Èto i to v povesti Staruha Daniila Harmsa

This dissertation focuses on the short story Starukha (The Old Woman), one of the last works of the Russian writer Daniil Kharms (1905-1942). The story, written in 1939, is analysed using the Kharmsian concepts èto and to (this and that) as a heuristic interpretative model. The first chapter gives a detailed analysis of this model, as well as a survey of the critical work done to date on Kharms and Starukha. In the second chapter the model is applied to study the different states of consciousness of the male protagonist. This is significant, because he is the "I" of the work, from whose point of view everything is being told. The third chapter takes a closer look at the reality of the world that exists independently of the consciousness of the protagonist. Physical objects can be said to bear - besides their everyday meaning - a hidden symbolic meaning. Similarly, the characters can be considered as representatives of everyday reality and otherworldliness. The fourth chapter deals with the narrative devices of Starukha. The problematics of the relation between fact and fiction plays an essential role in the story. Kharms's use of Ich-Erzählung and different tenses, which contributes to achieving a complicated elaboration of this kind of problematics, is examined in detail. The fifth chapter provides an intertextual reading of Starukha, based on its allusions to the Bible and the Christian tradition. As a result, the whole story can be seen as a kind of meditation on the Passion of Christ. The final chapter examines how the important Kharmsian concepts of the grotesque and the absurd manifest themselves in Starukha. The old woman represents in a grotesque way two opposite systems: the religious and the totalitarian. The absurdity of Starukha can be claimed to be illusory. Therefore, it is better to speak about paradoxicality. Starukha itself is a kind of paradox, in the sense that it tries to say something of the ultimate truth of reality, which inevitably remains ineffable.

Playing "Nordic": The Women of Niskavuori, Agri/Culture, and Imagining Finland on the Third Reich Stage

The theatrical censorship of the Third Reich considered the playwright's race and politics alongside the content of the drama. Given the political stigma of its "leftist" author, it is rather surprising that Hella Wuolijoki's Niskavuoren naiset opened in 1938 at the Staatliches Schauspielhaus in Hamburg. The play ran for fourteen performances before being closed by the Reichsdramaturgie, apparently at the instigation of Finnish critics. Yet this was not the end of the play's or its author's fortunes in the Third Reich, as the possibility of staging the play was raised several times over the next four years, coming to a close in 1942. Playing "Nordic" examines the ideological and theatrical background of this extended "cultural performance," as a means to reopening and reconstructing the work of the 1938 Die Frauen auf Niskavuori. Written by a Finnish, northern, "Nordic" author, and preoccupied with the dynamics of rural culture in an increasingly urbanized world, Niskavuoren naiset was understood in the Third Reich to illustrate and reinforce the racial, agri/cultural themes of Blut und Boden ("veri ja maa"). Playing "Nordic" examines this thematic relationship in three phases. The first phase uses archival materials to investigate the Reichsdramaturgie's understanding of the play and its author, and its ongoing discussion of Wuolijoki from 1937 to 1942. Play evaluator Sigmund Graff's description of Niskavuoren naiset as hamsunartig, or "Hamsun-esque," inspires the second phase of the dissertation, which first elaborates the meanings of Blut und Boden through a reading of contemporary "racial" theory and anthropology, and then assesses the representation of Finland within this discourse, one of the dominant cultural paradigms of the Third Reich. Imaging Finland for German audiences, the play stood among analogous, continued efforts to represent Finland and the rural life in the Third Reich, colored by Blut und Boden: art and agricultural exhibitions, essays and propaganda literature, mass demonstrations of the peasantry. This wider framework for the performance of "Finland" materializes the abstract or theoretical program of Blut und Boden in its everyday performed meanings; as such it provides the essential background for reading the Hamburg production of Die Frauen auf Niskavuori, which sustains the third and final phase. The German translation and the Hamburg photographic record are compared with the Helsinki premiere to assess the impact of Blut und Boden on the representation of Wuolijoki's play in the Third Reich. The journalistic critical response illuminates the effect that the dramatic complex of rural and racial values - generically identified as Bauerndrama in the Third Reich - had on the reception of the play; at the same time, both visual and critical documents also suggest possible moments of theatrical dissent in the Hamburg production. Playing "Nordic" undertakes a documentary and cultural reading of the changing theatrical meanings of Wuolijoki's Niskavuoren naiset as it crossed the frontier from Finland to the stage of the Third Reich. It also provides a model for the ways theatrical signification operates within a network of cultural and ideological meanings, suggesting the ideological work of theatrical production depends on, reinforces, and contests that tissue of values. Although Finnish criticism of Niskavuoren naiset has assumed the play's Blut und Boden resonance contributed to Wuolijoki's success in the Third Reich, this study shows a considerably more complex situation. This revealing production dramatizes the changing uses of plays in a politicized national and transnational context. As part of the framing of "Nordic" identity on the wider stage of the Third Reich, Die Frauen auf Niskavuori exemplifies the conjunction of concurrent - sometimes independent, sometimes interlocking - "racial" and national ideologies.

Historiebruk kring Nådendal : och den kommemorativa anatomin av klostrets minnesplats

This thesis examines the ruins of the medieval Bridgettine (Birgittan) monastery of Naantali (Vallis Gratiae, f. 1443) in Finland and the transformation of the site into a national heritage and a memory landscape. It was archaeologically surveyed in the 19th century by Professor Sven Gabriel Elmgren (1817 1897). His work was followed by Dr. Reinhold Hausen (1850 1942), who excavated the site in the 1870s. During this time the memories of Saint Bridget (Birgitta) in Sweden were also invented as heritage. Hausen published his results in 1922 thus forming the connection with the next generation of actors involved with the Naantali site: the magnate Amos Anderson (1878 1961), the teacher Julius Finnberg (1877 1955) and the archaeologist Juhani Rinne (1872 1950). They erected commemorative monuments etc. on the Naantali site, thus creating a memory landscape there. For them, the site represented the good homeland in connection with a western-oriented view of the history of Finland. The network of actors was connected to the Swedish researchers and so-called Birgitta Friends, such as state antiquarian Sigurd Curman (1879 1966), but also to the members of the Societas Sanctae Birgittae and the Society for the Embellishment of Pirita, among others. Historical jubilees as manifestations of the use of history were also arranged in Naantali in 1943, 1993 and 2003. It seems as if Naantali is needed in Finnish history from time to time after a period of crisis, i.e. after the Crimean War in the 1850s, the civil war of 1918, during World War II and also after the economic crisis of the early 1990s. In 2003, there was a stronger focus on the international Saint Bridget Jubilee in Sweden and all over Europe. Methodologically, the thesis belongs to the history of ideas, but also to research on the use of history, invented traditions and lieux de mémoire. The material for the work consists of public articles and scholarly texts in books or newspapers and letters produced by the actors and kept in archives in Finland, Sweden and Estonia, in addition to pictures and erected commemorative monuments in situ in the Western Finnish region. Keywords: Nådendal, Naantali monastery, Bridgettines, St. Bridget, use of history, lieux de mémoire, invented traditions, commemorative anatomy, memory landscape, Saint Bridget jubilees , S. G. Elmgren, R. Hausen, A. Anderson, J. Finnberg, J. Rinne, S. Curman, High Church Movement, Pirita, Vadstena.

Ajatuksista operaatioiksi : Suomen armeijan hyökkäysoperaatioiden suunnittelu jatkosodassa

In the research on the Continuation War, interest in the events themselves had exceeded the interest in military planning. Careful consideration has not been given to the planning process and the options that were available. This study shows how the planning of these operations was carried out and identifies the persons responsible. Contrary to earlier research this study shows that persons other than Field-Marshal Carl Gustaf Mannerheim and Quartermaster-General Aksel Airo took part in the planning. Furthermore, the plan was to carry out the operations further east than was ultimately done. The operation plans were coordinated by the Operations Department of Headquarters, which had the opportunity to influence on both Mannerheim and Airo. Part of the actual planning was made outside Headquarters, but final decisions were taken at Headquarters. It is worth observing that many times Mannerheim asked President Risto Ryti for his opinion concerning these operations. The Germans tried to influence the Finnish plans, but the Finns took their decisions independently, although they took German requests into account. It is well-known that the attack by the Finnish forces was stopped at the end of the year 1941. It is less well-known that the Finns planned new attacks until the autumn of 1942. At that point the Finns were convinced that the Germans would lose the war. The Finns were thus prepared to keep advancing should the Germans progress in the direction of Leningrad. This study shows that the Finnish military leaders worked for Finland s own plans and their cooperation with the Germans was directed to achieving this goal. In other words, Finland tried expand eastward with the help of the Germans. This purpose was particularly evident in the planning of the operations in the Hanko district and the Karelian Isthmus in the summer and autumn of 1941, in the Sorokka district in the spring of 1942 and around Lake Ladoga in the summer and autumn of 1942. The Finns reduced their activities when Germans took over responsibility for the operations. However, at the same time the Finns tried to support Germans in passive ways. The Finns justified the decrease in their activities with lack of Finnish forces and numerous defeats. Earlier research has shown that Finland was an active operator in the Continuation War and tried to take back the areas lost in the Winter War. In this study that view becomes more precise and clear especially with regard to Field-Marshal Mannerheim and other high military leaders. There is clear indication that the Finns would have attacked much further east had a German success made such an attack possible.

"Det utspridda kärret; överallt och växande form" : Eva Wichmans novell "Kärret" som en prosamodernistisk berättelse om kvinnligt skapande

I min avhandling diskuterar jag om och hur man kan läsa Eva Wichmans novell "Kärret" (ur Molnet såg mig, 1942) som en prosamodernistisk berättelse om ett kvinnligt subjekt, och om kvinnligtskapande. Jag vill mot en prosamodernistisk bakgrund visa min tolkning med en stilistisk och entematisk analys. I min inledning markerar jag att forskare har haft svårt att avgöra vad Eva Wichman egentligen vill säga med "Kärret". De flesta definierar "Kärret" som en fabel, en moralisk berättelse. I min tolkning betonar jag att novellen kan läsas som en prosamodernistisk fabel om det kvinnliga skapandet. Eva Wichman har i många av sina verk beskrivit en kvinnlig konstnärs svårigheter i massamhället och den manliga världen. Jag anser därför att denna tolkning inte är långsökt då det gäller en naturallegori som "Kärret". Jag redovisar kort för bakgrunden till prosamodernismen; definierar stilistiska grundbegrepp i lyrikoch prosa samt diskuterar med hjälp av Peter Luthersson och Gunilla Domellöf hur den modernistiska individualiteten konstituerar sig i förhållande till samhället ochmoderniseringsprocessen. Jag tar fasta på den kvinnliga författarens skapandeprocess och poängterar, med hjälp av bl.a. Dominique Head och Domellöf, att det kvinnliga skapandet ofta är svårt att erhålla i ett traditionellt manligt samhälle. Head, Domellöf och Rachel Blau DuPlessis menar att det modernistiska skapandet hos kvinnor i stor grad sker med hjälp av stilistiska brott och luckor. I synnerhet förhållandet mellan metafor och metonymi utgör en viktig metod för den kvinnliga modernisten. I mitt tredje kapitel analyserar jag "Kärret" stilistiskt. Modernismen i "Kärret" går ut sammanställa motsatser och sinnesanalogier. Jag tar upp det lyriska och metaforiska i "Kärret"; upprepningar,parallellismer, rytm och dynamik, samt förhållandet mellan metaforer och metonymier utgående från en artikel av David Lodge. Jag demonstrerar i stilanalysen hur Eva Wichman bygger upp ett cykliskt mytiskt berättande. Detta cirkelberättande kan, enligt Domellöf, ses som en kvinnlig utmaning mot det traditionella manliga berättandet. Förhållandet mellan metaforer och metonymier spelar en stor roll också i min tematiska analys. Jag läser kärret i novellen som en symbol för ett kvinnlig subjekt. Kärret är uppbyggt av motsatser. Dessamotsatser kan ses som metaforer i min tolkning av kärret som kvinnligt subjekt. Motsatsparen yta/djup läser jag som den medvetna respektive undermedvetna nivån i det kvinnliga subjektet. Djupet, den undermedvetna nivån, analyserar jag delvis med hjälp av Julia Kristevas begrepp abjektet. Metaforerna spegel/öga ser jag som subjekt/objekt och manligt/kvinnligt i förhållande till det kvinnliga subjektet. Med hjälp av abjektet, omnipotens/känslighet, rörelse/statis samt liv/död visar jag hur Eva Wichman beskriver det konstnärliga skapandet, och den konstnärliga alieneringen i kontrast till det förtryckandet massamhället. Här baserar jag mig på Lutherssons resonemang om den modernistiska individualiteten. På så sätt drar jag slutsatsen att kärret som kvinnligt subjekt kan läsas som ett kvinnligt författarjag. "Kärret" är en berättelse om kvinnlig skaparkraft, om ett kvinnligt subjekt som skapar och verkar isamhället. Eva Wichman gestaltar det kvinnliga berättandet både tematiskt och språkligt. Därför är "Kärret" enligt mig inte en pessimistisk berättelse om ett "säkert nederlag" som många påstår, utan en storslagen fabel om ett modernistiskt subjekt i process. Nyckelord: Eva Wichman, Molnet såg mig, prosamodernism, kvinnligt subjekt, abjekt, metafor, metonymi

Käsityötä, kotiteollisuutta ja sosiaalihuoltoa : Työtupa Aunuksessa 1941-1944

When Finland occupied East Karelian territories in Soviet Union during The Continuation War (1941 1944) Finnish people had also to take care of the inhabitants of the occupied East Karelia. For example there was a lack of clothes and shoes during the wartime. In order to facilitate clothing situation and to provide more opportunities to work for women, Finnish people founded some workshops in East Karelia. Workshops also helped to collect East Karelian craft products. One of the workshops was founded in the city of Olonets in October 1941 and it was in operation until June 1944. This workshop is the subject of this thesis. The aim of this thesis is to find out with the microhistorical approach what kind of functions the workshop of Olonets had during The Continuation War and who worked in the workshop. In this thesis I also examine women s crafts in the Olonets workshop and their meaning during the wartime. I collected the material of this thesis from different places. In February 2010 I interviewed Talvikki Lausala, the leader of the Olonets workshop, who worked in the Olonets from May 1942 to June 1944. From the Virkki Käsityömuseo I looked for objects which have been made in the workshop of Olonets. Tyyne-Kerttu Virkki collected crafts from the East Karelia when she was working in the area and in the workshop from 1941 to 1944. Archive material I found from the Finnish National archive and from the archive of the Tyyne-Kerttu Virkki -Foundation. East Karelian women and girls who were not able to do anything else came to work in the Olonets workshop. If women could not go to work outside of home, they had an option to do the same crafts at home. There were three Finnish women, Tyyne-Kerttu Virkki, Talvikki Lausala and Sofi Nyrkkö, who worked and led in the workshop of Olonets. In addition to the workshop, there was a dress maker s atelier in which clothes were made to order and soldiers uniforms were repaired, a small museum and a shop to sell products of the workshop. Craft products were also exported to Finland. Courses were organized in which Finnish women taught East Karelian crafts.

Rintamamiesten muonitus Suomessa sotavuosina 1939-1945

This study analyzes the war-time rations the Finnish soldiers received on the front from 1939 until 1945. The main objective was to determine the contents of the rations and how they affected the soldiers' nutrition and morale. The information concerning food and feeding is mainly based on the official documents found in the Military Archives. Some additional material was from the historical literature, some from memoirs, or from the veterans who personally experienced the front. The documents in the Archives of Military Medicine provided information on the soldiers' deficiencies. During the Winter War, which took place from 30 November 1939 until 13 March 1940, ample food was available. The cold climate caused problems and the fresh food got frozen. However, no severe deficiency cases were reported and the morale was high. By contrast, during the Continuation War, which began in June, 1941 and ended in September, 1944, difficulties were experienced. At the time farming in the country faced serious problems due to the shortage of labour, fuel, etc. Furthermore, importing food was generally not possible. However, importing food mainly from Germany saved the Finns from hunger. In addition, the self activity of the soldiers on the front added somewhat to the food production. But the rations had to be reduced. Their energy values were consequently low, especially for the young men. Food was monotonous and occasionally caused complaints. The main sources of protein, vitamins and minerals were the whole cereal foods. Butter was fortified with vitamin A and vitamin C tablets were also distributed, to compensate for the scant food sources. Only approximately 300 serious deficiency cases required hospital care during the three years time, out of a total of 400 000 soldiers. Feeding the young soldiers during the war (1944 - 1945) in Lapland, which had been destroyed, was problematic but the increased rations also saved them from deficiencies. In spite of the severe difficulties experienced occasionally in feeding the soldiers during the wars, the system worked all the time. The soldiers were fed, the cases of nutritional deficiency and epidemics caused by food were kept very limited and the morale of soldiers remained high.

Tiede ja tutkijan sosiaalinen vastuu : Joseph Ben-Davidin, Roger Sperryn ja Knut Erik Tranøyn käsitykset tieteestä ja tutkijan sosiaalisesta vastuusta

Science and the Scientist's Social Responsibility. Joseph Ben-David's, Roger Sperry's and Knut Erik Tranøy's Views of Science and the Scientist's Social Responsibility The aim of the study was to investigate, whether or not there is any connection between Jewish sociologist Joseph Ben-David's, American neuroscientist Roger Sperry's and Norwegian philosopher Knut Erik Tranøy's views of science and views of the scientist's social responsibility. The sources of information were their writings concerning this topic. Ben-David has a classical view of science. He thinks that the Mertonian norms of scientific activity, first written in 1942, are still valid in modern science. With the help of these norms Ben-David defends the view that science is morally neutral. Ben-David thinks that a scientist has a limited social responsibility. A scientist only reports on the new results, but he is not responsible for applying the results. In any case Ben-David's ideas are no longer valid. Sperry has a scientistic view of science. According to Sperry, science is the source of moral norms and also the best guide for moral action. The methods of natural sciences "show" how to solve moral problems. A scientist's personal views of science and social responsibility are not important. However Sperry's view is very problematic on the ethical side. Tranøy stresses the scientist's social responsibility. A scientist has common norms with the society from with he or she comes. This is why a scientist has the right, and also the responsibility, to discuss social and ethical questions between science and society. Tranøy's view has some ethical and practical problems, but it is valid in principle. Finally, Ben-David's, Sperry's and Tranøy's views of both science and the scientist's social responsibility have a connection: the view of science corresponds to the certain view of scientist's social responsibility. The result of this study is: Ben-David's, Sperry's and Tranøy's view of science have an ethical starting point as its fundamental presupposition, which include certain views of scientific knowledge, good and the scientist's ethical responsibilities. The connection between Ben-David's, Sperry's and Tranøy's views of science and views of the scientist's social responsibility means that their views of epistemology, meta-ethics and the scientist's ethical responsibilities have a connection to their views of the scientist's social responsibility. The results of this study can help the scientific community to organize the social responsibility of a scientist and deepen the conversation concerning the scientist's social responsibility.

Juutalaisvastaisuus suomalaisissa aikakauslehdissä ja kirjallisuudessa 1918-1944

Anti-Semitism existed in Finland during the whole period covered by this study. The immoral acts associated with Jews in the articles were mostly regarded as universal habits, qualities and/or modes of action, that is, unconnected with any particular Finnish Jew. Researchers have tried to explain anti-Semitism in several ways. The theory of Jews as outsiders has been a popular explanation as well as xenophobia, chimerical anti-Semitism and the socio-economic models. The main sources of this study have been over 400 Finnish periodicals and magazines, literature and text books published between 1918 and 1944. This vast number of magazines includes those of the army and the civil guard, religion, humour and the papers of the Finnish extreme right. One can see a distinct foreign and especially German influence in the subjects and phraseology of Finnish anti-Semitic writings between 1918 and 1944. Several known Finnish anti-Semitic writers had some kind of link with Germany. Some Finnish organisations and societies were openly anti-Semitic during this period. There had been cycles in the activity of anti-Semitic writing in Finland, obvious peaks appearing in 1918 1919, 1929 1931, 1933 1938 and 1942 1944. The reason for the 1918 1919 activity was the civil rights which were granted to the Jews in Finland, and the Russian Bolshevik revolution. The worldwide depression from 1929 to 1932 seem to be the reason for new anti-Semitic writing activity. The rise of National Socialism in Germany and the influence this phenomenon had in Finland was the reason for the peak during 1933 1938. During the continuation war 1942 1944 National Socialist Germany was fighting side-by-side with Finland and their anti-Semitic propaganda found easier access to Finland. Of the 433 magazines, journals and newspapers which were used in this study, 71 or 16.4 per cent had at least one article that can be identified as anti-Semitic; especially the magazines of national socialists and other extreme right parties were making anti-Semitic annotations. There were about 50 people known to have written anti-Semitic articles. At least half of these known writers had studied at the university, including as many as 10 priests. Over and above these, there was an even larger number of people who wrote under a pseudonym. The material used suggested that anti-Semitism was not very popular in Finland between 1918 and 1944. Anti-Semitic articles appeared mostly in the magazines of the extreme right, but their circulation was not very large. A proof of the slight influence of these extreme right anti-Semitic ideas is that, beside the tightening of policy towards Jewish immigrants in 1938 and the handing over of eight of these refugees to Germany in 1942, the official policy of Finland never became anti-Semitic. As was stated before, despite the cycles in the number of writings, there does not appear to have been any noticeable change in public opinion. One must also remember that most Finns had not at that period actually met a Jew. The material used suggests that between 1918 and 1944 the so-called Jewish question was seemingly unimportant for most Finns and their attitude to Jews and Jewishness can be described as neutral.

Testicular function in adolescent boys with Klinefelter syndrome

Klinefelter syndrome (KS) is the most frequent karyotype disorder of male reproductive function. Since its original clinical description in 1942 and the identification of its chromosomal basis 47,XXY in 1959, the typical KS phenotype has become well recognized, but the mechanisms behind the testicular degeneration process have remained unrevealed. This prospective study was undertaken to increase knowledge about testicular function in adolescent KS boys. It comprised a longitudinal follow-up of growth, pubertal development, and serum reproductive hormone levels in 14 prepubertal and pubertal KS boys. Each boy had a testicular biopsy that was analyzed with histomorphometric and immunohistochemical methods. The KS boys had sufficient testosterone levels to allow normal onset and progression of puberty. Their serum testosterone levels remained within the low-normal range throughout puberty, but from midpuberty onwards, findings like a leveling-off in testosterone and insulin-like factor 3 (INSL3) concentrations, high gonadotropin levels, and exaggerated responses to gonadotropin-releasing hormone stimulation suggest diminished testosterone secretion. We also showed that the Leydig cell differentiation marker INSL3 may serve as a novel marker for onset and normal progression of puberty in boys. In the KS boys the number of germ cells was already markedly lower at the onset of puberty. The pubertal activation of the pituitary-testicular axis accelerated germ cell depletion, and germ cell differentiation was at least partly blocked at the spermatogonium or early primary spermatocyte stages. The presence of germ cells correlated with serum reproductive hormone levels. The immature Sertoli cells were incapable of transforming to the adult type, and during puberty the degeneration of Sertoli cells increased markedly. The older KS boys displayed an evident Leydig cell hyperplasia, as well as fibrosis and hyalinization of the interstitium and peritubular connective tissue. Altered immunoexpression of the androgen receptor (AR) suggested that in KS boys during puberty a relative androgen deficiency develops at testicular level. The impact of genetic features of the supernumerary X chromosome on the KS phenotype was also studied. The present study suggests that parental origin of the supernumerary X chromosome and the length of the CAG repeat of the AR gene influence pubertal development and testicular degeneration. The current study characterized by several means the testicular degeneration process in the testes of adolescent KS boys and confirmed that this process accelerates at the onset of puberty. Although serum reproductive hormone levels indicated no hypogonadism during early puberty, the histological analyses showed an already markedly reduced fertility potential in prepubertal KS boys. Genetic features of the X chromosome affect the KS phenotype.

Humanitaarisuuden varjossa : Poliittiset tekijät lastensiirroissa Ruotsiin sotiemme aikana ja niiden jälkeen

The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

Paimen vailla hiippakuntaa : Kenttäpiispan viran synty ja vaikutus sotilaspapiston asemaan Suomen puolustusvoimissa ja kirkossa vuosina 1939 - 1944

The main purpose of this research is to shed light on the factors that gave rise to the office of Field Bishop in the years 1939-1944. How did military bishophood affect the status of the head of military pastoral care and military clergy during these years? The main sources of my research are the collections in the Finnish National Archives, and I use a historical-qualitative method. The position of the military clergy was debated within both the Church and the Defence Forces before 1939. At that stage, Church law did not yet recognize the office of the leading military priest, the Field Dean. There had been a motion in 1932 to introduce the office of a military bishop, but the bishops' synod blocked it. The concept of Field Bishop appeared for the first time in 1927 in a Finnish military document, which dealt with pastoral care in the Polish military. The Field Dean in Finland had regularly proposed improvements to the salary of the military clergy before the Winter War. After the Winter War, arguments were made for strengthening the position of the military clergy: these arguments were based on the increased respect shown towards this clergy, especially due to their role in the care of the fallen, which had become their task during the war. Younger members of the military clergy in particular supported the demands to improve their position within the Church and the army. The creation of a Field Bishop was perceived as strengthening the whole military clergy, as the Field Bishop was envisioned as a bishop within the Church and a general within the Defence Forces. During that time the Field Dean was still without any military rank. The idea of a Field Bishop was recommended to Mannerheim in June 1940, after which the Defence Forces lent their support to the cause. The status of the military clergy, in Church law, made it to the agenda of the Church council in January 1941, thanks largely to the younger priests' group influence and Mannerheim's leverage. The bishops opposed the notion of a Field Bishop mostly on theological grounds but were ready to concede that the position the Field Dean in Church law required further defining. The creation of the office of Field Bishop was blocked in the Church law committee report issued close to the beginning of the Continuation War. The onset of that war, however, changed the course of events, as the President of the Republic appointed Field Dean Johannes Björklund as Field Bishop. Speculation has abounded about Mannerheim's role in the appointment, but the truth of the matter is not clear. The title of Field Bishop was used to put pressure on the Church, and, at the same time, Mannerheim could remain detached from the matter. Later, in September 1941, the Church council approved the use of the Field Bishop title to denote the head of military pastoral care in Church law, and Field Bishops were assigned some of the duties formerly pertaining to bishops. Despite all expectations and hopes, the new office of Field Bishop did not affect the status of the military clergy within the Defence Forces, as no ranks were established for them, and their salary did not improve. However the office of the Field Bishop within Army HQ was transformed from a bureau into a department in the summer of 1942. At the beginning of the Continuation War, the Field Bishop was criticized by certain military and Church clergy for favouring Russian Orthodox Christians in Eastern Karelia. Björklund agreed in principle with most of the Lutheran clergy on the necessity of Lutheranizing East Karelia but had to take into account the realities at Army HQ. As well, at the same time the majority of the younger clergy were serving in the army, and there was a lack of parish priests on the home front. Bishop Lehtonen had actually expressed the wish that more priests could have been released from the front to serve in local parishes. In his notes Lehtonen accused Björklund of trying to achieve the position of Field Bishop by all possible means. However, research has revealed a varied group of people behind the creation of the office of Field Bishop, including in particular younger clergy and the Defence Forces.

Down, You Vagabond of a Heart! : Romance and Created Personas in the Journals of L. M. Montgomery

Kanadalainen kirjailija L. M. (Ludy Maud) Montgomery (1874-1942) tunnetaan parhaiten lasten ja nuorten kirjallisuudestaan, erityisesti Anne of Green Gables -romaanistaan (suom. Annan nuoruusvuodet). Graduni tutkii kuitenkin Montgomeryn vähemmän tunnettua omaelämäkerrallista tuotantoa, hänen päiväkirjojaan, jotka on julkaistu viidessä osassa (1985-2004). Keskityn romanssin kuvaukseen Montgomeryn päiväkirjojen ensimmäisessä osassa ja tutkin, millaisia tekstuaalisia persoonia (personas) kertoja luo autobiografisessa prosessissa. Tähän narratiiviseen prosessiin vaikuttavat erityisesti päiväkirjan yleisö tai lukijat (audience), samoin kuin fiktiiviset esikuvat ja fiktiivisesti kirjoittaminen (fictionalisation) sekä kysymys päiväkirjan kertovasta ja kerrotusta minästä (narrated and narrating I). Romanssi on pääosassa Montgomeryn päiväkirjojen ensimmäisessä julkaistussa osassa, joka kuvaa hänen teini- ja varhaisaikuisuusvuosiaan. Väitän, että vaikka päiväkirjateksti saattaa vaikuttaa rehelliseltä ja todenmukaiselta kuvaukselta elämästä, varsinkin Montgomeryn tapauksessa kyseessä on silti läpikotaisin editoitu ja muokattu teksti, jota päiväkirjan tekijä hallitsee rautaisella otteella ja joka käyttää hyväkseen fiktiivisiä keinoja. Aineistonani käytän sekä Montgomeryn julkaistuja että julkaisemattomia päiväkirjoja, joita säilytetään University of Guelphin arkistoissa, Kanadan Ontariossa. Päiväkirjat ovat moneen kertaan sekä Montgomeryn että julkaistujen päiväkirjojen editoijien muokkaamia, joten niiden tutkiminen lähilukemalla (close-reading) ja eri versioita vertaillen on erityisen tärkeää. Teorian osalta keskityn lähinnä Pohjois-Amerikassa kirjoitettuun autobiografia- ja (naisten) päiväkirjatutkimukseen. Väitän gradussani, että Montgomeryn kuvaus heteroseksuaalisesta romanssista välttää tarjoamasta lukijalle romanssijuonen tyypillistä katharsista. Montgomeryn romanttiset persoonat ovat yllättävän epäromanttisia ja ristiriidassa keskenään. Romantiikan traditiolle tyypillistä kieltä ja personifikaatiota käytetään joko korostetun liioitellusti tai humoristisesti ja parodioiden.

"Helvetti on kiistaton, mutta taivas on suhteellinen." : Uskonnollisten ihanteiden ja kokemuksen välinen ristiriita L. M. Montgomeryn elämässä vuosina 1921 1927

Tässä tutkimuksessa tutkittiin kanadalaisen kirjailijan L. M. Montgomeryn (1874 1942) elämää vuosina 1921 1927. Kyseisinä vuosina Montgomery eli presbyteeripapin vaimona maaseutuseurakunnissa, ensin Leaskdalessa ja sitten Norvalissa Kanadan Ontariossa. Tutkimus keskittyi tarkastelemaan kirjailijan elämää hallinnutta ristiriitaa, joka muodostui uskonnollisten ihanteiden ja yksilöllisen kokemuksen välisistä eroavaisuuksista. Primäärilähteinä olivat Montgomeryn toimitetut ja julkaistut päiväkirjat The Selected Journals of L. M. Montgomery 1 5 (1985 2004), joista käytettiin etenkin tutkimusvuosiin keskittyvää kolmatta osaa, Montgomeryn neljä romaania Emily of New Moon (1923), Emily Climbs (1925), Blue Castle (1926) ja Emily's Quest (1927) sekä Montgomeryn toimitettu ja julkaistu kirjeenvaihto After Green Gables: L. M. Montgomery's Letters to Ephraim Weber , 1916 1941 (2006) ja My Dear Mr. M.: Letters to G. B. MacMillan (1980). Lisäksi lähteinä oli Leaskdalen seurakuntalaisten kokoama muistelmateos Montgomerysta. Kirjallisuutta käytettiin kirkkohistorian, kirjallisuudentutkimuksen ja naistutkimuksen alalta. Suositusta kirjailijasta on tehty useampia elämäkertoja ja niitä hyödynnettiin tutkimuksessa. Tutkimus jakautui kahteen päälukuun, jotka toimivat toistensa vastaparina. Ensimmäinen tutkimusluku keskittyi tarkastelemaan uskonnollisia ja viktoriaanisia ihanteita, joiden mukaisesti Montgomery oli saanut kasvatuksen. Hän pyrki täyttämään näitä ihanteita myös pappilan emäntänä. Toinen tutkimusluku tarkasteli kirjailijan elämää, uskonnollisia ajatuksia ja avioliittoa julkisivun takana, jolloin kävi selvästi ilmi kirjailijan kahtiajakautunut elämä. Montgomery sai presbyteerisen ja viktoriaanisen kasvatuksen ja oppi jo lapsena huomioimaan sen, mitä muut ihmiset ajattelevat hänestä. Hän eli pienissä maaseutuyhteisöissä, joissa juoruilu oli yksi kontrollin väline. Papin vaimolla oli velvollisuuksia seurakunnassa ja pappilan hoidossa, ja Montgomery hoiti ne tarmokkaasti ja velvollisuudentuntoisesti. Hänellä oli apulainen pappilassa, jossa arki sujui viikkoaikataulun mukaisesti. Papin vaimon roolin lisäksi Montgomery jatkoi omaa kirjoittamistyötään ja hänen runsaat tulonsa mahdollistivat nelihenkisen perheen monet hankinnat. Hänen avioliittonsa oli vaikea, sillä aviomies kärsi uskonnollisesta melankoliasta ja asia piti salata seurakuntalaisilta. Montgomery käsittelee uskonnollisia teemoja romaaneissaan ja päiväkirjassaan. Hänen uskonnolliset ajatuksensa erosivat presbyteerikirkon opista useassa kohdin. Hän ei uskonut moneenkaan opinkappaleeseen, kohtasi Jumalan ennemmin luonnossa ollessaan yksin kuin kirkossa seurakunnan keskellä sekä ajatteli kristinuskon olevan jäännös menneestä ja tieteen ottaneen sen paikan Jumalan toiminnan kanavana. Kirjailijan ajattelussa on yhtymäkohtia transsendentalismiin, teosofiaan ja darwinismiin. Hän oli innokas psykologisen kirjallisuuden lukija ja sovelsi oppejaan käytäntöön. Hän uskoi unien välittävän viestejä. Kirkkokunta oli hänelle kuitenkin merkittävä identiteetin rakentaja. Papin vaimon roolin ja yksityisesti kriittisen ajattelijan roolin yhteensovittaminen aiheutti Montogmerylle ongelmia ja väsymystä. Hän kätki uskonnolliset ajatuksensa ja yksinäisyyden aiheuttaman kivun päiväkirjaansa, jonka hän toivoi julkaistavan viimeistään kuolemansa jälkeen. Kaikenlainen kirjoittaminen oli hänelle pakoa todellisuudesta ja auttoi häntä jaksamaan. Otsikon sitatti kuvaa Montgomeryn suhdetta kristinuskoon: hän käytti kristillisiä ilmauksia, mutta muokkasi niiden sisältöä omaa uskoaan vastaavaksi. Taivas ja helvetti kuvasivat usein hänen henkistä olotilaansa sanojen uskonnollisen merkityksen sijasta.

Jouko Turkan Teatterikorkeakoulun kauden yhteiskunnallinen kontekstuaalisuus vuosina 1982 - 1985

The subject of my doctoral thesis is the social contextuality of Finnish theater director, Jouko Turkka's (b. 1942) educational tenure in the Theater Academy of Finland 1982 1985. Jouko Turkka announced in the opening speech of his rectorship in 1982 that Finnish society had undergone a social shift into a new cultural age, and that actors needed new facilities like capacity, flexibility, and ability for renewal in their work. My sociological research reveals that Turkka adapted cultural practices and norms of new capitalism and new liberalism, and built a performance environment for actors' educational work, a real life simulation of a new capitalist workplace. Actors educational praxis became a cultural performance, a media spectacle. Turkka's tenure became the most commented upon and discussed era in Finnish postwar theater history. The sociological method of my thesis is to compare information of sociological research literature about new capitalist work, and Turkka's educational theater work. In regard to the conceptions of legitimation, time, dynamics, knowledge, and social narrative consubstantial changes occurred simultaneously in both contexts of workplace. I adapt systems and chaos theory's concepts and modules when researching how a theatrical performance self-organizes in a complex social space and the space of Information. Ilya Prigogine's chaos theoretic concept, fluctuation, is the central social and aesthetic concept of my thesis. The chaos theoretic conception of the world was reflected in actors' pedagogy and organizational renewals: the state of far from equilibrium was the prerequisite of creativity and progress. I interpret the social and theater's aesthetical fluctuations as the cultural metaphor of new capitalism. I define the wide cultural feedback created by Turkka's tenure of educational praxis, and ideas adapted from the social context into theater education, as an autopoietic communicative process between theater education and society: as a black box, theater converted the virtual conception of the world into a concrete form of an actor's psychophysical praxis. Theater educational praxis performed socially contextual meanings referring to a subject's position in the social change of 1980s Finland. My other theoretic framework lies close to the American performance theory, with its close ties to the social sciences, and to the tradition of rhetoric and communication: theater's rhetorical utility materializes quotidian cultural practices in a theatrical performance, and helps the audience to research social situations and cultural praxis by mirroring them and creating an explanatory frame.