Flashlight Europe N°5–June 2015. OMT is Monetary Policy and Not Economic Policy

In January 2014, for the first time in its history, the German Federal Constitutional Court submitted several questions to the European Court of Justice (ECJ) in Luxembourg and asked for a preliminary ruling. The questions had arisen within the framework of the OMT case, and the issue was whether or not the OMT (“outright monetary transactions”) programme announced by Mario Draghi, the head of the European Central Bank (ECB), is in compliance with the law of the European Union. The OMT programme (which has be-come well-known because Draghi said “what-ever it takes to preserve the euro” when he unveiled it) plays an important role in the stabilization of the euro area. It means that the European System of Central Banks will be empowered to engage in unlimited buying of government bonds issued by certain Member States if and as long as these Member States are simultaneously taking part in a European rescue or reform programme (under the EFSF ot the ESM). Hitherto the OMT has not been implemented. Nonetheless a suit contesting its legality was filed with the Federal Constitutional Court. The European Court of Justice now had to decide whether or not the activities of the ECB were in compliance with European law. How-ever, the ECJ had to take into account the prior assessment of the Federal Constitutional Court. In its submission the Federal Constitutional Court made it quite clear that it was of the opinion that there has been a violation of European law. But at the same time it did not exclude the possibility that the ECJ set up legal conditions for OMT in order to avoid a violation of European law.

Moldova: from oligarchic pluralism to Plahotniuc’s hegemony. OSW Commentary Number 208/07.04.2016

Moldova’s political system took shape due to the six-year rule of the Alliance for European Integration coalition but it has undergone a major transformation over the past six months. Resorting to skilful political manoeuvring and capitalising on his control over the Moldovan judiciary system, Vlad Plahotniuc, one of the leaders of the nominally pro-European Democratic Party and the richest person in the country, was able to bring about the arrest of his main political competitor, the former prime minister Vlad Filat, in October 2015. Then he pushed through the nomination of his trusted aide, Pavel Filip, for prime minister. In effect, Plahotniuc has concentrated political and business influence in his own hands on a scale unseen so far in Moldova’s history since 1991. All this indicates that he already not only controls the judiciary, the anti-corruption institutions, the Constitutional Court and the economic structures, but has also subordinated the greater part of parliament and is rapidly tightening his grip on the section of the state apparatus which until recently was influenced by Filat.

Children and war

Children bear disproportionate consequences of armed conflict. The 21st century continues to see patterns of children enmeshed in international violence between opposing combatant forces, as victims of terrorist warfare, and, perhaps most tragically of all, as victims of civil wars. Innocent children so often are the victims of high-energy wounding from military ordinance. They sustain high-energy tissue damage and massive burns - injuries that are not commonly seen in civilian populations. Children have also been deliberately targeted victims in genocidal civil wars in Africa in the past decade, and hundreds of thousands have been killed and maimed in the context of close-quarter, hand-to-hand assaults of great ferocity. Paediatricians serve as uniformed military surgeons and as civilian doctors in both international and civil wars, and have a significant strategic role to play as advocates for the rights and welfare of children in the context of the evolving 'Laws of War'. One chronic legacy of contemporary warfare is blast injury to children from landmines. Such blasts leave children without feet or lower limbs, with genital injuries, blindness and deafness. This pattern of injury has become one of the post-civil war syndromes encountered by all intensivists and surgeons serving in four of the world's continents. The continued advocacy for the international ban on the manufacture, commerce and military use of antipersonnel landmines is a part of all paediatricians' obligation to promote the ethos of the Laws of War. Post-traumatic stress disorder remains an undertreated legacy of children who have been trapped in the shot and shell of battle as well as those displaced as refugees. An urgent, unfocused and unmet challenge has been the increase in, and plight of, child soldiers themselves. A new class of combatant comprises these children, who also become enmeshed in the triad of anarchic civil war, light-weight weaponry and drug or alcohol addiction. The International Criminal Court has outlawed as a War Crime, the conscription of children under 15 years of age. Nevertheless, there remain more than 300 000 child soldiers active and enmeshed in psychopathic violence as part of both civil and international warfare. The typical profile of a child soldier is of a boy between the ages of 8 and 18 years, bonded into a group of armed peers, almost always an orphan, drug or alcohol addicted, amoral, merciless, illiterate and dangerous. Paediatricians have much to do to protect such war-enmeshed children, irrespective of the accident of their place of birth. Only by such vigorous and maintained advocacy can the world's children be better protected from the scourge of future wars.

The continuing relevance of Germany's engine for CEE andthe EU

The article looks first into the nature of the relations between Germany and the CEE countries a decade since the accession of the CEE countries to the EU. The relations are characterized as normalised and intensive with diverse levels of closeness and co-operation reflecting of the conceptual and ideological compatibility/differences. Next, the article focuses on the German attitude to the euro zone crisis. Germany has become a hegemon in the rescue effort aimed at stabilisation and economic invigoration of the euro zone. However, German hegemony has developed by default, not by design: her leading position is linked with considerable political and financial costs. Germany moved central stage and took the position of a reluctant hegemon. However, German role is contested internationally (it has not the support of the French government in key areas) as well as internally (particularly by the Federal Constitutional Court and the Bundesbank).The article argues that the new situation makes the German-CEE relations increasingly relevant for both sides. The German leadership of the EU increasing split along the north-south divide requires backing by the Northern group countries to which the CEE in general belongs. Given a number of reasons the CEE countries implement three distinctive strategies of co-operation with Germany in European politics. Also military co-operation, which remained rather limited so far, may receive new impulses, given the financial austerity. © 2013 The Regents of the University of California.

O direito fundamental à igualdade no contexto da identidade sexual no Brasil: um estudo da situação jurídico-constitucional com ênfase no exame da suposta inconstitucionalidade por omissão do legislador civil

This dissertation analyses the Brazilian Supreme Court’s judgement in the Non-compliance Action of the Fundamental Precept 132/RJ and in the Direct Action of Unconstitutionality 4277/DF, which created in the country the same-sex civil union. In This decision, the STF interpreted according to the constitution Article 1.723 of the Civil Code, invoking several fundamentals reaffirmed in the Constitution. From all these laws invoked by the Supreme Court to support the pretorian creation, the content of consitutional Law regarding equality is the only that corresponds, and it is sufficient to evidence the necessity of the creation, by legislator, of the institute for civil rights, since the Constitution forbids distinctions that is not expressly provided for in the Constitution (Art. 3º, IV, of Federal Constitution). In this way, Article 226, § 3º is not an exception capable of satisfying the condition of the consitutional foresight because although it protect, according its content only the civil union “between the man and the woman”, it is not able to forbid the creation, by legislator, of another kinds of families, including the same-sex civil union. As such, the reasoning, now legitimate according to the legislator, is not support the creation of institute by Constitutional Court, because the Court may enforce the Law, interpreting in the purviews allowed by the legal text and its constitutionality. In regard to the civil union of individuos of the same sex, the Court could not deduce that such union was implied by Law, like the interpretation according to the Constitution given by judges, on grounds of semantic purviews of the words man and woman, existents in both articles. The Court could not created it either, exceeding the legal system role. So, upon the institute creation, the STF, exceeded two limits: the interpretation and Law enforcement.

Struggles for Citizenship in South Africa

South Africa’s first democratic constitution of 1996, which defines the content and scope of citizenship, emerged out of what the country’s Constitutional Court accurately described as ‘a deeply divided society characterized by strife, conflict, untold suffering and injustice which generated gross violations of human rights, the transgression of humanitarian principles in violent conflicts and a legacy of hatred, fear, guilt and revenge’ (cited in Jagwanth, 2003: 7). The constitution was internationally noteworthy for its expressed protection of women’s and sexual minority rights and its extension of rights of citizenship to socio-economic rights, such as rights of adequate healthcare, housing and education (SAGI, 1996). During South Africa’s first two decades of democracy, the Constitutional Court has proven its independence by advancing citizenship rights on a number of occasions (O’Regan, 2012). The struggle for citizenship was at the heart of the liberation struggle against the apartheid regime and within the complex dynamics of the anti-apartheid movement, increasingly sophisticated and intersectional demands for citizenship were made. South Africa’s constitutional rights for citizenship are not always matched in practice. The country’s high rates of sexual violence, ongoing poverty and inequality and public attitudes towards the rights of sexual minorities and immigrants lag well behind the spirit and letter of the constitution. Nevertheless, the achievement of formal citizenship rights in South Africa was the result of a prolonged and complex liberation struggle and analysis of South Africa demonstrates Werbner’s claim that ‘struggles over citizenship are thus struggles over the very meaning of politics and membership in a community’ (1999: 221). This chapter will begin with a contextual and historical overview before moving onto analyzing the development of non-racialism as a basis for citizenship, non-sexism and gendered citizenship, contestations of white, militarized citizenship and the achievement of sexual citizenship by the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender (LGBT) rights movement. As shall be made clear, all these citizenship demands emerged during the decades of the country’s liberation struggle.

Capital 2.0 capital formation and legal risk in a new global economic order from fiat to exit: including case studies of the proposed transatlantic trade and investment partnership between the United States and the European Union and the financing relation between the United States and the People’s Republic of China

Following the intrinsically linked balance sheets in his Capital Formation Life Cycle, Lukas M. Stahl explains with his Triple A Model of Accounting, Allocation and Accountability the stages of the Capital Formation process from FIAT to EXIT. Based on the theoretical foundations of legal risk laid by the International Bar Association with the help of Roger McCormick and legal scholars such as Joanna Benjamin, Matthew Whalley and Tobias Mahler, and founded on the basis of Wesley Hohfeld’s category theory of jural relations, Stahl develops his mutually exclusive Four Determinants of Legal Risk of Law, Lack of Right, Liability and Limitation. Those Four Determinants of Legal Risk allow us to apply, assess, and precisely describe the respective legal risk at all stages of the Capital Formation Life Cycle as demonstrated in case studies of nine industry verticals of the proposed and currently negotiated Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership between the United States of America and the European Union, TTIP, as well as in the case of the often cited financing relation between the United States and the People’s Republic of China. Having established the Four Determinants of Legal Risk and its application to the Capital Formation Life Cycle, Stahl then explores the theoretical foundations of capital formation, their historical basis in classical and neo-classical economics and its forefathers such as The Austrians around Eugen von Boehm-Bawerk, Ludwig von Mises and Friedrich von Hayek and most notably and controversial, Karl Marx, and their impact on today’s exponential expansion of capital formation. Starting off with the first pillar of his Triple A Model, Accounting, Stahl then moves on to explain the Three Factors of Capital Formation, Man, Machines and Money and shows how “value-added” is created with respect to the non-monetary capital factors of human resources and industrial production. Followed by a detailed analysis discussing the roles of the Three Actors of Monetary Capital Formation, Central Banks, Commercial Banks and Citizens Stahl readily dismisses a number of myths regarding the creation of money providing in-depth insight into the workings of monetary policy makers, their institutions and ultimate beneficiaries, the corporate and consumer citizens. In his second pillar, Allocation, Stahl continues his analysis of the balance sheets of the Capital Formation Life Cycle by discussing the role of The Five Key Accounts of Monetary Capital Formation, the Sovereign, Financial, Corporate, Private and International account of Monetary Capital Formation and the associated legal risks in the allocation of capital pursuant to his Four Determinants of Legal Risk. In his third pillar, Accountability, Stahl discusses the ever recurring Crisis-Reaction-Acceleration-Sequence-History, in short: CRASH, since the beginning of the millennium starting with the dot-com crash at the turn of the millennium, followed seven years later by the financial crisis of 2008 and the dislocations in the global economy we are facing another seven years later today in 2015 with several sordid debt restructurings under way and hundred thousands of refugees on the way caused by war and increasing inequality. Together with the regulatory reactions they have caused in the form of so-called landmark legislation such as the Sarbanes-Oxley Act of 2002, the Dodd-Frank Act of 2010, the JOBS Act of 2012 or the introduction of the Basel Accords, Basel II in 2004 and III in 2010, the European Financial Stability Facility of 2010, the European Stability Mechanism of 2012 and the European Banking Union of 2013, Stahl analyses the acceleration in size and scope of crises that appears to find often seemingly helpless bureaucratic responses, the inherent legal risks and the complete lack of accountability on part of those responsible. Stahl argues that the order of the day requires to address the root cause of the problems in the form of two fundamental design defects of our Global Economic Order, namely our monetary and judicial order. Inspired by a 1933 plan of nine University of Chicago economists abolishing the fractional reserve system, he proposes the introduction of Sovereign Money as a prerequisite to void misallocations by way of judicial order in the course of domestic and transnational insolvency proceedings including the restructuring of sovereign debt throughout the entire monetary system back to its origin without causing domino effects of banking collapses and failed financial institutions. In recognizing Austrian-American economist Schumpeter’s Concept of Creative Destruction, as a process of industrial mutation that incessantly revolutionizes the economic structure from within, incessantly destroying the old one, incessantly creating a new one, Stahl responds to Schumpeter’s economic chemotherapy with his Concept of Equitable Default mimicking an immunotherapy that strengthens the corpus economicus own immune system by providing for the judicial authority to terminate precisely those misallocations that have proven malignant causing default perusing the century old common law concept of equity that allows for the equitable reformation, rescission or restitution of contract by way of judicial order. Following a review of the proposed mechanisms of transnational dispute resolution and current court systems with transnational jurisdiction, Stahl advocates as a first step in order to complete the Capital Formation Life Cycle from FIAT, the creation of money by way of credit, to EXIT, the termination of money by way of judicial order, the institution of a Transatlantic Trade and Investment Court constituted by a panel of judges from the U.S. Court of International Trade and the European Court of Justice by following the model of the EFTA Court of the European Free Trade Association. Since the first time his proposal has been made public in June of 2014 after being discussed in academic circles since 2011, his or similar proposals have found numerous public supporters. Most notably, the former Vice President of the European Parliament, David Martin, has tabled an amendment in June 2015 in the course of the negotiations on TTIP calling for an independent judicial body and the Member of the European Commission, Cecilia Malmström, has presented her proposal of an International Investment Court on September 16, 2015. Stahl concludes, that for the first time in the history of our generation it appears that there is a real opportunity for reform of our Global Economic Order by curing the two fundamental design defects of our monetary order and judicial order with the abolition of the fractional reserve system and the introduction of Sovereign Money and the institution of a democratically elected Transatlantic Trade and Investment Court that commensurate with its jurisdiction extending to cases concerning the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership may complete the Capital Formation Life Cycle resolving cases of default with the transnational judicial authority for terminal resolution of misallocations in a New Global Economic Order without the ensuing dangers of systemic collapse from FIAT to EXIT.

El derecho a no autoincriminación y la autorización para la obtención de evidencia a partir del cuerpo del procesado

El privilegio contra la auto incriminación es una garantía constitucional que protege a todo procesado de ser compelido a declarar en contra de sí mismo en una causa penal; la mencionada garantía hace necesario realizar un análisis en torno a los límites y alcances de dicho privilegio de cara a la posibilidad de que judicialmente se dé la autorización, previa solicitud motivada de la policía judicial o de la Fiscalía General de la Nación, de obtener muestras para cotejo que involucren al imputado aun cuando éste se niegue a dar su consentimiento para ello. Las posiciones respecto a los límites y alcances que pueda tener éste privilegio no son pacíficas y van desde considerar que únicamente aplica para el caso del testimonio del acusado o coacusado hasta afirmar que, además del testimonio o declaración, comprende la prohibición absoluta de usar el cuerpo humano como medio de obtención de evidencia probatoria que pueda llegar a desvirtuar la presunción de inocencia y causar que sea el mismo procesado quien se incrimine. Es por lo anterior que nuestra Corte Constitucional fincó su posición en considerar que el privilegio comprende únicamente la prohibición de obligar al procesado a declarar en su contra; dejando por fuera de su órbita de protección la posibilidad de suplir la voluntad del indiciado, imputado o acusado con una orden judicial dada por el Juez de Control de Garantías para la toma de muestras con fines de cotejo aun cuando dicha evidencia tienda a incriminarlo. El privilegio contra la auto incriminación es una garantía constitucional que protege a todo procesado de ser compelido a declarar en contra de sí mismo en una causa penal; la mencionada garantía hace necesario realizar un análisis en torno a los límites y alcances de dicho privilegio de cara a la posibilidad de que judicialmente se dé la autorización, previa solicitud motivada de la policía judicial o de la Fiscalía General de la Nación, de obtener muestras para cotejo que involucren al imputado aun cuando éste se niegue a dar su consentimiento para ello. Las posiciones respecto a los límites y alcances que pueda tener éste privilegio no son pacíficas y van desde considerar que únicamente aplica para el caso del testimonio del acusado o coacusado hasta afirmar que, además del testimonio o declaración, comprende la prohibición absoluta de usar el cuerpo humano como medio de obtención de evidencia probatoria que pueda llegar a desvirtuar la presunción de inocencia y causar que sea el mismo procesado quien se incrimine. Es por lo anterior que nuestra Corte Constitucional fincó su posición en considerar que el privilegio comprende únicamente la prohibición de obligar al procesado a declarar en su contra; dejando por fuera de su órbita de protección la posibilidad de suplir la voluntad del indiciado, imputado o acusado con una orden judicial dada por el Juez de Control de Garantías para la toma de muestras con fines de cotejo aun cuando dicha evidencia tienda a incriminarlo.

Estado laico y autonomía de las confesiones religiosas. A propósito de una sentencia reciente de la Corte Constitucional de Colombia

La jurisprudencia de la Corte Constitucional de Colombia ha defendido continuamente la autonomía de las iglesias como uno de los aspectos del derecho fundamental de libertad religiosa y de la laicidad del Estado. Sin embargo, en una reciente sentencia (Corte Constitucional de Colombia, Sentencia T-658 de 2013, 2013), al resolver la acción de tutela de una religiosa en contra de su monasterio, se ordenó el reintegro de la demandante a su comunidad con el fin de garantizarle su derecho a una vida digna. Las cuestiones problemáticas principales que plantea la sentencia son las siguientes: el adecuado respeto de la libertad religiosa y la efectiva autonomía de las iglesias y confesiones; los límites al derecho de libertad religiosa; el papel de los ordenamientos confesionales (en concreto, del Derecho Canónico) en relación con el derecho del Estado, y el modo de entender el principio de laicidad por parte de la sentencia comentada. El trabajo se detiene en cada uno de estos aspectos y trata de ofrecer criterios alternativos de resolución del conflicto, compatibles con la libertad religiosa de personas e instituciones.

Prawne uwarunkowania kampanii wyborczej

The article concerns the legal conditions relating to the election campaign. It discussed issues concern in particular the concept and timing of the election campaign, elec-tioneering, election material, dissemination of false information and campaign programs radio and television broadcasters. The text takes into account all the relevant amendments to the Election Code and the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court.

Modos de intervención criminal punible en crímenes de atrocidad: un análisis jurídico-penal a partir de los aportes de la criminología

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Los internamientos no voluntarios por razón de trastorno psíquico: especial consideración al procedimiento a seguir en los casos de urgencia médica

La ambigüedad y carencias de la regulación sobre internamientos no voluntarios por razón de trastorno psíquico, unidas a la declaración de inconstitucionalidad que afecta a algunas de sus disposiciones por carecer del debido rango legal, exigen la elaboración de una normativa completa y bien estructurada de la materia. La reciente STC 141/2012, de 2 de julio, enjuicia por primera vez un caso de internamiento psiquiátrico urgente desde la óptica del derecho fundamental a la libertad personal, y el TC aprovecha la coyuntura para desarrollar minuciosamente las garantías que han de respetarse en tales casos con el fin de evitar vulneraciones arbitrarias del mismo. Este trabajo analiza la novedosa doctrina que sienta el TC en dicha sentencia.

El derecho a recibir resoluciones motivadas desarrolladas por la Corte Constitucional, mediante resoluciones de acciones extraordinarias de protección

Entodas las sociedades ha sido una necesidad importante que las personas obtengan decisiones debidamente motivadas por parte de las personas que las representan o que están en el poder. En la actualidad se denota claramente la imperfección en la técnica y en la formación de los jueces y tribunales al momento de dictar una infinidad de resoluciones judiciales, las cuales pueden estar bien o mal motivadas, afectando por tanto a un sin número de personas, ya sea en sus patrimonios o hasta su honor. A raíz de la vigencia de la Constitución de la Repúblicaen el año 2008, se incorporó una nueva garantía de derechos denominada Acción Extraordinaria de Protección, orientada a tutelar el debido proceso y los derechos constitucionales que resulten vulnerados en resoluciones judiciales emitidas por los jueces y tribunales en su actividad jurisdiccional, siendo la motivación uno de estos derechos que frecuentemente es vulnerado. En el presente trabajo se establece cual es la tesis que la Corte Constitucional ha desarrollado sobre la motivación y se explica los tres requisitos que la integran los cuales son: la razonabilidad, lógica, y la comprensibilidad; para que de esta manera la sociedad conozca esta garantía a plenitud y pueda ejercer su derecho a la defensa en el momento oportuno.