14 resultados para Brasil. Congresso Nacional. Câmara dos Deputados. Comissão de Seguridade Social e Família
em Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Norte(UFRN)
Resumo:
El estudo que ahora apresentamos habla a respecto ala transformaçión de la Asociación de maestros del Rio Grande del Norte (APRN en sindicato de los trabajadores en educación (SINTE) en el período de 1986 1990. Tratase basicamiente de las razones que llebaran historicamente la APRN la reorganizar sus luchas, su cultura política y el su movimiento reivindicatório; que impulsionaran la construción del próprio sindicato el único de la categoria, após el regime militar em el país especialmente en el gobierno Sarney, y en el ánbito estadual com la resistência la política econômica y la repreción policial del gobierno Geraldo Melo, la época. El estudo también apunta algunas caraterísticas marcantes del contexto histórico de la educación nacional, enfatizando la asención de la escuela nueva en el Brasil en las décadas de 1920 y 1930, inclusive delante del movimiento sindical, controlado por el gobierno Vargas que tênia uma praetica corporativista. Es importante decir que esas características estavan juntas del contexto local, en el rato en que se percebia la primer gestan del prof Anfilóquio Cámara, como el primer presidente de la APRN, al partir de la su fundación (1920), y que tênia um relacionamento bastante estrecho com el poder público estadual de caráter liberal. Habia una discución sobre la abertura política y la atuación política de las clases médias brasileñas ya em 1979, y al mismo tiempo analisabase el desencandeamiento del nuevo sindicalismo en el ABC Paulista, mientras uno movimiento sindical, autônomo y democrático que tênia el objetivo de juntar lãs luchas de los operários dentro y fuera de las fábricas reivindicando basicamiente: la redución de la jornada del trabajo, reajuste de sueldo y condición del trabajo, bien como lãs sus consecuencias para el movimiento de los educadores potigurares. Al hacer en septembre de 1989, el sindicato de los trabajadores en educación del Rio Grande del Norte se desvincula definitivamiente de uma estructura sindical vertical (tradicional), que la ex-APRN herdo al longo de su História del gobierno Vargas, siempre controlada pelo Estado y que en las décadas de 1980 y 1990 fue fortalecido por la CNTE (Confederación Nacional de los Trabajadores en la, educación), principalmente, a partir del Congreso Nacional de Unificación de los Trabajadores en la Educación, realizado en Aracaju/SE em el período de 25 a 28 de enero de 1990 en el sentido tambien de las sus principais reivindicaciones: escuela pública, gratuita y de cualidades en todos los pasos, verbas públicas solamiente para las escuelas públicas, reposición de los reajustes de sueldo, condición del trabajo, sueldo unificado nacional y la eradicación del analfabetismo
Resumo:
The Oil industry in Brazil has gone through several stages during the economical, political and social historical process. However, the significative changes have happened in the last fifteen years, due to market opening arising from the relaxation of the state monopoly over the Oil deposits and its derivatives. The edition of the Constitutional Amendment #9, changing the first paragraph of the 177th item of the Federal Constitution, marked the end of a stiffness about the monopoly that the Brazilian state kept in relation to the exploration and research of Oil and Gas. The economical order was fundamental to actualize the idea contained in the #9 Amendment, since its contents has the power to set up measures to be adopted by public power in order to organize the economical relations from a social viewpoint. The new brazilian Oil scenery, called pre-salt, presents itself in a way to amaze the economical markets, in addition to creating a new perspective to the social sector. This work will identify, in this new scenario, the need for change in the legal system. Nevertheless, this subject must not be treated in a thoughtless way: being an exhaustible good, we shall not forget that the future generations also must benefit from the exploration of natural resources recently discovered. The settlement of a new regulatory mark, including the change in the concession contract model to production and sharing is one of the suggested solutions as a bill in the National Congress, in an attempt to ensure the sovereignty of the nation. The constitutionality of a new regulatory mark is questioned, starting from an analysis of the state monopoly, grounding the comprehnsions in the brazilian constitutions, the relevance of the creation of Petrobras for self-assertion of the state about the monopoly of Oil and derivatives, and its posture after the Constitutional Amendment nº 9 (1995), when a company stops having control of the state monopoly, beginning to compete in a fairly way with other companies. The market opening and private initiative are emphasized from the viewpoint of the Constitutional Principles of the Economical and Social Order. The relaxation of the monopoly regarding the exploratory activity in the Federal Constitution doesn't deprive from the Union the ownerships of underground goods, enabling to this federal entity to contract, directly or by concession of exploration of goods, to state-owned or private companies. The existing oil in the pre-salt layer transforms the scenario from very high risk to low risk, which gives the Union the possibility of defining another way of exploring this resources in the best interests of the Public Administration
Resumo:
This thesis aims to analyze how the performance of the coalitions affected the formulation process of the Programa Universidade para Todos ─ Prouni. This is a program in which students from public high school, or who have been integral stock in private colleges and universities receive scholarships in private institutions, which receive tax incentives in federal taxes. As analytical framework, was used the advocacy coalition framework (ACF) framework developed by Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith (1993) that conceives the process of formulation of policies as a result of competition between groups of actors called coalitions, which are involved or interested in an issue of public policy. The actors coalesce into coalitions from beliefs, values, technical postures and positions on operational matters of public policy and act coordinately to defend their interests, interfering in the formulation of policies. With regard to methodological aspects, it is a qualitative study that used a narrative structure to present the development of Brazilian higher education and Prouni, analyzing official documents, shorthand notes of public congressional hearings and interviews with servers who worked in Ministry of Education (Brazil) time of program formulation, legislative counsel of the brazilian congress, plus the former deputy rapporteur of the Bill 3.582 / 2004, which led to Prouni. Two coalitions were identified: statist, which stood contrary to the program, and privatized, which defended its formulation. The clashes, which occurred mainly in Congress, highlight the strategies to operationalize beliefs. The two coalitions heavily used technical information and mobilization, through militancy (mobilizate troops). However, privatizing coalition acted more strongly in this case and was able to turn their beliefs into more effective action strategies. The final configuration of the Prouni was beneficial for private institutions, and showed a change in public policies related to higher education, since government support through tax breaks, before granted only to non-profit IES, became extensive also the IES with lucrative purpose.
Resumo:
In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital
Resumo:
This study want to know how Josué de Castro, the two terms of a congressman, participated in the Brazilian political-ideological debate of the 1950s. For this, search the 61 speeches in the plenary of the House of Representatives and its 14 projects, analyzing them as historical documents that describe an experience, which enables the central category amalgamated the subject and his time, which breaks up the possibilities of new social practices. Unity of action and reflection, the experience of Castro in the Brazilian parliament has got on the basis of a previous flow experiences in the political-institutional and scientific. Together with the personal history, the political intellectual scenario of his time was another variable considered in the first chapter of this work. In the second chapter did an analysis of 32 speeches and projects of the first term of Josué de Castro, grouping them by thematic affinities. The 43 for the second term were discussed in the third chapter, leaving the final considerations answer the research objectives: What are the main interlocutors? What are your political positions? What are the points of rupture and continuity in his political career? Josué de Castro spoke to the Brazilian state directly to the president, some ministers and to the SUDENE, the ONU appears indirectly through the reports of his participations. His political position was a national-developmentalist who embraced the cause of self-determination of the countries, anti-imperialism, agrarian reform and regional planning, strongly inspired by Celso Furtado and San Tiago Dantas. Castro often has blended a liberal and Marxist terminology, relying on different ideologies to do support his fight against hunger
Resumo:
In the sociability of the capital, the challenges to the consolidation of social security as a public policy become expressive, which has implications for social security services, particularly for Social Works who works for the security and fulfillment of social rights. Therefore, in this context of denial of these rights becomes relevant the work of social worker, as a professional committed to the ethical-political project and the Matrix Theory and Methodology of Social work, which potentiate the action able to establish professional articulated strategies for the strengthening of collective struggles for equality in society. Thus, this study examines the instrumentality of social work in the contemporary world and its contribution to the realization of rights. For this, we conducted a literature review, using authors dealing with the issue, as Behring (2008), Boschetti (2003), Mota (1995), Guerra (2007) among others, as well as documentary research through laws, decrees, instructions Normative, Internal Guidelines, and especially the analysis of the Matrix itself of Social Work in welfare. We use also of paramount importance to our analysis - the field research, using techniques such as semi-structured interview and questionnaire. The research enables the identification of important aspects of the subject studied, as the understanding of professionals about the instrumentality of Social Works in its ethical-political aspects, both theoretical and methodological and technicaloperative. The demands made by the managers for the profession on the sociooccupational have extrapolated the powers and duties of the Law Regulating the Profession and the Matrix of Social Work in welfare. The subjects of this study emphasize the role of social category of the National Institute of Social Security and the Federal Council of Social Service in defense of Social Works. The knowledge of social and institutional framework is critical to building control strategies that strengthen social security and public policy, the guarantor of social rights for workers in Brazil
Resumo:
ALVES, Ana Paula de M. ; GERMANO, A. F. S. ; ARAKAKI, L N H ; Ferreira, U. V. S. ; ARAUJO, A. S. Influencia da ativaçao acida na estabilidade termica de hibridos vermiculita/epoxido. In: CONGRESSO NACIONAL DE ANLISETERMICA E CALORIMETRIA, 7., 2010, São Pedro, SP. Anais... Sao Pedro, SP: ABRATEC, 2010
Resumo:
Esta dissertação é um estudo sobre as representações e práticas sociais relativas à construção da conjugalidade homoafetiva e o direito de reconhecimento. Nesse contexto, são analisados os embates ideológicos decorrentes das tentativas de redefinição das representações e práticas sociais relativas à família e a conjugalidade, em sua feição heterocêntrica, a partir das disputas em torno do reconhecimento social e jurídico das uniões homoafetivas, desencadeadas no contexto da sociedade brasileira, a partir da apresentação, no Congresso Nacional, do Projeto de Lei n° 1.151/95, da Deputada Marta Suplicy, que disciplina a união civil entre pessoas do mesmo sexo
Resumo:
This thesis, whose title is DEVELOPMENT AND SOCIAL ASSISTANCE: AN EFFECTIVENESS EVALUATION IN SOCIAL ASSISTENCE POLICY IN THE CITIES OF ASSÚ AND MOSSORÓ/RN (2004/2008), has as main aim to evaluate effectiveness in Social Assistance Policy in the cities of Assu and Mossoró/RN, from 2004 to 2008, identifying its impacts and effects in life of its users. The methodological process for the research was composed by: a) Literature review on this theme, development of public policies; social public policies, public policy evaluation and Social Assistance Policy in Brazil; b) Documental research from Municipal Management of Social Development and Municipal Counsels of Social Assistance in the cities of Assu and Mossoró/RN about the object of this study and empirical field; c) Field Research constituted by the realization of Focal Groups with Social Assistance users and semistructured interviews with municipal managers from Assú and Mossoró. It was also taken into account participant observations in events and activities related to Social Assistance previously mentioned, considering field management and also the response to users demands. Articulating the themes of Development and Public Social Policy in Social Assistance was the theoretical purpose for this thesis. To achieve this purpose, it was performed two theoretical displacements related, at the same time, to the notion of development and to the concept of Social Assistance, which means to comprehend development as social change and improvement in users life quality, expressed in the expansion of their capacities and liberties (SEN, 1993, 2000), and the Social Assistance as an element for development. Such displacements provide a view of Public policy and Social Policies and evaluate National Policy of Social Assistance achieved in those cities. As product, this thesis presents a methodological purpose for effectiveness evaluation in Public Policy, taking into account expansion of capacities and liberties, concluding that Social Assistance Policy in Assú and Mossoró/RN, even in lesser extent had its impact and caused effective results in the life of their users and provided an expansion of their capacities and liberties, improving life quality and empowered agent condition for those subjects. The results show that this Policy has been proved to be effective, and consequently, it was considered, in this thesis, to be also an element and an allied for development
Resumo:
Recognizing the need to preserve a national ethnic minority, the Constitution, inspired by the pluralistic values of the Constitutional Law State, stipulated a series of rights and guarantees for the conservation of indigenous cultural singularity, disciplining in article 231 the Indians right to maintain their social organization, customs, languages, beliefs and traditions, as well as safeguarding the rights to the lands they traditionally occupy, and the exclusive use of the wealth existing in them, premise of ensuring their physical and cultural continuity, breaking decisively with the paradigm the assimilation of the Indian national civilization. However, despite the Indian policy of ethnic and cultural preservation, the Constitution allowed the exploitation of minerals in aboriginal territory, incorporated herein hydrocarbons, provided they meet certain predetermined requirements, leaving it to the legislature the discipline of ordinary matter. However, this law has not yet been published, with some projects in the National Congress, leaving thus precluding the indigenous subsurface oil exploration until the enactment of enabling legislation. Meanwhile, this paper carries out an integrated analysis of the constitutional protection of ethnic and cultural uniqueness of indigenous peoples, Convention Nº 169 of the International Labour Organization and the bill presented by Deputy Eduardo Valverde, in an attempt to consolidate sustainable development practices in the sector, through developing a system of social and environmental responsible oil exploration, aligning with national energy needs to maintain a balanced environment and preservation of socio-cultural organization of a minority so weakened and beaten over five centuries of domination
Resumo:
This work is a research and action in the field of enviromental education, oriented for the construction of the land s distribuction of the Maria da Paz Settling, in João Câmara/RN, as process of social learning, collecive production of new knowledge, values and attitudes related to the environment. It was consolidated through a partnership beteween the UFRN (GERAH/DARQ and GEPEM/DEPED), MST and INCRA/RN. The drawing that represents the way the space organization of the settling was made constructed through effort of many people, in a process of dicussion with the community had as technical support the environment inventory (soil, vegetation, water resources, and others) allowing the agro-ecology zoning of the settlers participation conditions, their contradiction and conflicts, the challenges that appear in the search for consensus and the factor that creat chages
Resumo:
This thesis studies the use of argumentation as a discursive element in digital media, particularly blogs. We analyzed the Blog "Fatos e Dados" [Facts and Data], created by Petrobras in the context of allegations of corruption that culminated in the installation of a Parliamentary Commission of Inquiry to investigate the company within the Congress. We intend to understand the influence that the discursive elements triggered by argumentation exercise in blogs and about themes scheduling. To this end, we work with notions of argumentation in dialogue with questions of language and discourse from the work of Charaudeau (2006), Citelli (2007), Perelman & Olbrechts-Tyteca (2005), Foucault (2007, 2008a), Bakhtin (2006) and Breton (2003). We also observe our subject from the perspective of social representations, where we seek to clarify concepts such as public image and the use of representations as argumentative elements, considering the work of Moscovici (2007). We also consider reflections about hypertext and the context of cyberculture, with authors such as Levy (1993, 1999, 2003), Castells (2003) and Chartier (1999 and 2002), and issues of discourse analysis, especially in Orlandi (1988, 1989, 1996 and 2001), as well as Foucault (2008b). We analyzed 118 posts published in the first 30 days of existence of the blog "Fatos e Dados" (between 2 June and 1 July 2009), and analyzed in detail the top ten. A corporate blog aims to defend the points of view and public image of the organization, and, therefore, uses elements of social representations to build their arguments. It goes beyond the blog, as the main news criteria, including the posts we reviewed, the credibility of Petrobras as the source of information. In the posts analyzed, the news values of innovation and relevance also arise. The controversy between the Blog and the press resulted from an inadequacy and lack of preparation of media to deal with a corporate blog that was able to explore the characteristics of liberation of the emission pole in cyberculture. The Blog is a discursive manifestation in a concrete historical situation, whose understanding and attribution of meaning takes place from the social relations between subjects that, most of the time, place themselves in discursive and ideological dispute between each other - this dispute also affects the movements of reading and reading production. We conclude that intersubjective relationships that occur in blogs change, in the form of argumentative techniques used, the notions of news criteria, interfering with scheduling of news and organization of information in digital media outlets. It is also clear the influence that the discursive elements triggered by argumentation exercise in digital media, trying to resize and reframe frames of reality conveyed by it in relation to the subject-readers. Blogs have become part of the scenario information with the emergence of the Internet and are able to interfere in a more effective way to organize the scheduling of media from the conscious utilization of argumentative elements in their posts
Resumo:
The proposal of the Unified Health System Policy (SUS) has been considered one of the most democratic public policies in Brazil. In spite of this, its implementation in a context of social inequalities has demanded significant efforts. From a socio-constructionist perspective on social psychology, the study focused on the National Policy for Permanent Education in Health for the Unified Health System (SUS), launched by the Brazilian government in 2004, as an additional effort to improve practices and accomplish the effective implementation of the principles and guidelines of the Policy. Considering the process of permanent interdependencies between these propositions and the socio-political and cultural context, the study aimed to identify the discursive constructions articulated in the National Policy for Permanent Education in Health for the Unified Health System (SUS) and how they fit into the existing power relations of ongoing Brazilian socio-political context. Subject positionings and action orientation offered to different social actors by these discursive constructions and the kind of practices allowed were also explored, as well as the implementation of the proposal in Rio Grande do Norte state and how this process was perceived by the people involved. The information produced by documental analyses, participant observation and interviews was analyzed as proposed by Institutional Ethnography. It evidenced the inter-relations between the practices of different social actors, the conditions available for those practices and the interests and power relations involved. Discontinuities on public policies in Brazil and the tendency to prioritize institutional and personal interests, in detriment of collective processes of social transformation, were some of obstacles highlighted by participants. The hegemony of the medical model and the individualistic and curative intervention practices that the model elicits were also emphasized as one of the drawbacks of the ongoing system. Facing these challenges, reflexivity and dialogism appear as strategies for a transformative action, making possible the denaturalization of ongoing practices, as well as the values and tenets supporting them
Resumo:
The present paper analyses the social assistance management in small cities, starting from the reality of Currais Novos City. Its main objective is to analyse the management of this politic in the context of the Nacional Sistem of Social Assistance (SUAS) through the management instruments materialized in the city: Social Assistance Plan, Budget, Management Report, Information Management, Monitorizing and Evaluation. It reveals a discrepancy between the instruments purpose and their concretude, and it identifies the main challenges in order to make them real, revealing the contradictions of such politic, through which the advances relate with the retrocesses. It remarks, in this context, the debate about Public Management and some aspects of the trajetory of the Social Assistance management in the brazilian context and the configurations of (SUAS) and of the politics in Currais Novos city. Such path allows us to identify the feebleness in the city ways to adopt the (SUAS) criteria, which is much more effective in burocratic aspects than in the change of the Social Assistance conception and in the effective incorporation of the (SUAS) principles and guidelines. Thus, problems are identified in what concerns to the important aspects for its effectivation, with the human resources, financing and social control mechanisms. It makes possible to reafirm the importance of the analysed management instruments for the effectivation of one participative and democratic management, as well as the urgency of its materialization as one of the important ellements for this politic to happen as a right and to make a stop to the unconformities between the (SUAS) determinations and its materialization