimaratkaisun teknopolitiikka 1955-1970

This dissertation investigates the atomic power solution in Finland between 1955 - 1970. During these years a national arrangement for atomic energy technology evolved. The foundations of the Finnish atomic energy policy; the creation of basic legislation and the first governmental bodies, were laid between 1955 - 1965. In the late 1960's, the necessary technological and political decisions were made in order to purchase the first commercial nuclear reactor. A historical narration of this process is seen in the international context of "atoms for peace" policies and Cold War history in general. The geopolitical position of Finland made it necessary to become involved in the balanced participation in international scientific-technical exchange and assistive nuclear programs. The Paris Peace Treaty of 1947 categorically denied Finland acquisition of nuclear weapons. Accordingly, from the "Geneva year" of 1955, the emphasis was placed on peaceful purposes for atomic energy as well as on the education of national professionals in Finland. An initiative for the governmental atomic energy commission came from academia but the ultimate motive behind it was an anticipated structural change in the supply of national energy. Economically exploitable hydro power resources were expected to be built within ten years and atomic power was seen as a promising and complementing new energy technology. While importing fuels like coal was out of the question, because of scarce foreign currency, domestic uranium mineral deposits were considered as a potential source of nuclear fuel. Nevertheless, even then nuclear energy was regarded as just one of the possible future energy options. In the mid-1960 s a bandwagon effect of light water reactor orders was witnessed in the United States and soon elsewhere in the world. In Finland, two separate invitations for bids for nuclear reactors were initiated. This study explores at length both their preceding grounds and later phases. An explanation is given that the parallel, independent and nearly identical tenders reflected a post-war ideological rivalry between the state-owned utility Imatran Voima and private energy utilities. A private sector nuclear power association Voimayhdistys Ydin represented energy intensive paper and pulp industries and wanted to have free choice instead of being associated themselves with "the state monopoly" in energy pricing. As a background to this, a decisive change had started to happen within Finnish energy policy: private and municipal big thermal power plants became incorporated into the national hydro power production system. A characteristic phenomenon in the later history is the Soviet Union s effort to bid for the tender of Imatran Voima. A nuclear superpower was willing to take part in competition but not on a turnkey basis as Imatran Voima had presumed. As a result of many political turns and four years of negotiations the first Finnish commercial light water reactor was ordered from the East. Soon after this the private nuclear power group ordered its reactors from Sweden. This work interprets this as a reasonable geopolitical balance in choosing politically sensitive technology. Conceptually, social and political dimensions of new technology are emphasised. Negotiations on the Finnish atomic energy program are viewed as a cooperation and a struggle, where state-oriented and private-oriented regimes pose their own macro level views and goals (technopolitical imaginaries) and defend and advance their plans and practical modes of action (schemata). Here, not only technologists but even political actors are seen to contribute to technopolitical realisations.

Kansan raittiudeksi ja kotien onneksi : Naisten kieltolakimielipiteet ja toiminta kieltolain puolesta ja sitä vastaan 1919 - 1932

It is often maintained that the Prohibition Act (in force from 1 June 1919 to 5 April 1932) still influences both the Finnish alcohol policy and notions about alcohol. This study focuses on the development of women s opinions concerning Prohibition in Finland. What role did the formulation and expression of women s opinions and women's actions play in the final outcome of the Prohibition Act? What do the debate on Prohibition and women s activities for and against the legislation tell us about the status and possibilities of women to exert influence in the Finnish society of the Prohibition era? Women s opinions are particularly interesting since they deviated radically from what has generally been assumed. It was expected that the referendum of 1931 would result in a resounding vote of 100% in favour of Prohibition, but the outcome was a majority vote against it. Over 65% of the women who cast their vote in the referendum wanted a full repeal of Prohibition. The study approaches the history of Prohibition by combining methods and theories of the history of mentalities and social history with gender history. Women are examined as a heterogeneous group with dissimilar objectives and differing ways of acting and thinking. The research material consists of press materials, archival materials from organisations, personal materials and statistics from the Prohibition period. Both discourses and practices are examined; the object of the research is best described by Michel Foucault's concept of dispositif. When participating in the public debate on Prohibition, women based their right to express their opinions and take part in action on an ideological continuum spanning a hundred years, according to which home and family were central areas of women s interest. This idea was linked to questions of morality and social policy. On the other hand, women presented themselves as working taxpayers, voters and equal citizens. The most crucial issue in women's discussions was whether Prohibition improved or worsened the temperance of fathers, husbands and sons. The dichotomies town dweller - countryside dweller, Swedish-speaking Finnish-speaking, and middle class - working class were highly significant backgrounds both as factors dividing women and in public discussions regarding Prohibition. The 1931 referendum showed that the lines of demarcation drawn during the preceding debate did not materialise in political action in line with these dichotomies: the dispositif did not correspond to the discourse. Contrary to what was expressed in public, a great number of women among the labour and rural classes, among inland inhabitants and among Finnish-speakers were also against Prohibition. The media and organisations defended temperance and Prohibition almost until the end of the Prohibition era. This discourse was in conflict with the discourse of everyday conversations and practices in which alcohol was present.

Trade Blocs and the Cold War : The CMEA and the EC challenge, 1969-1976

The coherence of the Soviet bloc was seriously tested at the turn of the 1970s, as the Soviet Union and its allies engaged in intensive negotiations over their relations with the European Communities (EC). In an effort to secure their own national economic interests many East European countries began independent manoeuvres against the wishes of their bloc leader. However, much of the intra-bloc controversy was kept out of the public eye, as the battle largely took place behind the scenes, within the organisation for economic cooperation, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA). The CMEA policy-making process vis-à-vis the EC is described in this study with reference to primary archival materials. This study investigates the negotiating positions and powers of the CMEA member states in their efforts to deal with the economic challenge created by the progress of the EC, as it advanced towards the customs union. This entails an analysis of the functioning principles and performance of the CMEA machinery. The study traces the CMEA negotiations that began in 1970 over its policy toward the EC. The policy was finally adopted in 1974, and was followed by the first official meeting between the two organisations in early 1975. The story ends in 1976, when the CMEA s efforts to enter into working relations with the EC were seemingly frustrated by the latter. The first major finding of the study is that, contrary to much of the prior research, the Soviet Union was not in a hegemonic position vis-à-vis its allies. It had to use a lot of its resources to tame the independent manoeuvring of its smaller allies. Thus, the USSR was not the kind of bloc leader that the totalitarian literature has described. Because the Soviet Union had to spend so much attention on its own bloc-politics, it was not able to concentrate on formulating a policy vis-à-vis the EC. Thus, the Soviet leadership was dependent on its allies in those instances when the socialist countries needed to act as a bloc. This consequently opened up the possibility for the USSR s allies to manoeuvre. This study also argues that when the CMEA did manage to find a united position, it was a force that the EC had to reckon with in its policy-making. This was particularly the case in the implementation of the EC Common Commercial Policy. The other main finding of the study is that, although it has been largely neglected in the previous literature on the history of West European integration, the CMEA did in fact have an effect on EC decision-making. This study shows how for political and ideological reasons the CMEA members did not acknowledge the EC s supranational authority. Therefore the EC had no choice but to refrain from implementing its Common Commercial Policy in full.

Actividades de las autoridades argentinas y la embajada española sobre los anarquistas antes de la Ley de Residencia

Resumen: El presente trabajo investiga la actuación de la Embajada de España con respecto a la entrada a la Argentina de inmigrantes con antecedentes anarquistas durante fines del siglo XIX y los primeros dos años del siglo XX. Registra además el interés por seguir los movimientos de dichos inmigrantes en el país. Se destaca el rol de la documentación diplomática, mediante la cual la Embajada española se mantenía en permanente contacto con el gobierno central, con las autoridades argentinas y con los consulados del interior para intercambiar información. A través de las fuentes se puede observar la labor de “inteligencia ideológica” que se realizó y el detallado conocimiento que se tenía sobre los anarquistas, sus vías de traslado hacia nuestro país, sus profesiones, paraderos, domicilios, relaciones, y las minuciosas descripciones físicas de los sospechados. En esta política se nota la coparticipación entre la Embajada de España y las instituciones argentinas para desligarse de elementos que denominaban “no deseados”. También se consideran las relaciones entre el anarquismo argentino y el español, así como la importancia de la prensa revolucionaria, aun sobre la misma España. La vigilancia que ejercía la Embajada española sobre los inmigrantes, el control sobre los anarquistas españoles en la Argentina y la influencia de éstos sobre los sucesos de la Península demuestran a las claras la preocupación del gobierno hispano en la cuestión.

Viejos problemas en ciudades nuevas : La Plata: agua potable y problemas sanitarios en la época fundacional

Resumen: La fundación de la ciudad de La Plata tiene por lo menos una doble significación. En primer lugar puso fin a décadas de desencuentros entre las autoridades nacionales y provinciales por la llamada “cuestión capital” que tuvo su primer hito en la federalización de la ciudad de Buenos Aires en 1880. En segundo lugar La Plata era una ciudad nueva, pensada y diseñada para superar los problemas que asolaban a las ciudades viejas. Uno de estos problemas que recibió particular atención por parte de los “fundadores” fue el suministro de agua e instalaciones sanitarias. No obstante su resolución planteaba serios problemas técnicos y un elevado coste económico. Estos primeros años de vida platense estuvieron marcados por el auge de la llamada higiene social fundada por las transformaciones producidas por la revolución pasteuriana y la resignificación ideológica de las causas sociales que originan la enfermedad. En este sentido, la higiene social retoma el viejo cuerpo programático de la higiene pública: agua, recolección de residuos, pavimentos (causas directas) pero agrega otros ligados a las "causas indirectas": salarios, alojamientos, condiciones de trabajo de los obreros. Nosotros analizaremos cómo los profesionales responsables de la administración de la ciudad de La Plata entendieron y enfrentaron el problema del suministro de agua potable en un núcleo urbano que experimentaba un formidable crecimiento demográfico.

Los Castigos de Catón y los Proverbios de Salamón : continuidad y renovación en la tradición tardía del mester de clerecía

Integran este número de la revista ponencias presentadas en Studia Hispanica Medievalia VIII: Actas de las IX Jornadas Internacionales de Literatura Española Medieval, 2008, y de Homenaje al Quinto Centenario de Amadis de Gaula.

La fundamentación eugenésica del artículo 86, inc. 2, del Código Penal y el fallo “F., A. L. s/medida autosatisfactiva” : convalidación de una teoría aberrante

Resumen: Este artículo analiza el fallo del 13 de marzo de 2012 de la Corte Suprema de Justicia de la Nación, en los autos “F., A. L. s/ medida autosatisfactiva”, en el cual el máximo tribunal argentino adoptó la interpretación amplia del Artículo 86, inciso 2, del Código Penal, a la luz de la “voluntad del legislador histórico”; teniendo en cuenta que la misma Corte la invoca en sus fundamentos para fallar a favor de la constitucionalidad del inciso referido. Se parte de entender el contexto histórico e ideológico de las primeras décadas del siglo XX, tanto a nivel nacional como internacional, del cual surge la influencia que tuvo la eugenesia en los ámbitos científicos, académicos y jurídicos. Teoría que tenía por objetivo la búsqueda del “perfeccionamiento” de la especie humana, lo que implicaba descartar a los seres humanos más débiles, imperfectos o defectuosos. Dentro de este contexto se impulsó la modificación del Código Penal, por lo que es central para entender la “voluntad del legislador histórico” el Informe de la Comisión de Códigos del Senado de la Nación, de 1920, que receptó claramente las ideas eugenésicas, siendo el Artículo 86, inc. 2, un claro ejemplo de ello. El mencionado informe demuestra que la verdadera motivación de los legisladores para incluir la no punibilidad del aborto en este inciso fue que no nacieran “seres anormales o degenerados”, no hay una sola mención a la situación de la mujer embarazada y de los perjuicios que un embarazo en estas condiciones le podrían acarrear.

El discurso en cuestión: la afirmación de la ideología señorial en el discurso jurídico castellano bajomedieval (el caso del manuscrito 431 de la BNM)

Integran este número de la revista ponencias presentadas en Studia Hispanica Medievalia VIII: Actas de las IX Jornadas Internacionales de Literatura Española Medieval, 2008, y de Homenaje al Quinto Centenario de Amadis de Gaula.

Entre gauchos y gringos. Costumbres nacionales y extranjeras en Santa Fe (1880-1900)

La política de fomento inmigratorio impulsada en la Argentina a partir de mediados del siglo XIX incluyó, entre sus objetivos, el de generar un cambio de costumbres en la población nativa. En este artículo, además de describirse la realidad resultante como consecuencia de la incorporación de pautas culturales foráneas, se analizan –desde un recorte espacial santafesino centrado en las dos últimas décadas del siglo XIX– comportamientos puestos de manifiesto por las élites políticas e intelectuales de la provincia con respecto a las costumbres nacionales y extranjeras. Lo que se busca es evaluar si dichos comportamientos pudieron encontrarse condicionados por las diferentes adscripciones político-ideológicas y/o por las variantes circunstancias históricas.

La génesis del matrimonio civil

Resumen: Es insuficiente para comprender adecuadamente las causas sociales, políticas e ideológicas de la incorporación del matrimonio civil obligatorio a nuestra legislación, el analizar el período histórico próximo a la sanción de la ley 2.393. Por ello hemos organizado la investigación en tres capítulos: “Los matrimonios entre personas de distinta religión”, “Católicos y liberales” y “La Ley de Matrimonio Civil”. El primero abarca la problemática, las distintas soluciones y la legislación aplicable, en el Río de la Plata, desde el tiempo de la colonia hasta la sanción del Código Civil. El segundo, la concepción filosófica de los hombres de la generación del ochenta, protagonistas de la sanción de la ley 2.393, las dos corrientes de pensamiento enfrentadas por su concepto del hombre, la libertad y el Estado, la posición de la prensa, los criterios sustentados por los doctorandos de la época, el fenómeno inmigratorio y el proceso de secularización. Por último, el proyecto de ley, sus repercusiones en la sociedad, en la prensa, el clero y la opinión pública; y su tratamiento en el Congreso de la Nación. Buscamos discernir las causas verdaderas y principales y las ficticias que llevaron a la introducción del matrimonio civil en el derecho argentino, para ello no solo hemos consultado las fuentes habituales, sino que hemos examinado gran cantidad de fuentes originales de la época. Entre ellas, a) la totalidad de los artículos publicados en los diarios La Prensa y La Nación durante el período 1870–1888; b) las Cartas remitidas por el Obispo de Buenos Aires, Monseñor Aneiros y por el Obispo de Córdoba, Fray Reginaldo al Senado de la Nación; c) Actas de las Sesiones de las Cámaras de Diputados y Senadores y d) las tesis doctorales de Francisco Barroetaveña, Daniel Goytia, Julio Sánchez Viamonte, Leopoldo Tahiér, Federico Valdez, Alejandro González Vélez y Alejandro Garramuño.