988 resultados para Axel Honneth


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Twitter is used for a range of communicative purposes. These extend from personal tweets that address what used to be Twitter’s default question, “What’s happening?”, through one-on-one @reply conversations between close friends and attempts at getting the attention of celebrities and other public actors, to discussions in communities built around specific issues—and back again to broadcast-style statements from well-known individuals and brands to their potentially very large retinue of followers.

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As the systematic investigation of Twitter as a communications platform continues, the question of developing reliable comparative metrics for the evaluation of public, communicative phenomena on Twitter becomes paramount. What is necessary here is the establishment of an accepted standard for the quantitative description of user activities on Twitter. This needs to be flexible enough in order to be applied to a wide range of communicative situations, such as the evaluation of individual users’ and groups of users’ Twitter communication strategies, the examination of communicative patterns within hashtags and other identifiable ad hoc publics on Twitter (Bruns & Burgess, 2011), and even the analysis of very large datasets of everyday interactions on the platform. By providing a framework for quantitative analysis on Twitter communication, researchers in different areas (e.g., communication studies, sociology, information systems) are enabled to adapt methodological approaches and to conduct analyses on their own. Besides general findings about communication structure on Twitter, large amounts of data might be used to better understand issues or events retrospectively, detect issues or events in an early stage, or even to predict certain real-world developments (e.g., election results; cf. Tumasjan, Sprenger, Sandner, & Welpe, 2010, for an early attempt to do so).

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Twitter and other social media have become increasingly important tools for maintaining the relationships between fans and their idols across a range of activities, from politics and the arts to celebrity and sports culture. Twitter, Inc. itself has initiated several strategic approaches, especially to entertainment and sporting organisations; late in 2012, for example, a Twitter, Inc. delegation toured Australia in order to develop formal relationships with a number of key sporting bodies covering popular sports such as Australian Rules Football, A-League football (soccer), and V8 touring car racing, as well as to strengthen its connections with key Australian broadcasters and news organisations (Jackson & Christensen, 2012). Similarly, there has been a concerted effort between Twitter Germany and the German Bundesliga clubs and football association to coordinate the presence of German football on Twitter ahead of the 2012–2013 season: the Twitter accounts of almost all first-division teams now bear the official Twitter verification mark, and a system of ‘official’ hashtags for tweeting about individual games (combining the abbreviations of the two teams, e.g. #H96FCB) has also been instituted (Twitter auf Deutsch, 2012).

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Over the past decade, social media have gone through a process of legitimation and official adoption, and they are now becoming embedded as part of the official communications apparatus of many commercial and public-sector organisations— in turn, providing platforms like Twitter with their own sources of legitimacy. Arguably, the demonstrated utility of social media platforms and tools in times of crisis—from civil unrest and violent crime through to natural disasters like bushfires, earthquakes, and floods—has been a crucial driver of this newfound legitimacy. In the mid-2000s, user-created content and ‘Web 2.0’ platforms were known to play a role in crisis communication; back then, the involvement of extra-institutional actors in providing and sharing information around such events involved distributed, ad hoc, or niche platforms (like Flickr), and was more likely to be framed as ‘citizen journalism’ or ‘crowdsourcing’ (see, for example, Liu, Palen, Sutton, Hughes, & Vieweg, 2008, on the then-emerging role of photo-sharing in disasters). Since then, the dramatically increased take-up of mainstream social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter means that the pool of potential participants in online crisis communication has broadened to include a much larger proportion of the general population, as well as traditional media and official emergency response organisations.

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Each of the thirty-one contributions in this volume implicitly spells out its own answer to this question. Surprisingly perhaps even for such a highly interdisciplinary volume as this one, these answers vary considerably in their approaches, their objectives, and their underlying assumptions about the object of study. This diversity of scholarly perspectives on Twitter, barely half a decade since it first emerged as a popular platform, highlights its versatility. Beginning as a side project to a now-forgotten podcasting platform, rising to popularity as a social network service focussed around mundane communication and therefore widely lambasted as a cesspool of vanity and triviality by incredulous journalists (including technology journalists), it was later embraced by those same journalists, governments, and businesses as a crucial source of real-time information on everything from natural disasters to celebrity gossip, and from debates over sexual violence to Vatican politics.

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Almost a decade after the 2004 O’Reilly Media conference which popularized the term ‘Web 2.0’, the impact of this concept on users and developers of the current generation of Web technology – and by extension, on the digital economy overall – is undeniable. At the time, ‘Web 2.0’ promised an interactive, engaging online space in which users were able to do more than surf from static, fixed Website to static, fixed Website. Although the implicit suggestion that the version change to ‘Web 2.0’ represented a clean break with this inflexible past must be read as mere marketing hype, the core principles which the concept outlined nonetheless form the operational basis for most mainstream Websites of the present day.

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Around lunchtime on 22 February 2011, the New Zealand city of Christchurch – the country’s second largest city – was hit by a magnitude 6.3 earthquake. Built on a geological faultline, like Los Angeles and Tokyo, Christchurch is no stranger to tremors; indeed, it had experienced a magnitude 7.1 quake just months before, in September 2010, and technically, this new earthquake was no more than an aftershock of the earlier tremor. That earlier quake had caused significant structural damage, but no fatalities, but the February earthquake was different: with its epicentre located no more than ten kilometres from the Christchurch city centre, at a depth of only five kilometres, it proved considerably more destructive – and it affected buildings whose structural integrity had already been severely compromised by the September quake, in the middle of a weekday when schools and city offices would have been fully occupied. While the full death toll has yet to be determined, it is estimated at close to 200.

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While a substantial part of the discourse around social media continues to focus on concerns over cyberbullying or other undesirable practices, the important role which such media play in information dissemination, especially in the context of natural disasters and other acute events, is also being realised. A series of natural and human-made crisis events since 2011, including several major natural disasters in Australia, have highlighted this role.

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Talk of Big Data seems to be everywhere. Indeed, the apparently value-free concept of ‘data’ has seen a spectacular broadening of popular interest, shifting from the dry terminology of labcoat-wearing scientists to the buzzword du jour of marketers. In the business world, data is increasingly framed as an economic asset of critical importance, a commodity on a par with scarce natural resources (Backaitis, 2012; Rotella, 2012). It is social media that has most visibly brought the Big Data moment to media and communication studies, and beyond it, to the social sciences and humanities. Social media data is one of the most important areas of the rapidly growing data market (Manovich, 2012; Steele, 2011). Massive valuations are attached to companies that directly collect and profit from social media data, such as Facebook and Twitter, as well as to resellers and analytics companies like Gnip and DataSift. The expectation attached to the business models of these companies is that their privileged access to data and the resulting valuable insights into the minds of consumers and voters will make them irreplaceable in the future. Analysts and consultants argue that advanced statistical techniques will allow the detection of ongoing communicative events (natural disasters, political uprisings) and the reliable prediction of future ones (electoral choices, consumption)...

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This paper draws on comparative analyses of Twitter data sets – over time and across different kinds of natural disasters and different national contexts – to demonstrate the value of shared, cumulative approaches to social media analytics in the context of crisis communication.

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The term ‘‘new media’’ has been in play for decades now, and one might be forgiven for wondering how much longer digital forms and platforms can really be called ‘‘new,’’ or even what the scholarship of new media contributes to knowledge. Is it possible to say new things about new media? We think so. This Companion not only demonstrates the variety, salience, and importance of new media studies but also proposes a distinctive approach to the topic : an approach we call ‘‘new media dynamics.’’ In this view, what’s interesting about ‘‘new media’’ is not novelty as such but dynamism. Capitalism, technology, social networks, and media all evolve and change, sometimes to our delight, sometimes our dismay. This incessant process of disruption, renewal, and eventual (if often partial) replacement is now one of humanity’s central experiences. This cutting-edge collection brings together a stellar array of the world’s top researchers, cultural entrepreneurs, and emerging scholars to give the dynamics of new media their first full-length, multidisciplinary, historical, and critical treatment. Across 34 chapters, an international line-up of the very best authors reflects on the historical, technical, cultural, and political changes that underlie the emergence of new media, as existing patterns and assumptions are challenged by the forces of ‘‘creative destruction’’ and innovation, both economic and cultural. At the same time they show that familiar themes and problems carry through from ‘‘old’’media – questions of identity, sexuality, politics, relationships, and meaning.

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Social Media Analytics ist ein neuer Forschungsbereich, in dem interdisziplinäre Methoden kombiniert, erweitert und angepasst werden, um Social-Media-Daten auszuwerten. Neben der Beantwortung von Forschungsfragen ist es ebenfalls ein Ziel, Architekturentwürfe für die Entwicklung neuer Informationssysteme und Anwendungen bereitzustellen, die auf sozialen Medien basieren. Der Beitrag stellt die wichtigsten Aspekte des Bereichs Social Media Analytics vor und verweist auf die Notwendigkeit einer fächerübergreifenden Forschungsagenda, für deren Erstellung und Bearbeitung der Wirtschaftsinformatik eine wichtige Rolle zukommt.