14 resultados para Cold

em Helda - Digital Repository of University of Helsinki


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In Finland, suckler cow production is carried out in circumstances characterized by a long winter period and a short grazing period. The traditional winter housing system for suckler cows has been insulated or uninsulated buildings, but there is a demand for developing less expensive housing systems. In addition, more information is needed on new winter feeding strategies, carried out in inexpensive winter facilities with conventional (hay, grass silage, straw) or alternative (treated straw, industrial by-product, whole-crop silage) feeds. The new feeding techniques should not have any detrimental effects on animal welfare in order to be acceptable to both farmers and consumers. Furthermore, no official feeding recommendations for suckler cows are available in Finland and, thus, recommendations for dairy cows have been used. However, this may lead to over- or underfeeding of suckler cows and, finally, to decreased economic output. In Experiment I, second-calf beef-dairy suckler cows were used to compare the effects of diets based on hay (H) or urea-treated straw (US) at two feeding levels (Moderate; M vs. Low; L) on the performance of cows and calves. Live weight (LW) gain during the indoor feeding was lower for cows on level L than on level M. Cows on diet US lost more LW indoors than those on diet H. The cows replenished the LW losses on good pasture. Calf LW gain and cow milk production were unaffected by the treatments. Conception rate was unaffected by the treatments but was only 69%. Urea-treated straw proved to be a suitable winter feed for spring-calving suckler cows. Experiment II studied the effects of feeding accuracy on the performance of first- and second-calf beef-dairy cows and calves. In II-1, the day-to-day variation in the roughage offered ranged up to ± 40%. In II-2, the same variation was used in two-week periods. Variation of the roughages offered had minor effects on cow performance. Reproduction was unaffected by the feeding accuracy. Accurate feeding is not necessary for young beef-dairy crosses, if the total amount of energy offered over a period of a few weeks fulfills the energy requirements. Effects of feeding strategies with alternative feeds on the performance of mature beef-dairy and beef cows and calves were evaluated in Experiment III. Two studies consisted of two feeding strategies (Step-up vs. Flat-rate) and two diets (Control vs. Alternative). There were no differences between treatments in the cow LW, body condition score (BCS), calf pre-weaning LW gain and cow reproduction. A flat-rate strategy can be practised in the nutrition of mature suckler cows. Oat hull based flour-mill by product can partly replace grass silage and straw in the winter diet. Whole-crop barley silage can be offered as a sole feed to suckler cows. Experiment IV evaluated during the winter feeding period the effects of replacing grass silage with whole-crop barley or oat silage on mature beef cow and calf performance. Both whole-crop silages were suitable winter feeds for suckler cows in cold outdoor winter conditions. Experiment V aimed at assessing the effects of daily feeding vs. feeding every third day on the performance of mature beef cows and calves. No differences between the treatments were observed in cow LW, BCS, milk production and calf LW. The serum concentrations of urea and long-chain fatty acids were increased on the third day after feeding in the cows fed every third day. Despite of that the feeding every third day is an acceptable feeding strategy for mature suckler cows. Experiment VI studied the effects of feeding levels and long-term cold climatic conditions on mature beef cows and calves. The cows were overwintered in outdoor facilities or in an uninsulated indoor facility. Whole-crop barley silage was offered either ad libitum or restricted. All the facilities offered adequate shelter for the cows. The restricted offering of whole-crop barley silage provided enough energy for the cows. The Finnish energy recommendations for dairy cows were too high for mature beef breed suckler cows in good body condition at housing, even in cold conditions. Therefore, there is need to determine feeding recommendations for suckler cows in Finland. The results showed that the required amount of energy can be offered to the cows using conventional or alternative feeds provided at a lower feeding level, with an inaccurate feeding, flat-rate feeding or feeding every third day strategy. The cows must have an opportunity to replenish the LW and BCS losses at pasture before the next winter. Production in cold conditions can be practised in inexpensive facilities when shelter against rain and wind, a dry resting place, adequate amounts of feed suitable for cold conditions and water are provided for the animals as was done in the present study.

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From the Soviet point of view the actual substance of Soviet-Finnish relations in the second half of 1950s clearly differed from the contemporary and later public image, based on friendship and confidence rhetoric. As the polarization between the right and the left became more underlined in Finland in the latter half of the 1950s, the criticism towards the Soviet Union became stronger, and the USSR feared that this development would have influence on Finnish foreign policy. From the Soviet point of view, the security commitments of FCMA-treaty needed additional guarantees through control of Finnish domestic politics and economic relations, especially during international crises. In relation to Scandinavia, Finland was, from the Soviet point of view, the model country of friendship or neutrality policy. The influence of the Second Berlin Crisis or the Soviet-Finnish Night Frost Crisis in 1958-1959 to Soviet policy towards Scandinavia needs to be observed from this point of view. The Soviet Union used Finland as a tool, in agreement with Finnish highest political leadership, for weakening of the NATO membership of Norway and Denmark, and for maintaining Swedish non-alliance. The Finnish interest to EFTA membership in the summer of 1959, at the same time with the Scandinavian countries, seems to have caused a panic reaction in the USSR, as the Soviets feared that these economic arrangements would reverse the political advantages the country had received in Finland after the Night Frost Crisis. Together with history of events, this study observes the interaction of practical interests and ideologies, both in individuals and in decision-making organizations. The necessary social and ideological reforms in the Soviet Union after 1956 had influence both on the legitimacy of the regime, and led to contradictions in the argumentation of Soviet foreign policy. This was observed both in the own camp as well as in the West. Also, in Finland a breakthrough took place in the late 1950's: as the so-called counter reaction lost to the K-line, "a special relationship" developed with the Soviet Union. As a consequence of the Night Frost Crisis the Soviet relationship became a factor decisively defining the limits of domestic politics in Finland, a part of Finnish domestic political argumentation. Understood from this basis, finlandization is not, even from the viewpoint of international relations, a special case, but a domestic political culture formed by the relationship between a dominant state, a superpower, and a subordinate state, Finland.

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National identity signifies and makes state s defence- and foreign policy behaviour meaningful. National consciousness is narrated into existence by narratives upon one s own exceptionalism and Otherness of the other nations. While national identity may be understood merely as a self-image of a nation, defence identity refers to the borders of Otherness and issues that have been considered as worth defending for. As national identities and all the world order models are human constructions, they may be changed by the human efforts as well; states and nations may deliberately promote communitarian or even cosmopolitan equality and tolerance without borders of Otherness. The main research question of the thesis is: How does Poland constitute herself as a nation and a state agent in the current world order and to what extent have contextual foreign and defence policy interactions changed the Polish defence identity during the post-Cold War era? The main empirical argument of the thesis is: Poland is a narrated idea of a Christian Catholic nation-state, which the Polish State, the Catholic Church of Poland, the Armed Forces of Poland as well as a majority of the Polish nation share. Polish defence identity has been almost impenetrable to contextual foreign and defence policy interactions during the post-Cold War era. While Christian religious ontology binds corporate Poland together, allowing her to survive any number of military and political catastrophes, it simultaneously brings her closer to the USA, raises tensions in the infidel EU-context, and restrains corporate Poland s pursuit of communitarian, or even cosmopolitan, global equality and tolerance. It is not the case that corporate Poland s foreign and defence policy orientation is instinctively Atlanticist by nature, as has been argued. Rather, it has been the State s rational project to overcome a habituated and reified fear of becoming geopolitically sandwiched between Russian and German Others by leaning on the USA; among the Polish nation, support for the USA has been declining since 2004. It is not corporate Poland either that has turned into a constructive European , as has been argued, but rather the Polish nation that has, at least partly, managed to emancipate itself from its habituation to a betrayal by Europe narrative, since it favours the EU as much as it favours NATO. It seems that in the Polish case a truly common European CFSP vis-à-vis Russia may offer a solution that will emancipate the Polish State from its habituated EU-sceptic role identity and corporate Poland from its narrated borders of Otherness towards Russia and Germany, but even then one cannot be sure whether any other perspective than the Polish one on a common stand towards Russia would satisfy the Poles themselves.

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Increased anthropogenic loading of nitrogen (N) and phosphorus (P) has led to an eutrophication problem in the Baltic Sea, and the spring bloom is a key component in the biological uptake of increased nutrient concentrations. The spring bloom in the Baltic Sea is dominated by both diatoms and dinoflagellates. However, the sedimentation of these groups is different: diatoms tend to sink to the sea floor at the end of the bloom, while dinoflagellates to a large degree are been remineralized in the euphotic zone. Understanding phytoplankton competition and species specific ecological strategies is thus of importance for assessing indirect effects of phytoplankton community composition on eutrophication problems. The main objective of this thesis was to describe some basic physiological and ecological characteristics of the main cold-water diatoms and dinoflagellates in the Baltic Sea. This was achieved by specific studies of: (1) seasonal vertical positioning, (2) dinoflagellate life cycle, (3) mixotrophy, (4) primary production, respiration and growth and (5) diatom silicate uptake, using cultures of common cold-water diatoms: Chaetoceros wighamii, C. gracilis, Pauliella taeniata, Thalassiosira baltica, T. levanderi, Melosira arctica, Diatoma tenuis, Nitzschia frigida, and dinoflagellates: Peridiniella catenata, Woloszynskia halophila and Scrippsiella hangoei. The diatoms had higher primary production capacity and lower respiration rate compared with the dinoflagellates. This difference was reflected in the maximum growth rate, which for the examined diatoms range from 0.6 to 1.2 divisions d-1, compared with 0.2 to 0.3 divisions d-1 for the dinoflagellates. Among diatoms there were species specific differences in light utilization and uptake of silicate, and C. wighamii had the highest carbon assimilation capacity and maximum silicate uptake. The physiological properties of diatoms and dinoflagellates were used in a model of the onset of the spring bloom: for the diatoms the model could predict the initiation of the spring bloom; S. hangoei, on the other hand, could not compete successfully and did not obtain positive growth in the model. The other dinoflagellates did not have higher growth rates or carbon assimilation rates and would thus probably not perform better than S. hangoei in the model. The dinoflagellates do, however, have competitive advantages that were not included in the model: motility and mixotrophy. Previous investigations has revealed that the chain-forming P. catenata performs diurnal vertical migration (DVM), and the results presented here suggest that active positioning in the water column, in addition to DVM, is a key element in this species' life strategy. There was indication of mixotrophy in S. hangoei, as it produced and excreted the enzyme leucine aminopeptidase (LAP). Moreover, there was indirect evidence that W. halophila obtains carbon from other sources than photosynthesis when comparing increase in cell numbers with in situ carbon assimilation rates. The results indicate that mixotrophy is a part of the strategy of vernal dinoflagellates in the Baltic Sea. There were also indications that the seeding of the spring bloom is very important for the dinoflagellates to succeed. In mesocosm experiments dinoflagellates could not compete with diatoms when their initial numbers were low. In conclusion, this thesis has provided new information about the basic physiological and ecological properties of the main cold-water phytoplankton in the Baltic Sea. The main phytoplankton groups, diatoms and dinoflagellates, have different physiological properties, which clearly separate their life strategies. The information presented here could serve as further steps towards better prognostic models of the effects of eutrophication in the Baltic Sea.

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This is a study of ultra-cold Fermi gases in different systems. This thesis is focused on exotic superfluid states, for an example on the three component Fermi gas and the FFLO phase in optical lattices. In the two-components case, superfluidity is studied mainly in the case of the spin population imbalanced Fermi gases and the phase diagrams are calculated from the mean-field theory. Different methods to detect different phases in optical lattices are suggested. In the three-component case, we studied also the uniform gas and harmonically trapped system. In this case, the BCS theory is generalized to three-component gases. It is also discussed how to achieve the conditions to get an SU(3)-symmetric Hamiltonian in optical lattices. The thesis is divided in chapters as follows: Chapter 1 is an introduction to the field of cold quantum gases. In chapter 2 optical lattices and their experimental characteristics are discussed. Chapter 3 deals with two-components Fermi gases in optical lattices and the paired states in lattices. In chapter 4 three-component Fermi gases with and without a harmonic trap are explored, and the pairing mechanisms are studied. In this chapter, we also discuss three-component Fermi gases in optical lattices. Chapter 5 devoted to the higher order correlations, and what they can tell about the paired states. Chapter 6 concludes the thesis.

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The Cold War era was characterized by ideological struggles that had a major impact on economic decision-making, and also on management practice. To date, however, these ideological struggles have received little attention from management and organizational scholars. To partially fill this research gap, we focus on the role of the media in these ideological struggles. Our starting point is that the media both reflect more general societal debates but also act as an agency promoting specific kinds of ideas and ideologies. In this sense, the media exercise significant power in society; this influece, however, is often subtle and easily dismissed in historical analyses focusing on political and corporate decision-making. In this article, we focus on the role of business journalism in the ideological struggles of the Cold War era. Our case in point is Finland, which is arguably a particularly interesting example due to its geo-political position between East and West. Our approach is socio-historical: we focus on the emergence and development of business journalism in the context of the specific struggles in the Finnish political and economic fields. Our analysis shows how the business journalists struggled between nationalist, pro-Soviet and pro-West political forces, but gradually developed into an increasingly influential force promoting neo-liberal ideology.

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For the past two centuries, nationalism has been among the most influential legitimizing principles of political organization. According to its simple definition, nationalism is a principle or a way of thinking and acting which holds that the world is divided into nations, and that national and political units should be congruent. Nationalism can thus be divided into two aspects: internal and external. Internally, the political units, i.e., states, should be made up of only one nation. Externally each nation-state should be sovereign. Transnational national governance of rights of national minorities violates both these principles. This study explores the formation, operation, and effectiveness of the European post-Cold War minorities system. The study identifies two basic approaches to minority rights: security and justice. These approaches have been used to legitimize international minority politics and they also inform the practice of transnational governance. The security approach is based on the recognition that the norm of national self-determination cannot be fulfilled in all relevant cases, and so minority rights are offered as a compensation to the dissatisfied national groups, reducing their aspiration to challenge the status quo. From the justice perspective, minority rights are justified as a compensatory strategy against discrimination caused by majority nation-building. The research concludes that the post-Cold War minorities system was justified on the basis of a particular version of the security approach, according to which only Eastern European minority situations are threatening because of the ethnic variant of nationalism that exists in that region. This security frame was essential in internationalising minority issues and justifying the swift development of norms and institutions to deal with these issues. However, from the justice perspective this approach is problematic, since it justified double standards in European minority politics. Even though majority nation-building is often detrimental to minorities also in Western Europe, Western countries can treat their minorities more or less however they choose. One of the main contributions of this thesis is the detailed investigation of the operation of the post-Cold War minorities system. For the first decade since its creation in the early 1990s, the system operated mainly through its security track, which is based on the field activities of the OSCE that are supported by the EU. The study shows how the effectiveness of this track was based on inter-organizational cooperation in which various transnational actors compensate for each other s weaknesses. After the enlargement of the EU and dissolution of the membership conditionality this track, which was limited to Eastern Europe from the start, has become increasingly ineffective. Since the EU enlargement, the focus minorities system has shifted more and more towards its legal track, which is based on the Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (Council of Europe). The study presents in detail how a network of like-minded representatives of governments, international organizations, and independent experts was able strengthen the framework convention s (originally weak) monitoring system considerably. The development of the legal track allows for a more universal and consistent, justice-based approach to minority rights in contemporary Europe, but the nationalist principle of organization still severely hinders the materialization of this possibility.

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The coherence of the Soviet bloc was seriously tested at the turn of the 1970s, as the Soviet Union and its allies engaged in intensive negotiations over their relations with the European Communities (EC). In an effort to secure their own national economic interests many East European countries began independent manoeuvres against the wishes of their bloc leader. However, much of the intra-bloc controversy was kept out of the public eye, as the battle largely took place behind the scenes, within the organisation for economic cooperation, the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA). The CMEA policy-making process vis-à-vis the EC is described in this study with reference to primary archival materials. This study investigates the negotiating positions and powers of the CMEA member states in their efforts to deal with the economic challenge created by the progress of the EC, as it advanced towards the customs union. This entails an analysis of the functioning principles and performance of the CMEA machinery. The study traces the CMEA negotiations that began in 1970 over its policy toward the EC. The policy was finally adopted in 1974, and was followed by the first official meeting between the two organisations in early 1975. The story ends in 1976, when the CMEA s efforts to enter into working relations with the EC were seemingly frustrated by the latter. The first major finding of the study is that, contrary to much of the prior research, the Soviet Union was not in a hegemonic position vis-à-vis its allies. It had to use a lot of its resources to tame the independent manoeuvring of its smaller allies. Thus, the USSR was not the kind of bloc leader that the totalitarian literature has described. Because the Soviet Union had to spend so much attention on its own bloc-politics, it was not able to concentrate on formulating a policy vis-à-vis the EC. Thus, the Soviet leadership was dependent on its allies in those instances when the socialist countries needed to act as a bloc. This consequently opened up the possibility for the USSR s allies to manoeuvre. This study also argues that when the CMEA did manage to find a united position, it was a force that the EC had to reckon with in its policy-making. This was particularly the case in the implementation of the EC Common Commercial Policy. The other main finding of the study is that, although it has been largely neglected in the previous literature on the history of West European integration, the CMEA did in fact have an effect on EC decision-making. This study shows how for political and ideological reasons the CMEA members did not acknowledge the EC s supranational authority. Therefore the EC had no choice but to refrain from implementing its Common Commercial Policy in full.