Explorations in the distributional and semantic similarity of words

A straightforward computation of the list of the words (the `tail words' of the list) that are distributionally most similar to a given word (the `head word' of the list) leads to the question: How semantically similar to the head word are the tail words; that is: how similar are their meanings to its meaning? And can we do better? The experiment was done on nearly 18,000 most frequent nouns in a Finnish newsgroup corpus. These nouns are considered to be distributionally similar to the extent that they occur in the same direct dependency relations with the same nouns, adjectives and verbs. The extent of the similarity of their computational representations is quantified with the information radius. The semantic classification of head-tail pairs is intuitive; some tail words seem to be semantically similar to the head word, some do not. Each such pair is also associated with a number of further distributional variables. Individually, their overlap for the semantic classes is large, but the trained classification-tree models have some success in using combinations to predict the semantic class. The training data consists of a random sample of 400 head-tail pairs with the tail word ranked among the 20 distributionally most similar to the head word, excluding names. The models are then tested on a random sample of another 100 such pairs. The best success rates range from 70% to 92% of the test pairs, where a success means that the model predicted my intuitive semantic class of the pair. This seems somewhat promising when distributional similarity is used to capture semantically similar words. This analysis also includes a general discussion of several different similarity formulas, arranged in three groups: those that apply to sets with graded membership, those that apply to the members of a vector space, and those that apply to probability mass functions.

Narrative, Memory and the Crisis of Mimesis: the Case of Adam Elsheimer and Giordano Bruno

The triangular space between memory, narrative and pictorial representation is the terrain on which this article is developed. Taking the art of memory developed by Giordano Bruno (1548 – 1600) and the art of painting subtly revolutionised by Adam Elsheimer (1578 – 1610) as test-cases, it is shown how both subvert the norms of mimesis and narration prevalent throughout the Renaissance, how disrupted memory creates “incoherent” narratives, and how perspective and the notion of “place” are questioned in a corollary way. Two paintings by Elsheimer are analysed and shown to include, in spite of their supposed “realism”, numerous incoherencies, aporias and strange elements – often overlooked. Thus, they do not conform to two of the basic rules governing both the classical art of memory and the humanist art of painting: well-defined places and the exhaustive translatability of words into images (and vice-versa). In the work of Bruno, both his philosophical claims and the literary devices he uses are analysed as hints for a similar (and contemporaneous) undermining of conventions about the transparency and immediacy of representation.

Coordinated Verb Pairs in Texts

This dissertation discusses the relation between lexis, grammar and textual organisation. The major premise adopted here is that grammatical structures are motivated both by semantic potential of words and by text-pragmatic demands. In other words, it is argued that grammatical structures form the interface between lexis and textual organisation, and that linguistic analysis should not concentrate on analysing grammatical structures in isolation, independent of context. From this point of view, grammatical structures are said to be 'well-formed' only in relation to the context they occur in. This study is based on a corpus of three million words of recent Finnish fiction from which all the occurrences of the coordinated verb pairs ([V ja V] -pairs]) containing one of the intransitive motion verbs 'lähteä' (to go), 'mennä' (to go), 'päästä' (to get into), 'nousta' (to get up), and 'laskea' (to go down), were extracted. This set of verbs was established using methods described in earlier work by Lagus & Airola (2001, and 2005). The quantitative analysis of the [V ja V] -pairs was used to carry out a qualitative analysis of individual texts. In analysing the texts, an analogy was made between musical and textual structure. The results show among others that individual verbs specialise in different functions when occurring in coordinated verb pairs. One aspect was that those verb pairs including the verb 'nousta' tend to function as markers of textual boundaries and thus reflect the organisation of narrative substance. The verb 'mennä' has weakened literal meanings, but strengthened modal meanings when occurring in [V ja V] -pairs, and, in many cases, the verb 'lähteä' in [V ja V] -pairs function as an aspectual marker rather than a pure verb of motion. That there is a gradient from the concrete sense of motion into more differentiated senses of a verb in [V ja V] -pairs alongside the structure-creating potential of the [V ja V] -pairs themselves suggest an ongoing grammaticalisation process of the patterns discussed.

Talking About Time in Russian and Finnish

In this study I look at what people want to express when they talk about time in Russian and Finnish, and why they use the means they use. The material consists of expressions of time: 1087 from Russian and 1141 from Finnish. They have been collected from dictionaries, usage guides, corpora, and the Internet. An expression means here an idiomatic set of words in a preset form, a collocation or construction. They are studied as lexical entities, without a context, and analysed and categorized according to various features. The theoretical background for the study includes two completely different approaches. Functional Syntax is used in order to find out what general meanings the speaker wishes to convey when talking about time and how these meanings are expressed in specific languages. Conceptual metaphor theory is used for explaining why the expressions are as they are, i.e. what kind of conceptual metaphors (transfers from one conceptual domain to another) they include. The study has resulted in a grammatically glossed list of time expressions in Russian and Finnish, a list of 56 general meanings involved in these time expressions and an account of the means (constructions) that these languages have for expressing the general meanings defined. It also includes an analysis of conceptual metaphors behind the expressions. The general meanings involved turned out to revolve around expressing duration, point in time, period of time, frequency, sequence, passing of time, suitable time and the right time, life as time, limitedness of time, and some other notions having less obvious semantic relations to the others. Conceptual metaphor analysis of the material has shown that time is conceptualized in Russian and Finnish according to the metaphors Time Is Space (Time Is Container, Time Has Direction, Time Is Cycle, and the Time Line Metaphor), Time Is Resource (and its submapping Time Is Substance), Time Is Actor; and some characteristics are added to these conceptualizations with the help of the secondary metaphors Time Is Nature and Time Is Life. The limits between different conceptual metaphors and the connections these metaphors have with one another are looked at with the help of the theory of conceptual integration (the blending theory) and its schemas. The results of the study show that although Russian and Finnish are typologically different, they are very similar both in the needs of expression their speakers have concerning time, and in the conceptualizations behind expressing time. This study introduces both theoretical and methodological novelties in the nature of material used, in developing empirical methodology for conceptual metaphor studies, in the exactness of defining the limits of different conceptual metaphors, and in seeking unity among the different facets of time. Keywords: time, metaphor, time expression, idiom, conceptual metaphor theory, functional syntax, blending theory

L'ecfrasis nel Piacere di Gabriele D'Annunzio

Tutkielman aiheena on ekfrasis Gabriele D'Annunzion romaanissa Il Piacere (1889). Lähtökohtana on selvittää, millaisissa muodoissa ekfrasis esiintyy romaanissa sekä miten ekfrasis vaikuttaa teoksen tulkintatradition esille tuomaan tematiikkaan. Pyrkimyksenä on myös selkeyttää ekfrasiksen käsitettä, jonka ongelmana ovat sanaan eri aikakausina liitetyt eri merkitykset. Tärkeimpiä lähdeteoksia ovat James A.W. Heffernanin Museum of Words (1993) ja W.J.T. Mitchellin Picture Theory (1994), Marinella Cantelmon Il Piacere dei leggitori: D'Annunzio e la comunicazione letteraria (1996) sekä John Hollanderin artikkeli "The Poetics of Ekphrasis" (1988). Tutkielman avainkäsitteenä on Heffernanin määritelmä, jonka mukaan ekfrasis on sanallinen esitys kuvallisesta esityksestä. Määritelmää sovellettaessa on otettu huomioon representaatiokäsityksen avautuminen, jolloin vastaanottaja, ympäristö etc. ovat osa esitystä. Korpuksen muodostavat tapahtumaympäristöä, taideteoksia, esineistöä ja henkilöhahmoja kuvaavat ekfrastiset katkelmat. Luokittelussa toimivat alakäsitteinä Valerie Robillardin kuvaileva, attributiivinen ja assosiatiivinen ekfrasis sekä Tamar Yacobin ekfrastinen vertaus. Analyysi osoittaa, että kuvaileva ekfrasis on yleisin, mutta vain kuvitteellisten teosten yhteydessä. Katkelmissa on näkyvissä ekfrasikselle luonteenomainen kerronnallinen impulssi. Ekfrasis osallistuu tunnetun ja uuden elementin vuoropuheluun ankkuroimalla kuvitteelliset taideteokset lukijalle tuttuun ympäristöön, jolloin myös uusi tulee toden kaltaiseksi. Attributiivinen ekfrasis takaa välittömän tunnistettavuuden. Henkilöhahmot, erityisesti keskeiset naishahmot, on määritelty ekfrastisten vertausten kautta. Ekfrasis ilmentää osaltaan naishahmojen vaihdettavuuden tematiikkaa. Kyseessä on myös toiseuden haltuunotto. Kuvallisen viittaussuhteen ansiosta ekfrasis toimii tehokeinona. Tekstuaalisena strategiana ekfrasis luo siteitä tapahtumien välille ja rytmittää teoksen vaiheita. Ekfrastiset katkelmat tarjoavat myös väylän vaihtoehtoiselle tulkinnalle haastamalla tekstin totuuskäsityksen. Kuvallinen ja sanallinen esitys tuovat tekstiin omat merkityksensä, jolloin merkityskenttä laajenee. Il Piacere on intertekstuaalinen kollaasi, jossa kokonaiskuva muodostuu eri elementtien vuorovaikutuksesta. D'Annunzion mielestä kauneus on taiteen ensisijainen tarkoitus, ja ekfrasis retorisena keinona on osa pyrkimystä tavoittaa täydellinen muoto.

Readers' resposes versus reader-response theories : An empirical study

This study examines both theoretically an empirically how well the theories of Norman Holland, David Bleich, Wolfgang Iser and Stanley Fish can explain readers' interpretations of literary texts. The theoretical analysis concentrates on their views on language from the point of view of Wittgenstein's Philosophical Investigations. This analysis shows that many of the assumptions related to language in these theories are problematic. The empirical data show that readers often form very similar interpretations. Thus the study challenges the common assumption that literary interpretations tend to be idiosyncratic. The empirical data consists of freely worded written answers to questions on three short stories. The interpretations were made by 27 Finnish university students. Some of the questions addressed issues that were discussed in large parts of the texts, some referred to issues that were mentioned only in passing or implied. The short stories were "The Witch à la Mode" by D. H. Lawrence, "Rain in the Heart" by Peter Taylor and "The Hitchhiking Game" by Milan Kundera. According to Fish, readers create both the formal features of a text and their interpretation of it according to an interpretive strategy. People who agree form an interpretive community. However, a typical answer usually contains ideas repeated by several readers as well as observations not mentioned by anyone else. Therefore it is very difficult to determine which readers belong to the same interpretive community. Moreover, readers with opposing opinions often seem to pay attention to the same textual features and even acknowledge the possibility of an opposing interpretation; therefore they do not seem to create the formal features of the text in different ways. Iser suggests that an interpretation emerges from the interaction between the text and the reader when the reader determines the implications of the text and in this way fills the "gaps" in the text. Iser believes that the text guides the reader, but as he also believes that meaning is on a level beyond words, he cannot explain how the text directs the reader. The similarity in the interpretations and the fact that the agreement is strongest when related to issues that are discussed broadly in the text do, however, support his assumption that readers are guided by the text. In Bleich's view, all interpretations have personal motives and each person has an idiosyncratic language system. The situation where a person learns a word determines the most important meaning it has for that person. In order to uncover the personal etymologies of words, Bleich asks his readers to associate freely on the basis of a text and note down all the personal memories and feelings that the reading experience evokes. Bleich's theory of the idiosyncratic language system seems to rely on a misconceived notion of the role that ostensive definitions have in language use. The readers' responses show that spontaneous associations to personal life seem to colour the readers' interpretations, but such instances are rather rare. According to Holland, an interpretation reflects the reader's identity theme. Language use is regulated by shared rules, but everyone follows the rules in his or her own way. Words mean different things to different people. The problem with this view is that if there is any basis for language use, it seems to be the shared way of following linguistic rules. Wittgenstein suggests that our understanding of words is related to the shared ways of using words and our understanding of human behaviour. This view seems to give better grounds for understanding similarity and differences in literary interpretations than the theories of Holland, Bleich, Fish and Iser.

Naiset rajalla : Kyöpeli, Nainen, Naara(s), Neitsyt, Morsian, Akka ja Ämmä Suomen paikannimissä

Women at the boundary. Kyöpeli ( ghost, devil, elf, fairy, enchantress, witch ), Nainen ( woman ), Naara(s) ( female animal, derogatory term for a woman ), Neitsyt ( young, [virgin] woman ), Morsian ( bride ), Akka ( old woman, wife, grandmother ) and Ämmä ( [old] woman, wife, grandmother ) in Finnish place names This study examines a total of about 4,000 Finnish place names which include a specific that refers to a woman: Kyöpeli, Nainen, Naara(s), Neitsyt, Morsian, Akka or Ämmä. The study has two main objectives. First, to interpret the place names in the data, that is, to examine the words included in the data and establish their background and to differentiate names of different ages. In establishing the background of a name, the type of place (e.g. lake, hill or marsh) and its location, as well as the semantics of the feminine specific, are taken into account. The connotations of words referring to a woman are also studied. Words that refer to a woman are often affective and susceptible to changes in meaning, which is reflected in the history of place names. The second main objective is to recognise and highlight mythological place names. Mythology is pivotal for the interpretation of many place names with a feminine specific. The criteria for mythological names have not been explicitly discussed in Finnish onomastics until now, and I seek to determine such criteria in this study with the help of the data. Mythological place names often refer to large and significant natural localities, which are in many cases important boundaries for the community. Names for smaller localities may also be mythological if they refer to a place with a key location or a special topography (e.g. steep or rocky places). I also discuss the stories involved with specific places in the data, such as stories about supernatural beings. Each of the name groups discussed in the study has its own profile. For example, Naara(s) names are so old that naara is no longer understood to refer to a woman. These names have thus often been misinterpreted in onomastics. Names beginning with Morsian, on the other hand, appear to be of fairly recent origin and may be attributed to an international cautionary tale. Names beginning with Nais, Neitsyt, Akka and Ämmä highlight the duality of the data. They include both old names for important natural localities or boundaries and more recent names for modest dwellings, small cultivated areas and useless marshy ponds. This distribution of place names may reflect a cultural shift that changed the status of women in the community.

Konstruktioner och valens : Verbfraser med åt i ett jämförande perspektiv

Det har knappast undgått någon som är språkligt medveten att finlandssvenskan och sverigesvenskan skiljer sig åt till vissa delar. Olikheterna återfinns på olika språkliga nivåer. Mest kända och omskrivna är de lexikologiska skillnaderna, dvs. skillnaderna på ordplanet. Betydligt mindre uppmärksamhet har ägnats syntaktiska skillnader, dvs. skillnader i hur satser och meningar byggs upp. För att öka kunskapen om finlandssvensk syntax initierade Språkvetenskapliga nämnden vid Svenska litteratursällskapet i Finland projektet Svenskan i Finland – syntaktiska drag i ett jämförande perspektiv, som pågick åren 2004–2006. Min avhandling har kommit till inom ramen för det projektet. Prepositionerna (t.ex. av, i, på, för, till, åt osv.) är så kallade funktionsord som har till uppgift att binda samman de mer betydelsetunga orden till satser och meningar. Den finlandssvenska prepositionsanvändningen skiljer sig i viss mån från den sverigesvenska, och ”åt” är en av de prepositioner som ofta lyfts fram som exempel. Finlandssvenskarna säger t.ex. ”han gav en bok åt Lena” i stället för ”han gav en bok till Lena” eller ”han gav Lena en bok”. De säger ”berätta något åt någon” (i stället för ”för”) och de säger ”ringa åt någon” i stället för ”ringa någon”. Ett huvudsyfte med min undersökning är att ta reda på hur pass stora skillnaderna är om man ser till samtliga belägg på ”åt” i ett material och inte bara till sådana som man fäster sig vid för att man vet att de avviker i finlandssvenskan. Undersökningen är korpusbaserad. Det betyder att jag letat efter alla belägg på kombinationer av verb och prepositionen ”åt” i rätt stora textmassor som finns tillgängliga i elektronisk form. Materialet ligger i Språkbanken i Finland och omfattar huvudsakligen tidningstext och skönlitteratur. Jag har använt mig av en textmassa på sammanlagt ungefär 40 miljoner löpande ord, drygt 23 miljoner finlandssvenska och drygt 19 miljoner sverigesvenska. Det materialet gav ca 20 000 åt-belägg att studera, och det visade sig något oväntat att ”åt” inte alls är vanligare i finlandssvenskan än i sverigesvenskan när det gäller skriftspråk, åtminstone inte i professionella skribenters språk. Om man kompenserar för att den finlandssvenska och den sverigesvenska korpusen inte är helt lika i fråga om genrefördelning och ålder, kommer man fram till i stort sett samma frekvens för ”åt” i båda korpusarna. För den närmare analysen av vilka mönster åt-beläggen uppvisar har jag först och främst utnyttjat konstruktionsgrammatik men också ramsemantik och valensteori. Konstruktionsgrammatiken är ingen enhetlig teori, men tanken om grammatiska konstruktioner är gemensam. Konstruktioner representerar allt från generella syntaktiska mönster till specifika mönster för språkliga enskildheter. Uppfattningen om vad som ska inbegripas i begreppet varierar, men definitionen av ”konstruktion” som ”par (eller konstellationer) av form och betydelse” är gemensam. ”Konstruktion” avser aldrig konkreta belägg i texter eller yttranden utan alltid det abstrakta mönstret bakom dessa. Och varje yttrande är resultatet av att en stor mängd konstruktioner samverkar. I min analys har jag utgått ifrån att beläggen med ”åt” kan återföras på olika konstruktioner eller mönster utifrån vad som är gemensamt för grupper av belägg. Jag har sett på vad åt-frasen i samverkan med verbet har för funktion i beläggen. En åt-fras är syntaktiskt en prepositionsfras och består av en preposition och en rektion. Exempelvis utgör ordparet ”åt skogen” en prepositionsfras där ”skogen” är rektion. Ur mitt material har jag kunnat abstrahera fram fem övergripande mönster där referenten för rektionen har olika så kallade semantiska roller. Åt-frasen kan i kombination med verbet ange mål eller riktmärke, som i t.ex. svänga åt höger, dra åt helvete, ta sig åt hjärtat, luta åt en seger för IFK. Den kan för det andra ange mottagare (t.ex. ge varsin kaka åt hundarna, bygga en bastu åt sina svärföräldrar, skaffa biljetter åt en kompis). För det tredje kan åt-frasen avse en referent som har nytta (eller skada) av en aktion (t.ex. klippa häcken åt grannen, ställa in digitalboxen åt sin moster). Åt-frasen kan slutligen avse den eller det som är föremål antingen för en kommunikationsaktion (vinka åt sin son, skratta åt eländet) eller en attityd eller känsla (glädja sig åt framgången). Utöver dessa huvudmönster finns det ett antal smärre grupper av belägg som bildar egna mönster, men de utgör sammanlagt under 3 % i bägge korpusarna. Inom grupperna kan undermönster urskiljas. I t.ex. mottagargruppen representerar ”ge varsin kaka åt hundarna” överföringskonstruktion, ”bygga en bastu åt sina svärföräldrar” produktionskonstruktion och ”skaffa biljetter åt en kompis” ombesörjningskonstruktion. Alla typer är gemensamma för bägge materialen, men andelen belägg som representerar de olika typerna skiljer sig betydligt. I det sverigesvenska materialet står t.ex. det mönster där åt-frasen avser mål eller riktmärke för en mycket större andel av beläggen än i finlandssvenskan. Också andelen belägg där åt-frasen avser någon som har nytta (eller skada) av en aktion är mycket högre i det sverigesvenska materialet. I det finlandssvenska materialet står i gengäld mottagarbeläggen för över 50 % av beläggen medan andelen i det sverigesvenska materialet är bara 30 %. Inom gruppen utgör belägg av produktions- och ombesörjningstyp dessutom en mindre andel i det finlandssvenska materialet än i det sverigesvenska. Dessa står till sin funktion nära den typ som avser den som har nytta av aktionen. De konkreta beläggen på överföring (ge varsin kaka åt hundarna) utgör en större andel i det finlandssvenska materialet än i det sverigesvenska (ca 8 % mot 3 %), men typiskt för båda materialen är hög kollokationsgrad (”kollokation” avser par eller grupper av ord som uppträder oftare tillsammans än de statiskt sett skulle göra vid helt slumpmässig förekomst). Största delen av mottagarbeläggen utgörs av fraser av typen ”ge arbete åt någon, ge eftertryck åt något, ge liv åt något; ägna tid åt något, ägna sitt liv åt något, ägna uppmärksamhet åt något”. De här slutsatserna gäller alltså skriftspråk. I talspråk ser fördelningen annorlunda ut. Typiskt för prepositionen ”åt” är överhuvudtaget hög kollokationsgrad. Det förefaller som om språkanvändarna har tydliga, färdiga mallar för var ”åt” kan komma in. Det enda mönster som verkar helt produktivt, i den meningen att elementen är i stort sett fritt kombinerbara, är kombinationer av verb och åt-fras där åt-frasen avser den som har nytta av något. Att någon utför något för någons räkning verkar överlag kunna uttryckas med prepositionen ”åt”: t.ex. ”tvätta bilen åt pappa, ringa efter en taxi åt kunden”. Till och med belägg av typen ”hon drömde åt honom att bli ordinarie adjunkt” förekommer i någon mån. Konstruktionen är produktiv i båda språkvarieteterna men uppenbart är att konstruktion med mottagare har tolkningsföreträde i vissa fall i finlandssvenskan: ”Filip skrev ett brev åt sin syster” tolkas av sverigesvenskar som att Filip skrev brevet för systerns räkning, medan finlandssvenskar överlag uppenbarligen tolkar det som att Filip skrev till sin syster, att systern var mottagare av brevet. Ungefär 20 % av alla belägg i båda materialen representerar fall där ”åt” utgör partikel. Verb och ”åt” är närmare förbundna med varandra än när ”åt” utgör normal preposition. Exempel på partikelbelägg är ”han kom inte åt strömbrytaren, det gick åt mängder med saft, landet får dra åt svångremmen, de roffade åt sig de bästa platserna”. Också partikelmaterialet ser på ett generellt plan väldigt lika ut i båda språkvarieteterna. Den största skillnaden uppvisar den reflexiva typen ”roffa åt sig”. Medan typen är mycket homogen i det sverigesvenska materialet är variationen större i det finlandsvenska. Dels uppträder fler verb i kombinationen (han köpte åt sig ett par jeans), dels vacklar ordföljden (han nappade åt sig ett paraply ~ han nappade ett paraply åt sig). Att ”åt” används mer i vissa funktioner i finlandsvenskan brukar förklaras med påverkan från finskans allativ (ändelsen -lle: hän antoi kirjan Astalle > hon gav en bok åt Asta). Allt tyder dock på att den finlandssvenska åt-användningen delvis är en relikt. I äldre sverigesvenska källor träffar man på ”åt” i sådana kontexter som numera är typiska för finlandsvenskan. Det finlandssvenska språkområdet ligger ute i periferin i relation till det språkliga centrum som förändringar sprider sig från (för svenskans del främst Stockholmstrakten) och typiskt för perifera områden är att de uppvisar ålderdomliga drag också när inga kontaktfenomen spelar in. Allativen kan naturligtvis ha bidragit till att bevara användningen av ”åt” i finlandssvenskan. Att det är just ”åt” som används” beror antagligen på att prepositionen har flest funktioner gemensamt med allativen rent kognitivt om man jämför med de betydligt mer frekventa prepositionerna ”till” och ”för”. Uppenbart är också att åt-användningen därtill lever sitt eget liv i finlandssvenskan. I vissa varieteter av finlandssvenska kan man t.ex. höra yttranden av typ ”alla fiskarna dog åt dom”. Som språklig enskildhet har det ingen finsk förebild med allativ. Yttrandet är ett exempel på töjning av en svensk konstruktion. Modell finns dels i det mönster där åt avser den som har nytta eller skada av något, dels i relationell användning av ”åt”: han är hantlangare åt Eriksson ~ han är Erikssons hantlangare. Vid språkkontakt är det överlag konstruktioner som har förebild i det låntagande språket som lånas in från det långivande språket, medan konstruktioner som saknar förebild är betydligt mindre benägna att vinna insteg.

"Ei vittu, mennään röökille" : tutkimus sitaattien tehtävistä ja tekemisestä kaunokirjallis-journalistisissa lehtijutuissa

This research deals with direct speech quotations in magazine articles through two questions: As my major research question, I study the functions of speech quotations based on a data consisting of six literary-journalistic magazine articles. My minor research question builds on the fact that there is no absolute relation between the sound waves of the spoken language and the graphemes of the written one. Hence, I study the general thoughts on how utterances should be arranged in the written form based on a large review of literature and textbooks on journalistic writing as well as interviews I have made with magazine writers and editors, and the Council of Mass Media in Finland. To support my main research questions, I also examine the reference system of the Finnish language, define the aspects of the literary-journalistic article and study vernacular cues in written speech quotations. FUNCTIONS OF QUOTATIONS. I demonstrate the results of my analysis with a six-pointed apparatus. It is a continuum which extends from the structural level of text, all the way through the explicit functions, to the implicit functions of the quotation. The explicit functions deal with the question of what is the content, whereas the implicit ones base mainly on the question how the content is presented. 1. The speech quotation is an distinctive element in the structure of the magazine article. Thereby it creates a rhythm for the text, such as episodes, paragraphs and clauses. 2. All stories are told through a plot, and in magazine articles, the speech quotations are one of the narrative elements that propel the plot forward. 3. The speech quotations create and intensify the location written in the story. This location can be a physical one but also a social one, in which case it describes the atmosphere and mood in the physical environment and of the story characters. 4. The quotations enhance the plausibility of the facts and assumptions presented in the article, and moreover, when a text is placed between quotation marks, the reader can be assured that the text has been reproduced in the authentic verbatim way. 5. Speech quotations tell about the speaker's unique way of using language and the first-hand experiences of the person quoted. 6. The sixth function of speech quotations is probably the most essential one: the quotations characterize the quoted speaker. In other words, in addition to the propositional content of the utterance, the way in which it has been said transmits a lot of the speaker's character (e.g. nature, generation, behaviour, education, attitudes etc.). It is important to notice, that these six functions of my speech quotation apparatus do not exlude one another. It means that every speech quotation basically includes all of the functions discussed above. However, in practice one or more of them have a principal role, while the others play a subsidiary role. HOW TO MAKE QUOTATIONS? It is not suprising that the field of journalism (textbooks, literature and interviews) holds heterogeneous and unestablished thoughts on how the spoken language should be arranged in written quotations, which is my minor research question. However, the most frequent and distinctive aspects can be depicted in a couple of words: serve the reader and respect the target person. Very common advice on how to arrange the quotations is − firstly, to delete such vernacular cues (e.g. repetitions and ”expletives”) that are common in spoken communication, but purposeless in the written language. − secondly, to complete the phonetic word forms of the spoken language into a more reader-friendly form (esim. punanen → punainen, 'red'), and − thirdly, to enhance the independence of clauses from the (authentic) context and to toughen reciprocal links between them. According to the knowledge of the journalistic field, utterances recorded in different points in time of an interview or a data-collecting session can be transferred as consecutive quotations or even merged together. However, if there is any temporal-spatial location written in the story, the dialogue of the story characters should also be situated in an authentic context – chronologically in the right place in the continuum of the events. To summarize, the way in which the utterances should be arranged into written speech quotations is always situationally-specific − and it is strongly based on the author's discretion.

Semantic Fluency in Mild and Moderate Alzheimer's Disease

Alzheimer's disease (AD) is characterized by an impairment of the semantic memory responsible for processing meaning-related knowledge. This study was aimed at examining how Finnish-speaking healthy elderly subjects (n = 30) and mildly (n=20) and moderately (n = 20) demented AD patients utilize semantic knowledge to performa semantic fluency task, a method of studying semantic memory. In this task subjects are typically given 60 seconds to generate words belonging to the semantic category of animals. Successful task performance requires fast retrieval of subcategory exemplars in clusters (e.g., farm animals: 'cow', 'horse', 'sheep') and switching between subcategories (e.g., pets, water animals, birds, rodents). In this study, thescope of the task was extended to cover various noun and verb categories. The results indicated that, compared with normal controls, both mildly and moderately demented AD patients showed reduced word production, limited clustering and switching, narrowed semantic space, and an increase in errors, particularly perseverations. However, the size of the clusters, the proportion of clustered words, and the frequency and prototypicality of words remained relatively similar across the subject groups. Although the moderately demented patients showed a poor eroverall performance than the mildly demented patients in the individual categories, the error analysis appeared unaffected by the severity of AD. The results indicate a semantically rather coherent performance but less specific, effective, and flexible functioning of the semantic memory in mild and moderate AD patients. The findings are discussed in relation to recent theories of word production and semantic representation. Keywords: semantic fluency, clustering, switching, semantic category, nouns, verbs, Alzheimer's disease

3 - 5-vuotiaiden lukemaan oppiminen : montessorivälineet kielellisen tietoisuuden ja varhaisen lukitaidon edistäjinä

Aims. The beginning point of this research was confusion between studies claiming, that children mature Metalinguistic to read at 6-7 of age, and the fact, that in Montessori playschools children easily start writing and reading at age 3 to 5. Aim was also find out how conception of slow Metalinguistic development has started, and if there is some evidence of phoneme awareness of reading of young children in the field of research of reading. Aim was also seek evidence of the sensitive period of reading as Montessori described it. The research also wanted to turn up, if phoneme awareness only develops in children, who work with graphemes and with reading, or could it be found in children, who do not. The mean was to research how the Montessori reading material supports child’s Metalinguistic development, when child begins learning to read. The research plans to represent knowledge about how young children learn to write and read. Methods. Research performed in ordinary kindergarten and in Montessori playschool in Espoo. In kindergarten observed six children, age 3-4, at eight grapheme-rhyme sessions from January to April 2007, and conducting a test based on Chaney’s (1992) study of phoneme awareness of young children. In Montessori kindergarten were observed 17 children about their phoneme awareness and reading competition from January 2007 to March 2008. Their developments in reading were also measured three times from 1.9.07 to 20.3.08 with classification constructed for this study, loosely based on Chall’s (1983) reading stages. The Montessori reading material was analyzed about the influence they have to a child’s Metalinguistic development. This was done based to theory and its concepts from the field of research of reading; phoneme awareness, morphological, syntactical and semantic consciousness. Results and conclusions. Research proved that children 3-5 have naturally developed phoneme awareness. In kindergarten and in Montessori playschool children between 2 and 4 could do phoneme synthesis, and in the latter they also could do phoneme segmentation of words. Montessori reading material guided children gradually, except to read, also to observe and absorb Metalinguistic knowledge. Children learned to write and read. At the last evaluating day almost 50 % of children write and read clauses or stories, and 82 % could read at least words. Children can develop Metalinguistic awareness, while using the Montessori materials for learning to write and read. To reach literacy is easy for children because of their phoneme awareness.

Tarinakontekstin vaikutus sanojen muistamiseen kompleksisessa työmuistitehtävässä

Objectives. The sentence span task is a complex working memory span task used for estimating total working memory capacity for both processing (sentence comprehension) and storage (remembering a set of words). Several traditional models of working memory suggest that performance on these tasks relies on phonological short-term storage. However, long-term memory effects as well as the effects of expertise and strategies have challenged this view. This study uses a working memory task that aids the creation of retrieval structures in the form of stories, which have been shown to form integrated structures in longterm memory. The research question is whether sentence and story contexts boost memory performance in a complex working memory task. The hypothesis is that storage of the words in the task takes place in long-term memory. Evidence of this would be better recall for words as parts of sentences than for separate words, and, particularly, a beneficial effect for words as part of an organized story. Methods. Twenty stories consisting of five sentences each were constructed, and the stimuli in all experimental conditions were based on these sentences and sentence-final words, reordered and recombined for the other conditions. Participants read aloud sets of five sentences that either formed a story or not. In one condition they had to report all the last words at the end of the set, in another, they memorised an additional separate word with each sentence. The sentences were presented on the screen one word at a time (500 ms). After the presentation of each sentence, the participant verified a statement about the sentence. After five sentences, the participant repeated back the words in correct positions. Experiment 1 (n=16) used immediate recall, experiment 2 (n=21) both immediate recall and recall after a distraction interval (the operation span task). In experiment 2 a distracting mental arithmetic task was presented instead of recall in half of the trials, and an individual word was added before each sentence in the two experimental conditions when the participants were to memorize the sentence final words. Subjects also performed a listening span task (in exp.1) or an operation span task (exp.2) to allow comparison of the estimated span and performance in the story task. Results were analysed using correlations, repeated measures ANOVA and a chi-square goodness of fit test on the distribution of errors. Results and discussion. Both the relatedness of the sentences (the story condition) and the inclusion of the words into sentences helped memory. An interaction showed that the story condition had a greater effect on last words than separate words. The beneficial effect of the story was shown in all serial positions. The effects remained in delayed recall. When the sentences formed stories, performance in verification of the statements about sentence context was better. This, as well as the differing distributions of errors in different experimental conditions, suggest different levels of representation are in use in the different conditions. In the story condition, the nature of these representations could be in the form of an organized memory structure, a situation model. The other working memory tasks had only few week correlations to the story task. This could indicate that different processes are in use in the tasks. The results do not support short-term phonological storage, but instead are compatible with the words being encoded to LTM during the task.

Susceptibility genes and neurodevelopmental mechanisms in dyslexia

Developmental dyslexia is a specific reading disability, which is characterised by unexpected difficulty in reading, spelling and writing despite adequate intelligence, education and social environment. It is the most common childhood learning disorder affecting 5-10 % of the population and thus constitutes the largest portion of all learning disorders. It is a persistent developmental failure although it can be improved by compensation. According to the most common theory, the deficit is in phonological processing, which is needed in reading when the words have to be divided into phonemes, or distinct sound elements. This occurs in the lowest level of the hierarchy of the language system and disturbs processes in higher levels, such as understanding the meaning of words. Dyslexia is a complex genetic disorder and previous studies have found nine locations in the genome that associate with it. Altogether four susceptibility genes have been found and this study describes the discovery of the first two of them, DYX1C1 and ROBO1. The first clues were obtained from two Finnish dyslexic families that have chromosomal translocations which disrupt these genes. Genetic analyses supported their role in dyslexia: DYX1C1 associates with dyslexia in the Finnish population and ROBO1 was linked to dyslexia in a large Finnish pedigree. In addition a genome-wide scan in Finnish dyslexic families was performed. This supported the previously detected dyslexia locus on chromosome 2 and revealed a new locus on chromosome 7. Dyslexia is a neurological disorder and the neurobiological function of the susceptibility genes DYX1C1 and ROBO1 are consistent with this. ROBO1 is an axon guidance receptor gene, which is involved in axon guidance across the midline in Drosophila and axonal pathfinding between the two hemispheres via the corpus callosum, as well as neuronal migration in the brain of mice. The translocation and decreased ROBO1 expression in dyslexic individuals indicate that two functional copies of ROBO1 gene are required in reading. DYX1C1 was a new gene without a previously known function. Inhibition of Dyx1c1 expression showed that it is needed in normal brain development in rats. Without Dyx1c1 protein, the neurons in the developing brain will not migrate to their final position in the cortex. These two dyslexia susceptibility genes DYX1C1 and ROBO1 revealed two distinct neurodevelopmental mechanisms of dyslexia, axonal pathfinding and neuronal migration. This study describes the discovery of the genes and our research to clarify their role in developmental dyslexia.

Semantic Classes in Topic Detection and Tracking

Topic detection and tracking (TDT) is an area of information retrieval research the focus of which revolves around news events. The problems TDT deals with relate to segmenting news text into cohesive stories, detecting something new, previously unreported, tracking the development of a previously reported event, and grouping together news that discuss the same event. The performance of the traditional information retrieval techniques based on full-text similarity has remained inadequate for online production systems. It has been difficult to make the distinction between same and similar events. In this work, we explore ways of representing and comparing news documents in order to detect new events and track their development. First, however, we put forward a conceptual analysis of the notions of topic and event. The purpose is to clarify the terminology and align it with the process of news-making and the tradition of story-telling. Second, we present a framework for document similarity that is based on semantic classes, i.e., groups of words with similar meaning. We adopt people, organizations, and locations as semantic classes in addition to general terms. As each semantic class can be assigned its own similarity measure, document similarity can make use of ontologies, e.g., geographical taxonomies. The documents are compared class-wise, and the outcome is a weighted combination of class-wise similarities. Third, we incorporate temporal information into document similarity. We formalize the natural language temporal expressions occurring in the text, and use them to anchor the rest of the terms onto the time-line. Upon comparing documents for event-based similarity, we look not only at matching terms, but also how near their anchors are on the time-line. Fourth, we experiment with an adaptive variant of the semantic class similarity system. The news reflect changes in the real world, and in order to keep up, the system has to change its behavior based on the contents of the news stream. We put forward two strategies for rebuilding the topic representations and report experiment results. We run experiments with three annotated TDT corpora. The use of semantic classes increased the effectiveness of topic tracking by 10-30\% depending on the experimental setup. The gain in spotting new events remained lower, around 3-4\%. The anchoring the text to a time-line based on the temporal expressions gave a further 10\% increase the effectiveness of topic tracking. The gains in detecting new events, again, remained smaller. The adaptive systems did not improve the tracking results.

Stor Anna, Liten Anna och tio andra personporträtt : Om innehållsliga och språkliga mönster i en mediegenres kvinnobeskrivningar

The aim of this licentiate thesis is to analyse how femininity is constructed in twelve portrait interviews of women in the dailies Dagens Nyheter (Stockholm) and Hufvudstadsbladet (Helsinki) in September 1996, and to explore the portrait interview as a media genre. The qualitative analysis has a feminist and constructionist perspective and is connected to critical text analysis. It was carried out on two levels: first, femininity is identified on the linguistic level by choice of words, and second on the level of content (topical motifs/themes). The portrait interview as a genre constitutes a third dimension in the analysis: The aim is not towards the identification of femininity, but rather towards the identification of the portrait interview a relatively unexplored media genre. References (Swedish: omtal) to the principal character (or protagonist) are traced mainly through reference chains which consist of names, pronouns and substantive phrases. The interviewees were referred to by their full names in Dagens Nyheter (with the exception of the oldest and youngest interviewees, both of whom were mainly referred to by their first names), while the style of reference varied more in Hufvudstadsbladet. The position of the principal character was also analysed through her relation in the text to minor characters from her working life and from her private life. These minor characters maintained their subordinate positions in all of the portraits except that of the youngest principal character, in which the subsidiary voices became at least as strong as the voice of the principal character. Three frequently-recurring topical motifs occurred in the portraits: The first involved explanations for the principal character s success divided into three categories, agent, affect and ambition, the second concerned using journeys or trips as symbols for turning points in life, and the third referred to the ambiguity in the contradiction between private (family/other private life) and public (work) life. This ambiguity is connected to the portrait interview as a text type (genre) which features conclusions at the end of portraits, which in turn is characteristic of reportage. However, the analysis showed that the conclusions of the portrait interviews often also included elements of ambiguity. This was evident in the contradictions be14 tween private and public life that arose in the portrait interviews that focused on these two spheres. The portraits that focused on the principal character s public life showed ambiguity on a more general level concerning questions about being a woman and having a profession, and they often ended with a description of some details of her private life. The women in the portraits were all constructed as being successful, in terms of having achieved direct success, reflective success or success in the form of life wisdom. The women of direct success were described as ambitious individuals with no sidetracks on their life paths, while those of reflective success were described as active heroines who had received help from different agents, who could use their affects as enriching ingredients in life, but who in the end had control over their own lives (life stories). The elderly women were constructed as having achieved life wisdom and their portraits were focused upon the past. The portrait interview as a genre is characterised by journalistic freedom (in relation to the more strict news genre), by a now room (Swedish nurum ) where the journalist meets the principal character (usually via spoken dialogue that she or he transforms into written text to be read by a mass-media audience) and by the relatively closed structure of the portrait. The portrait is relatively independent in relation to the news genre and in relation to the context of what has previously been written, what is being written at the time and what will be written in the future the principal character does not need to belong to the newspaper s usual gallery of actors. Furthermore, the principal character is constructed as being independent in relation to the subsidiary characters and other media actors. The conflict is within the principal character herself and within her life story, unlike the news genre in which equal actors are in conflict with each other. The portrait is also independent in relation to the news lifespan; the publishing timetable is not as strict as in the news genre, but is still dependent on the factors initiating the portrait. The enclosures consist of a raw analysis of two of twelve portrait interviews and of copies of all portraits.