24 resultados para Socialist Party. Social Democratic Federation.

em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)


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The conceptions of the judicial function, the process and the factors of legitimacy of the norm of decision are changed according to the model of State (liberal, social democratic and constitutional). The right of access to justice, likewise, follows the ideals present in constitutional movements experienced in different historical moments. The deficit of legitimacy of the judiciary is recurring subject of study in the doctrine, especially in the face of democratic standards that permeate the current paradigm of state. Under the process law, the essential element for the distinction of the states based on the rule of law (formal and material) and the democratic constitutional state lies in the democratic guarantee of participation to the litigants in the process of elaborating the norm of decision. The concern about the participatory democracy and the concretion of fundamental rights has as presupposition the conception of popular sovereignty. Keeping this effort in mind, the civil procedure cannot be oblivious to such considerations, especially when it justifies its constitutional conformation from the institutionalization of discourse within the procedural field (democratic principle) and of the democratization of access to justice, leading to the necessary contestation of the theory of instrumentality of the process. The democratic prospects of civil procedure and the concern about the legitimacy of the rule of decision cannot be moved away from the analysis of the judicial function and the elements that influence the legal suit s progress. The computerization of the judicial process entails extensive modification in the way the judicial function is developed, in view of automation of activities held, of the eliminating of bureaucratic tasks, manual and repetitive, and of streamlining the procedure. The objective of this study is to analyze the dogmatic changes and resulting practices from the implementation of the Judicial Electronic Process (JEP), prepared by the National Council of Justice, under the parameters of procedural discourse and democratic access to justice. Two hypotheses are raised, which, based on a bibliographic-documentary, applied and exploratory research, are contested dialectically. The expansion of publicity of procedural acts and the facilitating of communication and practice of such acts are elements that contribute to the effective participation of the recipients of the norm of decision in its making process and, therefore, the democratic principle in the procedural field. Ensuring access (to the parts) to the case files and reasonable duration of the process along with the preservation of its founding principles (contradictory, legal defense and isonomy) are essential to ensure democratic access to justice within the virtual system

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This paper aims to make a theoretical reflection on the theoretical compatibility between the program State Employer of Last Resort (ELR) and the Democratic experimentalism (ED). The ED arises in political thought as an alternative to neo-liberal and social democratic programs in order to rescue the discussion about the institutional organization of society and the market economy. About the involuntary unemployment, it proposes tax changes incidents on payroll and proposes work fronts to the most vulnerable or poorly trained. The hypothesis of this paper is that this approach is compatible with the ELR program, the post- Keynesian line. The ELR is presented as transgression of the mainstream of economic thought by proposing that the State acts as guarantor of employment, working as a stabilizing anchor for the economy. On the edge, the ELR proposes eliminate completely involuntary unemployment. The implementation of the ELR, however, requires the construction of institutions that aim to remake the market economy, as well as deepen and energize politics and democracy, goals that are part of the ED program. Thus, the ED would, in theory, an environment conducive to innovative policies guarantors of training and occupation of the individual, essential for their emancipation institutional environment. In Brazil, which has serious infrastructure problems and qualification of manpower, such a program has enormous potential benefit. However when transposed to the Northeast of Brazil through the Plan for the region based on the principles of the ED and the hypothetical coupling to the ELR could not confirm or reject the hypothesis sub-compatibility of these two theoretical frameworks. The findings point to a partial convergence between these two programs

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The current National Policy for Social Assistance (PNAS) is the instrument that regulates the organization and procedures of social-welfare actions. Developed and approved in 2004 since the Unified Social Assistance System (ITS) was crated in 2003, it reaffirms the democratic principles of the Social Assistance Organic Law (LOAS) focusing on the universalization of social rights and equality of rights when accessing the social-welfare system. In the SUAS point of view, the PNAS highlights the information, monitoring and evaluation fields for being the best way to assure the regulation, organization and control by the Federal Government paying attention to the principles of decentralization and participation. This political-institutional rearrangement occurs through the pact among all the three federal entities. The pact deals with the implementation of the task. It says that it has to be shared between the federal autonomous entities, established by dividing responsibilities. To the cities, considered as the smallest territorial unit of the federation and closer to the population, was given the primary responsibility, which is to feed and maintain the database of SUAS NETWORK and identify families living in situations of social vulnerability. In addition to these responsibilities, the cities that have full autonomy in the management of their actions, have the responsibility to organize the basic social protection and the special social protection, that using the Center of Social Assistance Reference (CRAS) and the Center of Specialized Social Assistance Reference (CREAS), are responsible for the provision of programs, projects and services that strengthen the family and community; that promote people who are able to enjoy the benefits of the Continuing benefit of Provisions (BPC) and transfer of incomes; that hold the infringed rights on its territory; that maximize the protective role of families and strengthen its users organization. In Mossoró/RN, city classified as autonomous in the social assistance management, has five units of CRAS that, for being public utilities, are considered the main units of basic social protection, since they are responsible for the connection between the other institutions that compose the network of local social protection. Also known as Family House, the CRAS, among other programs and services, offers the Integral Attention to Families Program (PAIF), Juvenile ProJovem Program, socio-educational coexistence services programs, as well as sending people to other public policies and social-welfare services network, provides information, among others. In this large field, social workers are highlighted as keys to implement the policy of social assistance within the city, followed by psychologists and educators. They should be effective public employees, as a solution to ensure that the provision of the services are to be continued, provided to the population living around the units. However, what we can find here is inattention to the standard rules of social assistance, which not only undermines the quality of programs and services, but also the consolidation of policy on welfare as public policy of social rights

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The managing Conselho of public politics constitute one of the main experiences of democracy in Brazil contemporary representing a conquest for construction of a democratic institutionalism. The historical newness consists of the intensification and the institutionalization of the dialogue between government and society - in public and plural canals - as condition for an allocation more efficient joust and of the public resources. In this context the present study it objectified to understand from readings of the performance of represented group of bencheses the dynamics of functioning of the Tourist Conselho Pólo Costa das Dunas while space of participation and social control. The bibliographical research contemplated diverse sources in order to compile knowledge of credential authors in the quarrel of inherent subjects to the civil society and the public sphere to the construction of the citizenship to the conception formation and dynamics of the social control through Conselho of public politics. A qualitative perspective the case study was adopted as research method and for attainment of the data interviews with the members of the Conselho had been carried through beyond consultation the referring documents the dynamics of functioning of the Conselho. The profiles capacities and limitations of the members of the Conselho had been identified constitution social and dynamic organization of functioning of the Conselho and the readings of the members of the Conselho concerning the power to decide instances and participation. The results had shown that the allotment of being able in the Conselho does not occur of equal form. The functions of coordination of the activities of the Conselho are assumed by the representatives of the public agencies. Level of qualification of council members also if presents as difficulty to development of activities of Conselho since the majority of the interviewed ones disclosed unreliability and unfamiliarity when thematic specific that runs away from its organizacional reality they are boarded in the assemblies. Of this form the Conselho if presents more as half of institutional legitimation of what half of characterization of the creation of a public sphere properly said. Finally he could himself be concluded that a democratic culture inexists that inside crosses practical the institutional ones of the Conselho thus limiting the possibility to reach the effective social control of the public politics of tourism in the Rio Grande do Norte

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The spatial and temporal fluidity conditioned by the technologies of social interaction online have been allowing that collective actions of protest and activism arise every day in cyberspace - the cyber-activism. If before these actions were located in geographical boundaries, today's demands and mobilizations extrapolate the location, connect to the global, and at the same time, return to the regional through digital virtuality. Within this context of the relationship between digital technology and global flow of sociability, emerges in October 2010 the social movement of the hashtag "#ForaMicarla", which means the dissatisfaction of cibernauts from Natal of Twitter with the current management of the municipality of Natal-RN, Micarla de Sousa (Green Party). We can find in the center of this movement and others who appeared in the world at the same time a technological condition of Twitter, with the hashtag "#". Given this scenario, this research seeks to analyze how the relationship of the agents of movement hashtag "ForaMicarla", based on the principle that it was formed in the Twitter network and is maintained on the platform on a daily basis, it can create a new kind of political culture. Thus, this study discusses theoretically the importance of Twitter and movements that emerge on the platform and through it to understand the social and political demands of the contemporary world and this public sphere, which now seems to include cyberspace

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The use of the term social vulnerability in the study of the reproduction of the social inequalities in Brazil, still, is recent. The social vulnerability is linked to the indicators of social risk. The work approaches the youth's social vulnerability and your relationship with the education, considering the youth a, among other groups socially excluded, vulnerable, in the Brazilian metropolises. It is guided by the methodological theoretical formulations on this thematic one developed by the Rede Metrópoles in the ambit of the project, " Observatory of the Metropolises: territory, social cohesion and democratic governability ( Project Millennium CNPq) and your unfoldings in the Natal group. Empirically, forehead a methodological proposal - still in construction - and it accomplishes a " pilot " study for the city of Natal with base in the data of the Census of IBGE 2000, that proposes mensurar the importance of the social characteristics of the neighborhood on the considered youths' educational acting those that are in the strip from 15 to 24 years. It considers that the youths' educational " earnings as being influenced not only for the social context of the family, also, for your space location in the city - social context of the neighborhood. With base in the results can verify that the youths of the city of Natal present situations of social vulnerability so much in the ambit of the family as expresses in the social space of the neighborhood. Such vulnerability are verified in the low educational indexes, in the high unemployment rates and in the presented social conditions of the researched areas. The youths, residents of those neighborhoods, they are considered vulnerable socially because original of a precarious source of " assets " and opportunities. There is in Natal a low " structure of assets and opportunities " - accessible to the youth

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Crisis in the capitalist system of production, contributes to appearance of social enterprises. In spite of, to believe these undertakings were to promote a true revolution that supply alternatives to consolidation of a socialist society, which it wasn t succeed. The cooperatives which was our object of study, get appearance in the middle of the capitalist system of production in a disorganized way, therefore, many of them Just get rich or they became true work machines and exploration of the human work. This study has like main objective: Do cooperatives have knowledge and/or they pratice rudments of the cooperativist moviment?. Get some conclusions, the cooperatives of work come promoting a decline of the rudments of the cooperativism and they don t have a knowledge about the rudments of the cooperativism and they don t pratice the same ones, instead of, the ccoperative of production comes promoting the appearance of the self-management idealism which they know the rudments of thecooperativism and they pratice the same ones

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The present study aims at making a theoretically reflection about the reconstruction process of democracy that can be observed in the country since the opening political process, which took place with the Geisel´s government in 1974, passing through the first civil president, in 1985, the Constitution process, in 1986, and finally the Constitution promulgation in 1988. It interests to this study analyses the premise that the 1988 Constitution inaugurates the moment in which democracy starts to be reconstructed in the country, and that this reconstruction is made in such a brand new way, once it included the possibility of participation of the civil society in the deliberation of the public politics, what became possible with the creation of new spaces of a gestion shared by the three executive powers: federal; states; municipalities, and with the civil society, in the councils created in those spheres. In this way, this work wishes to focus the opening process to the civil society participation, wich became possible with the creation of the city councils of public politics. It´s about investigating the form in wich the relations set up in these hibrid spaces could be considered democratic, inclusive and promoters of effective participation, checking up tendencies, giving emphasis to regularities and some specifities encountered in the forms of participation, which have been observed in those councils. In order to comprehend the democratic process in construction in the country, the analysis of the relations established by the civil society and the local executive power in the obligatory municipal councils is taken as object of study, passing by the tensions wich evolves institutions and political practices, permeated by the local political culture. It starts from a briefly review of works already made on the subject

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The study of social practices aims to overcome the theoretical dichotomies that insist on separating the individual from the social structures and vice versa. In this sense, the debate between objectivism and subjectivism in the construction of social reality still has occupied much time and reflection of various scholars of the humanities. Pierre Bourdieu has extensive work that seeks to advance in relation to the theoretical framework of traditional sociological explanations. Bourdieu`s approach regarding social practices is considered by some researchers as a synthesis of classical theories and by others as an attempt of complexify contemporary studies on the significance of social life. This thesis sharesthis effort to understand the social practices of agents, aiming to analyze the strategies of social and political leaders of family farming in the territories of Seridó and Apodi in Rio Grande do Norte, and it has as reference the theoretical and methodological concepts of habitus, field and capital, in Bourdieu. Therefore, we studied the trajectories of social leaders, here called agents as family farming in the two locations in Rio Grande do Norte. As techniques and procedures of the study, we resortedto semi-structured interviews, observations, participation in events and other researches. In conclusion, this thesis gives an account of the construction of two different relational fields for the activities of agents of family farming in the territories of Seridó and Apodi. Although the relational fields in the territories have been structured under the same prevailing institutions, which are: church, union and political party, the social practice of agents shows itself from social position and political variety. Even with the similarities and differences identified and analyzed in different fields of construction, the social relations of the agents in the territories result in the construction of gated communities, the social capital that is the substrate which the agents called empowered .

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The birth models of care are discussed, in the light of classical and contemporary social science theoretical background, emphasizing the humanistic model. The double spiral of the sociology of absences and the sociology of emergences is detailed, being based, on one hand, on the translation of experiences of knowledge, and, on the other, on the translation of experiences of information and communication, by revealing the movement articulated by Brazilian women on blogs that defend and bring into light initiatives aiming to recover natural and humanized birth. A cartography of the thematic ideas in birth literature is produced, resulting in the elaboration of a synthetic map on obstetric models of care in contemporaneity, pointing out the consequences of the obstetric model that has become hegemonic in contemporary societies, and comparing that model to others that work more efficaciously to mothers and babies. A symbolic cartography of the activism for humanizing birth on the Brazilian blogosphere is configured by the elaboration of an analytical map synthetizing the main mottos defended by the movement: Normal humanized birth; Against obstetrical violence; and Planned home birth. The superposition of the obstetric models of care s map and the rebirth of birth s analytical map indicates it is necessary to reinforce three main measures in order to make a paradigmatic turn in contemporary birth models of care possible: pave the way for the humanistic care of assistance in normal birth, by defending and highlighting practices and professionals that act in compliance with evidence based medicine, respecting the physiology of birth; denaturalize obstetric violence, by showing how routine procedures and interventions can be means of aggression, jeopardizing the autonomy, the protagonism and the respect towards women; and motivate initiatives of planned home birth, the best place for the occurrence of holistic experiences of birth. It is concluded that Internet tools have allowed a pioneer mobilization in respecting women s reproductive rights in Brazil and that the potential of the crowd s biopower that resides on the blogosphere can turn blogs into a hegemonic alternative way to reach more democratic forms of social organization. In that condition of being virtually hegemonic in contesting the established power, these blogs can be understood, therefore, as potentially great contra-hegemonic channels for the rebirth of birth and for the reinvention of social emancipation, as their author s articulate and organize themselves to strive against the waste of experience, trying to create reciprocal intelligibility amongst different experiences of world

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This dissertation deals with the possibility of build an effective social control of the judiciary Brazilians. The theme was bounded by a cut geographic and secular: the experience of the Center of Justice and Citizenship in the state of Rio Grande do Norte (OJC/RN), which begins formally in august 2003. The research approach and leave of experience in judicial practice and policy specific substrates to theorize about the subject. We collected documents about cases, the judicial diagnoses, reports, news material, in addition to lifting bibliographic. Therefore, it is working with about notions of a democratic state of right in the light of the Brazilian Constitution of 1988, in order to contextualize the insertion of the judicial system, by the prospect of legitimacy, which is considered by a look formal and material. It is a brief analysis of the system of official control of the judiciary (internal and external), is emphasizing its shortcomings functional and its corporate character, which suffers from poor conformation democratic. Then there is a discussion about the need to establish the social control of the judiciary, through the prism of relations of power that are locked in the judiciary, the lack of formal criteria for the guarantee of obtaining the correct judgment (laws, precedents and conscience of the judge), the problems of impunity and justice class, and from the examination of some cases, as the body of search. From this conjuncture, prepares to be an outline of shapes and the limits of social control, consonant the proposal erected in certain sectors of organized civil society, represented by the movement s social OJC. In the end, considerations are made on the legitimacy and constitutionality of OJC

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The reality of Latin America points out that the industrialization and urbanization are complementary processes associated each other. Thus, by consequence of the demographic growth, observes the aggravation of an urbanization completely disordered and without infrastructure capable of guaranteeing rights and basic services to the population. In parallel, the dissemination of information, the valorization of human dignity, promoted by social welfare, and expectations of consumption aggravates the tensions among social actors, leading to the Theory of the Right to Development to worry about the (re)construction of cities. Before this reality, the Federal Constitution of 1988 proposed a participatory urban policy, grounded in the ideal of confrontation of social exclusion of a more comprehensive, represented by the principle of the social function of cities, which must be stratified into four inclusion´s central axes, namely: the social in the strict sense, the economic, the cultural and the policy. The Analysis of each of these dimensions, keeping the focus on reality and the Brazilian legal system, composes specific objectives of this work. Thus, through deductive research, with use of technique bibliographical and interdisciplinary, this dissertation aims to make connections between social function and development, proposing an analytical concept for the proposing an analytical concept for the principle of social function of cities, through the study of its basic elements. With this, purports to demonstrate how results, firstly, that the juridical study, to fully understand the process of marginalization, must maintain multidisciplinary perspective, own social sciences. Also aims to demonstrate that the dimensions of inclusion are formed by fundamental rights, individual and collective, of liberties and of social guarantees and that without respect to all of them there is no way to talk about implementation of urban development and nor, consequently, about inclusive cities. At the end, after checking the main legal instruments of urban policy that emphasize the community participation, provided for in the Statute of the Cities, and that potentiate the breakup of the circles of exclusion, the work want contribute to the clarification and the awaken to the importance of a new perspective democratic of development in the country, grounded in the appreciation of the individual for realization of modern management, decentralized and that, therefore, inserts the effective participation of urban communities in the acting of the State

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The purpose of this dissertation is to analyze the role of Public Powers in the enforcement of fundamental social rights, according to the principle of prohibition to social regression. The Federal Constitution of Brazil, situated in a position normative hierarchical superior, disciplines the legal and political process of the country, determining how Public Powers (Legislative, Executive and Judiciary) should act to enforce fundamental rights (social). Thus, features a cast of fundamental rights that aim to ensure social justice, highlighting the concern to ensure social values aimed at reducing social inequalities. The will of the state should be prevented by controlling the constitutionality of measures which restrict fundamental social rights, assuming the principle of human dignity, pillar of Social and Democratic State of Right, a dual role in the brazilian legal system, acting as the presupposition of jurisdictional control of the constitutionality of restrictive acts and as supervisory of omission or insufficient action of the State in the fulfillment of their fundamental duties. The constitutional determinations remove from the legislator the option to create or not the law that prints effectiveness to the social rights, as well as from the Executive the option of to execute or not rules directed at realization of the constitutional parameters, and Judiciary to behave or not in accordance with the Constitution, being given to the Powers only the arbitrariness of "how" to do, so that all functions performed by public actors to use the Constitution as a repository of the foundational values of the collectivity. Any situation that does not conform the principle of proportionality in relation to the enforcement of fundamental rights, especially the social, represents an unacceptable social regression unconstitutional. The constitutional rules and principles postulated by the realization of the rights, freedoms and guarantees of the human person, acting the principle of prohibition to social regression to regulate a concrete situation, whenever it is intended to change, reducing or deleting, the content of a social right. This paper of limit of state action serves to provide to the society legal security and protection of trust, ensuring the core of every social right. This should be effected to be sheltered the existential minimum, as a guarantee of the inviolability of human life, respecting the constitutional will, not falling into social regression

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This dissertation deals with the social function of the contract, based on constitutional principles, especially those relating to fundamental rights. The social function of the contract (general clause) is described in the Civil Code so intentionally generic, no precise criteria to define it. Because of the fluidity of this principle, it is justified its closer study, seeking to assess its various meanings and looking away from the legal uncertainty that an unlimited conceptual vagueness can cause. The social function of the contract arises from a transformation experienced in private law from the inflows received from the Constitutional Law, the result of an evolutionary process by which it became the state structure, leaving the foundations of the classical liberal state and moving toward a vision guided by existential human values that give the keynote of the Welfare State. Arose, then the concern about the effectiveness of fundamental rights in relations between individuals, which is studied from the inapplicability of fundamental rights in private relations (U.S. doctrine of State action), passing to the analysis of the Theory of indirect horizontal effect of fundamental rights (of German creation and majority acceptance), reaching the right horizontal efficacy Theory of fundamental rights, prevailing Brazilian doctrine and jurisprudence. It has also been investigated the foundations of the social contract, pointing out that, apart from the provisions of the constitutional legislation, that base the principle on screen, there have also been noticed foundations in the Federal Constitution, in devices like the art. 1, III, the dignity of the human person is the north of the relationship between contractors. Also art. 3rd, I CF/88 bases the vision of social covenants, equipping it for the implementation of social solidarity, as one of the fundamental objectives of the Republic. Still on art. 170 of the Constitution it is seen as a locus of reasoning in the social function of the contract, the maintenance of the economic order. It is also studied the internal and external aspects of the social function of the contract, being the first part the one that considers the requirement of respect for contractual loyalty, through the objective good faith, as a result of the dignity of the hirer may not be offended by the other through the contract. On the other hand, the external facet of the social function of the contract, in line with the constitutional mandate of solidarity, indicates the need for contractors to respect the rights of society, namely the diffuse, collective and individual third party. In this external appearance, it is also pointed the notion of external credit protection, addressing the duty of society to respect the contract. There has been shown some notions of the social contract in comparative law. Then, there has been investigated the content of principle study, through their interrelationships with other provisions of private and constitutional law, namely equality, objective good faith, private autonomy and dignity of the human person. We study the application of the social contract in contractual networks as well as the guidance of conservation of contracts, especially those denominated long-term captive contracts, considering the theory of substantive due performance, concluding with an analysis of the social contract in code of Consumer Protection

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The fundamental social right to education has a lengthy constitutional argument, having been declared as a right to everyone in the Title dedicated to the fundamental rights and warrants and, later, scrutinized in the Social Order Chapter exclusively devoted to this theme, where specific rights are guaranteed and fundamental duties are imposed to family, society, and state. In that which concerns education, the 1988 Constitution is the result of a historical-normative process which, since the days of the Lusitanian Empire wavering between distinct levels of protection warrants in some way the educational process. Nevertheless, not even the State s oldest commitment to education has been fully achieved, namely, the annihilation of illiteracy. Even as other fundamental social rights, education is inflicted with the lack of effective political will to reach its fulfillment, and this is reflected in the production of doctrine and jurisprudence which reduce the efficacy of these rights. The objective of this work is to analyze what part is to be played by the constitutional jurisdiction in the reversal of this picture in regards to the fulfillment of the fundamental social right to education. Therefore it is indispensable to present a proper conception of constitutional jurisdiction its objectives, boundaries and procedures and that of the social rights in the Brazilian context so as to establish its relationship from the prism of the right to education. The main existing obstacles to the effective action of constitutional jurisdiction on the ground of social rights are identified and then proposals so as to overcome them are presented. The contemplative and constructive importance of education in the shaping of the individual as well as its instrumental relevance to the achievement of the democratic ideal through the means of the shaping of the citizen is taken into account. The historical context which leads to the current Brazilian educational system is analyzed, tracing the normative area and the essential content of the fundamental right to education aiming to delineate parameters for the adequate development of the constitutional jurisdiction in the field. This jurisdiction must be neither larger nor narrower than that which has been determined by the Constitution itself. Its activity has been in turns based on a demagogic rhetoric of those fundamental rights which present a doubtful applicability, or falling short of that which has been established showing an excessive reverence to the constituent powers. It is necessary to establish dogmatic parameters for a good action of this important tool of constitutional democracy, notably in regards to the fundamental social right to education, for the sake of its instrumental role in the achievement of the democratic ideals of liberty and equality