"Nyt mä oon suomalainen ... varmaan" : Nuoret maahanmuuttajat, etnisyys ja rasismi

Tutkimuksessa on tarkasteltu nuorten maahanmuuttajien etnistä identifioitumista sekä sitä, miten he määrittelevät rasismin omien kokemustensa kautta. Analyysi jakautuu kahteen osaan: nuorten identteettipohdintoihin ja rasismin reflektoimiseen. Tutkimuksen kysymyksenasettelu nousee Karmela Liebkindin ja Inga Jasinskaja-Lahden vuonna 1997 tekemästä tutkimuksesta Maahanmuuttajien sopeutuminen pääkaupunkiseudulla. Tutkimuksen mukaan syrjintä ja rasismi ovat merkittävällä tavalla yhteydessä maahanmuuttajien yleiseen psyykkiseen hyvinvointiin. Esimerkiksi nuoret maahanmuuttajat (11-22-vuotiaat) ovat erityisen haavoittuvaisia sekä uuteen maahan tullessaan että siellä ollessaan. Empiirinen aineisto on kerätty teemahaastatteluiden avulla. Tutkimuksen 12 haastateltavaa (6 poikaa ja 6 tyttöä) kävivät haastatteluhetkellä helsinkiläistä lukiota ja olivat 16-19-vuoden ikäisiä. Haastateltavat ovat kotoisin entisen Neuvostoliiton alueelta (5), Somaliasta (4), Vietnamista (1), Hongkongista (1) ja Irakista (1) ja heidän Suomeen tuloikänsä vaihtelee 5-16-vuoden välillä. Haastattelukielioli suomi. Haastatteluaineisto on analysoitu teema-analyysin avulla. Aineistosta etsittiin kohtia, joissa nuoret puhuvat etnisestä identifioitumisestaan suhteessa sekä omaan taustaan että suomalaisuuteen. Lisäksi analyysissa kiinnitettiin huomiota siihen, millaisia näkemyksiä nuoret esittivät rasismista, maahanmuuttopolitiikasta ja ulkomaalaisasenteista ja miten nämä näkemykset ovat yhteneväisiä sekä miten ne eroavat toisistaan. Nuorten etnisyyspohdintoja kuvaavat toisaalta etnisyyden tilannesidonnaisuus ja toisaalta etnisyyden vahva yhteys syntyperään. Etnisyyden saama merkitys vaihtelee sosiaalisten ympäristöjen vaihtuessa. Pohtimalla suomalaisuuden ja suomalaisten tyypillisiä piirteitä nuoret pystyivät helpommin jäsentämään myös omaa kuulumistaan tiettyyn ryhmään. Varsinkin silloin kun suomalaisuus ymmärrettiin kansalaisuudeksi, sitä pidettiin lähes poikkeuksetta syntyperäisten suomalaisten etuoikeutena. Tunnepitoinen ja jopa vereen sidottu etnisyys korostui ennen kaikkea niissä aineiston kohdissa, joissa nuoret pohtivat suomalaiseksi muuttumista ja tulemista. Kukaan haastateltavista ei uskonut muuttuvansa kunnon suomalaiseksi, mikä edellyttäisi toisaalta kokemuksen suomalaisuudesta ja toisaalta hyväksynnän ulkoapäin. Haastateltavat pohtivat vastahakoisesti suomalaisuuden ja suomalaisten negatiivisia piirteitä. Monet mainitsivat asenteellisen ja rasistisen suhtautumisen ulkomaalaisiin, maahanmuuttajiin ja vähemmistöjen edustajiin, kun he puhuivat niistä tilanteista, joissa he häpeävät suomalaisia. Rasismia ei kuitenkaan haluttu yleistää suomalaisten ryhmäominaisuudeksi, vaan sitä pidettiin "poikkeuksellisten" suomalaisten (esimerkiksi skinien) ominaisuutena. Arjen rasistisista selkkauksista puhuttaessa nuoret vähättelivät tapahtumien vakavuutta ja pyrkivät ymmärtämään rasistista käyttäytymistä ja pitivät sitä luonnollisena. Joissakin tapauksissa haastateltavat sanoivat olevansa liian herkkiä rasismille ja päättelivät, etteivät vihamielisyydet alunperin olleet tarkoituksellisia. Rasismin ristiriitaisuutta uhrin kannalta kuvaa tutkimuksessa se, että rasismikokemuksia pidettiin nöyryyttävinä ja hävettävinä, ja sen takia niistä myös vaiettiin kotona. Tutkimuksen perusteella näyttää siltä, että rasismi on ymmärrettävä tapahtumaketjuna eikä yksittäisinä ja erillisinä tapauksina. Tutkimuksessa ilmeni, että nuorten rasismia koskeviin pohdintoihin vaikuttaa se, millä tavoin yhteiskunnan yleinen ja virallinen ilmapiiri reagoi rasismiin. Rasismin ja syrjinnän hiljainen hyväksyminen saattaa vaikuttaa siihen, että myös uhrit vähättelevät rasismikokemuksia. Avainsanat: Nuoret maahanmuuttajat, etnisyys, kulttuuri, rasismi, teemahaastattelu

Concordia-lehti Lutherin ja luterilaisen ortodoksian teologian tulkitsijana 1994-2003

Concordia-lehti alkaessaan ilmestyä 1994 herätti ristiriitaisia reaktioita esimerkiksi SLEY:n henkilöstön keskuudessa. Alusta alkaen avainhenkilöitä ovat olleet Hannu Lehtonen, Hannu Halonen, Simo Kiviranta ja Sakari Korpinen. Ekumeniaan Concordia on suhtautunut kriittisesti arvioidessaan Porvoon sopimusta ja Yhteistä julistusta vanhurskauttamisesta. Keskeisiä teemoja tässä lehdessä ovat olleet tutkittavana aikana yleinen ja uskon kautta tapahtuva vanhurskauttaminen, Raamatun arvovallan korostaminen, sakramenttien merkityksen esillä pitäminen ja tietyt moraaliset ja eettiset periaatteet ja näkökulmat. Concordiassa on esiintynyt runsaasti sitaatteja Martti Lutherin teoksista, melko paljon myös luterilaisen ortodoksian edustajilta, kuten Martin Chemnitziltä ja Johann Gerhardilta. Ylivoimaisesti eniten artikkeleja kymmenen vuoden aikana on tehnyt päätoimittaja, pastori Hannu Lehtonen. Kirjoittajien joukossa maallikkojen osuus on ollut huomattava. Karismaattisia ilmiöitä arvioitaessa nähtiin osan armolahjoista kuuluneen ennen kaikkea alkukirkon aikaan, vaikka samalla todettiin ihmeitä voivan tapahtua nykyaikanakin. Concordian kirjoittajat eivät hyväksyneet läheskään kaikkia Suomen evankelis-luterilaisessa kirkossa tapahtuneita päätöksiä, asioita ja ilmiöitä. Voimakkaasti todettiin, että kirkossa ei tulisi samanaikaisesti sallia sekä totuutta että erilaisia harhaoppeja. Myös evankelisen liikkeen tai muiden herätysliikkeiden toimintaa ei aina pidetty tarpeeksi rohkeana, vaan katsottiin niiden mukautuneen liikaa yhteiskuntaan ja yleiseen ja valtaa pitävään kirkollisuuteen. Esimerkiksi Helsingin yliopistossa käytettyä historiallis-kriittistä metodia parempana metodina pidettiin historiallis-dogmaattista. Opetusta maailman syntymisestä pitkän evoluutio-prosessin seurauksena ei Concordiassa hyväksytty, vaan opetettiin Jumalan luoneen maailman kuudessa päivässä. Concordiassa kirjoittajina on esiintynyt myös useita tunnustuksellisen luterilaisuuden edustajia lähinnä Yhdysvalloista ja Pohjoismaista. Tutkitun lehden merkitys kirkollisessa kentässä ei ole tilaajamäärän pienuuden vuoksi kovin merkittävä, mutta eräänlaisena taustalla vaikuttajana ja keskustelun herättäjänä vaikutus on ollut suurempi. Concordian näkemyksen mukaan suuri enemmistö ei läheskään aina ole ollut oikeassa hengellisissä kysymyksissä. Evankeliseen liikkeeseen Concordian kirjoittajilla on ollut tietynlainen viha-rakkaussuhde, vaikka se on ollut monen kirjoittajan hengellinen koti. Lehdessä esiintynyttä pietismin arviointia tutkimus ei ole kovin paljon käsitellyt, koska se ei olisi kovin hyvin sopinut eri lukujen otsi- koiden alle. Helluntailaisuuden eri opinkäsityksiä Concordia on myös pyrkinyt kumoamaan. Lehti on halunnut koko ajan perustella opetuksensa selkeillä raamatunkohdilla ja edistää näin luterilaisen uskon ja opin tuntemusta. Tässä tutkimuksessa on ollut tietoinen valinta käyttää samoja raamatunkohtia lähteenä, joita Concordian kirjoittajat ovat itse käyttäneet. Kirkkohistoriaan kuuluvassa opinnäytteessä ei ole yleensä tyypillistä käyttää näin paljon viittauksia Raamattuun, mutta tällainen dogmatiikan mukaan ottaminen on perusteltua, koska se on niin olennainen osa Concordia-lehden teologiaa ja tapaa tuoda esille asioita. Tiivistetysti todeten ihmisten ainoa vapahtaja ja pelastaja on ollut tutkitun lehden mukaan ja on edelleen Jeesus Kristus.

Helluntailiikkeen spiritualiteetti : Tilastollinen tutkimus Helsingin Saalem-seurakunnan tilaisuuksiin osallistuvien spiritualiteetista

Yleisellä tasolla tutkimuksen kohteena oli Suomen helluntailiikkeen spiritualiteetti. Tutkimuksen kehysperusjoukkona oli Helsingin Saalem-seurakunnan tilaisuuksiin osallistuvat ihmiset. Aineisto kerättiin kyselylomakkeilla syksyllä 2004 Saalem-seurakunnan tilaisuuksissa. Täytettyjä lomakkeita kertyi 230. Vastaajien ikä vaihteli 13-87 vuoteen ja heistä 36% olimiehiä. 70% kuului Saalem-seurakuntaan ja 17% johonkin toiseen helluntaiseurakuntaan. Ei-helluntailaisia oli 13% vastaajista. Rajoittuneelta osin käytössä oli myös 500 vastaajan vertailuaineisto Kallion kaupunginosan alueelta. Tämän niinsanotun Case Kallio -aineiston vastaajat olivat pääsääntöisesti heikosti sitoutuneita kristinuskon oppeihin sekä hartaudenharjoittamiseen. Vastaajista 50% oli miehiä. Ikä vaihteli 18-39-uoden välillä. Teoreettisena lähtökohtana tutkimukselle toimi yhdysvaltalaisen Daniel Albrechtin empiirinen tutkimus helluntailais-karismaattisesta spiritualiteetista. Hän määrittelee helluntailais-karismaattisen spiritualiteetin muodostuvan kolmesta tekijästä: uskomuksista, käytännöistä sekä niin sanotuista sensibiliteeteistä. Sensibiliteeteillä tarkoitettaan asennoitumista toimintaa kohti. Albrechtin luomien kategorioiden pohjalta laadittiin kyselylomakkeeseen kaksi mittaria. Toinen mittasi koko helluntailaisen spiritualiteetin kenttää kuvaavia perustekijöitä, joihin sisältyivät uskomukset, käytännöt sekä sensibiliteetit. Toinen mittari keskittyi mittaamaan vain yhtä spiritualiteettimääritelmän osaa, sensibiliteettejä. Helluntailaisuuteen painottuvan näkökulman lisäksi tutkimuksessa käytettiin hyväksi David Hayn spiritualiteettinäkemystä. Hän määrittelee spiritualiteetin arkitodellisuuden ylittäväksi tietoisuudeksi. Hayn laatimien kategorioiden avulla kartoitettiin yleisinhimillistä spiritualiteettia. Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena oli selvittää Saalem-seurakunnan spiritualiteetin ilmenemismuotoja ja eroavaisuuksia suhteessa taustoihin. Lisäksi verrattiin Saalemista kerättyä aineistoa vertailuaineistoon (Case Kallio) sekä selvitettiin kahden erilaisesta lähtökohdasta nousevan spiritualitteettinäkemyksen yhteyttä toisiinsa. Tutkimus oli luonteeltaan kvantitatiivinen. Tutkimusmenetelminä käytettiin tilastollisia testejä sekä faktorianalyysiä. Faktorianalyysin rinnalla käytettiin niin kutsutta Bayes-mallinnusta, jolla ei ole parametrisille menetelmille asetettuja tiukkoja käyttöehtoja. Saalem-seurakunnasta tutkimustulokseksi saatiin 11 eritasoista spiritualiteettiulottuvuutta. Albrechtin esittämät seitsemän sensibiliteettikategoriaa löytyivät lähes sellaisenaan aineistosta, kun taas helluntailaisen spiritualiteetin perustekijöiden sekä yleisinhimillisen spiritualiteetin kohdalla käytössä olleet mittarit eivät toimineet täysin odotetulla tavalla. Kahta erilaista aineistoa voitiin vertailla yleisinhimillisen spiritualiteetin osalta. Yleisinhimillinen spiritualiteetti ei ollut vieras ilmiö kristillisestä opista ja hartaudenharjoittamisesta vieraantuneille vastaajille. Kuitenkin se sai korkeampia vastauspistemääriä helluntailaisten parissa. Kyseistä spiritualiteettia eriytyi kuvaamaan kaksi ulottuvuutta: yhteisöllinen altruismi sekä arjen kauneus. Pelkästään Saalem-seurakunnasta kerätystä aineistosta eriytyi lisäksi kolme helluntailaisen spiritualiteetin perustekijää: sana ja missio, johtajakeskeisyys sekä ylistys -ulottuvuudet. Samasta aineistosta nousi kuusi sensibiliteettiulottuvuutta: ylistys,yleinen puhdistuminen, seremoniallisuus, armolahjat, tavoitteellisuus sekä hengellinen puhdistuminen ja muutos. Toinen ylistysulottuvuus kuvasi ylistyksen merkitystä, toinen ylistystapaa. Saalem-seurakunnasta kerätyn aineiston keskiöön asettui sanaa ja missiota kuvaava ulottuvuus. Korkeimman vastauskeskiarvon sai tavoitteellisuusulottuvuus, samoin kuin molemmat yleisinhimillistä spiritualiteettia kuvastaneet ulottuvuudet saivat korkeita vastauskeskiarvoja. Helluntailaisen spiritualiteetin ulottuvuudet korreloivat positiivisesti yleisinhimillisen spiritualiteetin ulottuvuuksien kanssa. Tulokset voitiin yleistää koskemaan Helsingin Saalem-seurakunnan jäsenistöä sekä pääkaupunkiseudun helluntailaisuutta. Koko Suomen helluntailiikkeen kohdalla tuloksia voitiin pitää suuntaa-antavina. Avainsanat: helluntailiike, spiritualiteetti, Saalem, kvantitatiivinen tutkimus, monimuuttujamenetelmät, Bayes-mallinnus, Daniel Albrecht, David Hay

Naisen ihmisyys thaimaalaisen prostituution valossa

Tässä tutkimuksessa tarkastelun kohteena on naisen ihmisyys thaimaalaisen prostituution valossa. Tutkimuskysymyksiä on neljä: Millaista thaimaalainen prostituutio on sen omassa uskonnollisessa, kulttuurisessa ja yhteiskunnallisessa viitekehyksessä? Millainen thaimaa-laisen naisen ja prostituoidun asema on tässä viitekehyksessä? Millaista thaimaalaisen naisen ihmisyys on yhtäältä YK:n ihmisoikeussopimuksiin sisältyvän ihmisyyden periaatteen ja toi-saalta thaimaalaisen naisliikkeen (Foundation for Women -järjestö) näkökulmasta? Miten ihmisoikeus-käsite voidaan määritellä thaimaalaisessa kontekstissa? Tutkimusmetodi on systemaattinen analyysi. Tutkimusaineistona on prostituutiota käsittelevä yhteiskuntatieteellinen, filosofinen ja feministinen kirjallisuus sekä jotkin YK:n ihmisoikeusasiakirjat. Naisen ihmisyyden tarkastelu toteutetaan valottamalla thaimaalaisen prostituution kehityksen yhteyttä globaaliin talouskasvuun ja turismin lisääntymiseen. Tutkimuksessa todetaan Thaimaan läpikäyneen kuluneiden vuosikymmenien aikana voimakkaan sosio-kulttuurisen murroksen, joka on vaikuttanut merkittävästi erityisesti naisten asemaan. Tutkimuksessa todetaan, etteivät yleinen talous- ja modernisaatiokehitys ole taanneet naisille työtä eivätkä sosio-ekonomisen aseman parantumista. Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan prostituution yleisyyttä Thaimaassa, ja sen todetaan olevan yhteydessä kapitalistiseen markkinatalouteen: prostituutiolainsäädännön hyväksyessä prostituution taloudellisen tulon lisääjänä seksiteollisuus on vakiintunut thai-maalaisessa yhteiskunnassa. Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan thaimaalaisen yhteiskunnan sosio-ekonomista epätasa-arvoa, jossa miestä pidetään naiseen nähden ensisijaisena: mies on julkinen toimija ja nainen yksityinen vastaamalla perheen kunniasta. Koska kaupallinen seksi on sallittua miehelle, prostituution kysyntä on suuri. Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaankin kaupallista seksiä miehen kyseenalaistamattomana oikeutena ja kulutusvalintana. Thaimaalainen seksiteollisuus kytkeytyy tutkimuksessa yhteiskuntien yleiseen seksualisoitumiskehitykseen ja nk. seksuaalipoliittiseen libertarianismiin. Tutkimuksessa osoitetaan, että sekä nk. hyvät naiset (vaimot) että huonot naiset (prostituoidut) ovat thaimaalaisessa sukupuolikulttuurissa ja -hierarkiassa välttämättömiä. Miesten toiminnan ollessa rajoittamatonta thaimaalaisen kulttuurin ja prostituution todetaan ilmentävän miehistä ja rakenteellista valtaa, jonka puitteissa nainen ja prostituoitu ei ole ihminen samoin kuin mies (YK-näkökulma). Tutkimuksessa todetaan, että prostituution pitäminen liiketoimintana on ongelmallista. Koska prostituutio koskettaa koko ihmistä ja hänen fysiologisia, psykologisia ja emotionaalisia ominaisuuksiaan, prostituution ei tutkimuksessa katsota pelkistyvän vain ruumiin myymiseksi. Prostituution koskettaessa koko ihmistä tutkimuksessa nimitetään maksullista seksiä myös maksulliseksi ihmisyydeksi. Tutkimuksessa todetaan myös, että thaimaalaisen prostituution ja prostituoitujen ymmärtämisen edellytyksenä ovat thaimaalaisen yhteiskunnan ja naisten omat lähtökohdat (järjestönäkökulma).

Ett' varttuisi Suomenmaa : Suomalaisten kasvattaminen kulutusyhteiskuntaan kotimaisissa lyhytelokuvissa 1920-1969

The birth of the Modern Consumer Society in Finnish short films 1920-1969 The main subject of this research is Finnish short films in 1920-1969. These short films were produced by film studios for private enterprises, banks, advisory organizations, communities and the state. The evolution of short films on consumer affairs was greatly influenced by a special tax reduction system that was introduced in 1933 and lasted until 1964. The tax reduction system increased the production volumes of educational short films significantly. This study covers 342 Finnish short films, more than any other study in the field before this. The aim of this research is to examine how short films introduced Finns to modern consumer society. The cinemagoers were an excellent target group for different advisory groups as well as advertisers. Short films were used by organizations and private enterprises from very early on. In the 1920's Finns were still living in rural areas and agriculture was the dominant industry. Consumer society was still in its infancy, and the prevalent attitude to industrially produced goods was that of suspicion. From the cultural and ideological point of view the evolution of trust was one of the first steps towards the birth of the consumer society. Short films were an excellent means for helping to transform public attitudes. During the war period short films were an important means of propaganda. Short films were produced in abundance and shown for big audiences. They guided people how to survive shortages caused by the war. Even though the idea of rationalization was presented in short films somewhat in the 1920's and 1930's it became a national virtue during the war period. The idea of rationalization widened from the industry to households expecially in the late 1940's and the 1950's. New household apparati and the way in which daily chores were taken care of were presented not as luxury consumption but as a way of rationalization and saving money and effort. Banks and the advisory organizations guided the public to save their money for a specific target. Short films were use to help the public to acceps industrial goods and the notions of planning and saving. The ideological change from an agrarian society to consumer society was based on old acricultural ideas and self-sufficiency was evolved into rational and economizing consumerism. This made Finnish consumer society to value durable consumer goods and own homes. The public was also encouraged to consider their own decisions in the national context - especially after the second world war Finland laced capital, and personal savings were strongly presented as a way to help the whole nation. Modern hedonistic values were not dominant in Finland in the1950's and 1960's. Initial traces of modern hedonism can be seen in the films, but they were only marginal paths in the bigger.

Större frihet - bättre lokalt anpassad service? : Förvaltningsreformer och kommunernas service för utvecklingsstörda 1994-2000

In the beginning of the 1990s the legislation regarding the municipalities and the system of central government transfers were reformed in Finland. This resulted in a move from detailed governmental control to increased municipal autonomy. The purpose of this decentralization was to enable the municipalities to better adapt their administration and service supply to local needs. The aim of this study was to explore the effects of the increased municipal autonomy on the organization of services for people with intellectual disabilities. Did the increased autonomy cause the municipalities to alter their service supply and production and did the services become more adapted to local needs? The data consists of statistical information on service use and production, and also of background data such as demographics, economics and political elections on 452 municipalities in Finland from the years 1994 and 2000. The methods used are cluster analysis, discriminant analysis and factor analysis. The municipalities could be grouped in two categories: those which offered mainly one kind of residential services and others which had more varied mixes of services. The use of institutional care had decreased and municipalities which used institutional care as their primary form of service were mostly very small municipalities in 2000. The situation had changed from 1994, when institutional care was the primary service for municipalities of all sizes. Also the service production had become more differentiated and the municipalities had started using more varied ways of production. More municipalities had started producing their own services and private production had increased as well. Furthermore, the increase in local autonomy had opened up possibilities for local politics to influence both the service selection and methods of production. The most significant motive for changes in the service structure was high unemployment and an increasing share of elderly people in the population, particularly in sparsely populated areas. Municipalities with a low level of resources had made more changes in their service organization while those with more resources had been able to carry on as before. Key words: service structure, service for people with intellectual disabilities, municipalities, contingency theory, New Public Management

Studies on the international effects of real shocks

This doctoral thesis addresses the macroeconomic effects of real shocks in open economies in flexible exchange rate regimes. The first study of this thesis analyses the welfare effects of fiscal policy in a small open economy, where private and government consumption are substitutes in terms of private utility. The main findings are as follows: fiscal policy raises output, bringing it closer to its efficient level, but is not welfare-improving even though government spending directly affects private utility. The main reason for this is that the introduction of useful government spending implies a larger crowding-out effect on private consumption, when compared with the `pure waste' case. Utility decreases since one unit of government consumption yields less utility than one unit of private consumption. The second study of this thesis analyses the question of how the macroeconomic effects of fiscal policy in a small open economy depend on optimal intertemporal behaviour. The key result is that the effects of fiscal policy depend on the size of the elasticity of substitution between traded and nontraded goods. In particular, the sign of the current account response to fiscal policy depends on the interplay between the intertemporal elasticity of aggregate consumption and the elasticity of substitution between traded and nontraded goods. The third study analyses the consequences of productive government spending on the international transmission of fiscal policy. A standard result in the New Open Economy Macroeconomics literature is that a fiscal shock depreciates the exchange rate. I demonstrate that the response of the exchange rate depends on the productivity of government spending. If productivity is sufficiently high, a fiscal shock appreciates the exchange rate. It is also shown that the introduction of productive government spending increases both domestic and foreign welfare, when compared with the case where government spending is wasted. The fourth study analyses the question of how the international transmission of technology shocks depends on the specification of nominal rigidities. A growing body of empirical evidence suggests that a positive technology shock leads to a temporary decline in employment. In this study, I demonstrate that the open economy dimension can enhance the ability of sticky price models to account for the evidence. The reasoning is as follows. An improvement in technology appreciates the nominal exchange rate. Under producer-currency pricing, the exchange rate appreciation shifts global demand toward foreign goods away from domestic goods. This causes a temporary decline in domestic employment.

The Politics of Pulp Investment and the Brazilian Landless Movement (MST)

The Politics of Pulp Investment and the Brazilian Landless Movement (MST) The paper industry has been moving more heavily to the global South at the beginning of the 21st century. In a number of cases the rural populations of the global South have engaged in increasingly important resistance in their scuffle with the large-scale tree plantation-relying pulp investment model. The resistance had generally not yet managed to slow down Southern industrial tree plantation expansion until 2004. After all, even the MST, perhaps the strongest of the Southern movements, has limited power in comparison to the corporations pushing for plantation expansion. This thesis shows how, even against these odds, depending on the mechanisms of contention and case-specific conflict dynamics, in some cases the movements have managed to slow and even reverse plantation expansion. The thesis is based on extensive field research in the Brazilian countryside. It outlines a new theory of contentious agency promotion, emphasizing its importance in the shaping of corporate resource exploitation. The thesis includes a Qualitative Comparative Analysis of resistance influence on the economic outcomes of all (14) Brazilian large-scale pulp projects between 2004-2008. The central hypothesis of the thesis is that corporate resource exploitation can be slowed down more effectively and likely when the resistance is based on contentious agency. Contentious agency is created by the concatenation of five mutually supporting mechanisms of contention: organizing and politicizing a social movement; heterodox framing of pulp projects; protesting; networking; and embedding whilst maintaining autonomy. The findings suggest that contentious agency can slow or even reverse the expansion of industrial plantations, whereas when contentious agency promotion was inactive, fast or even unchecked plantation expansion was always the outcome. The rule applied to all the assessed 14 pulp conflict cases. The hypothesis gained strong support even in situations where corporate agency promotion was simultaneously active. In previous studies on social movements, there has been a lack of contributions that help us understand the causal mechanisms of contention influencing economic outcomes. The thesis answers to the call by merging a Polanyian analysis of the political economy with the Dynamics of Contention research program and making a case for the impact of contentious agency on capital accumulation. The research concludes that an efficient social movement can utilize mechanisms of contention to promote the potential of activism among its members and influence investment outcomes. Protesting, for example via pioneering land occupations, seemed to be particularly important. Until now, there has been no comprehensive theory on when and how contentious agency can slow down or reverse the expansion of corporate resource exploitation. The original contribution of this research is to provide such a theory, and utilize it to offer an extensive explanation on the conflicts over pulp investment in Brazil, the globalization of the paper industry, and slowing of industrial plantation expansion in the global South.

Striving for the Impossible : The Hegelian background of Judith Butler

This study analyses the Hegelian roots of the subject-theory and the political theory of Judith Butler. Butler can be seen as the author of "gender performativity". Butler claims that subject's identities are linquistic "terms". Linquistic identities are performative and normative: they produce, according to cultural rules, the identities which they just claim to describe. Butler's theory of the performativity of identities is based on her theory of identities as "ek-static" constructions. This means that there is a relation between the self and the Other in the heart of identities. It is claimed in this study that Butler's theory of the relation between the self and the Other, or, between the subject and the constitutive outside, is based on G.W.F. Hegel's theory of the dialectics of recognition in The Phenomenology of Spirit. Especially the sections dealing with the relation between "Lord" and "Bondsman" set the theoretical base for Butler's theory. Further, it is claimed that Hegel's own solution for the enslaving and instrumentalizing relation between the self and the Other, reciprocal recognition, remains an important alternative to the postmodernist conception supported by political theorists like Butler. Chapter 2, on Hegel, goes through the dialectics of recognition between the self and the Other in The Phenomenology of Spirit up until the ideal of reciprocal recognition and absolute knowledge. Chapter 3 introduces two French interpretations of Hegel, by Alexandre Kojéve and Louis Althusser. Both of these interpretations, especially the Kojevian one, have deeply influenced the contemporary understanding of Hegel as well as the contemporary thought - presented e.g. in the postmodern political thought - on the relations between the self and the Other. The Kojévian Marxist utopia with its notion of "the End of History" as well as the Althusserian theory of the Interpellative formation of subjects have influenced how Hegel's theory of the self and the Other have travelled into Butler's thought. In chapter 5 these influences are analyzed in detail. According to the analysis, Butler, like numerous other poststructuralist theorists, accepts Kojéve's interpretation as basically correct, but rejects his vision of "the End of History" as static and totalitarian. Kojéve's utopian philosophy of history is replaced by the paradoxical idea of an endless striving towards emancipation which, however, could not and should not be reached. In chapter 6 Butler's theory is linked to another postmodern political theory, that of Chantal Mouffe. It is argued that Mouffe's theory is based on a similar view of the relation of the self and the other as Butler's theory. The former, however, deals explicitly with politics. Therefore, it makes the central paradox of striving for the impossible more visible; such a theory is unable to guide political action. Hegel actually anticipated this kind of theorizing in his critique of "Unhappy Consciousness" in the Phenomenology of Spirit. Keywords: Judith Butler, G.W.F. Hegel, Chantal Mouffe, Alexandre Kojéve, Postmodernism, Politics, Identities, Performativity, Self-consciousness, Other

Studies on Wage Differentials and Labour Market Transitions

This thesis consists of four studies. The first study examines wage differentials between women and men in the Finnish manufacturing sector. A matched employer-employee data set is used to decompose the overall gender wage gap into the contributions of sex differences in human capital, labour market segregation, and residual within-job wage differentials. The topic of the second study is the relationship between the extended unemployment benefits and labour market transitions of older workers. The analysis exploits a quasi-experimental setting caused by a change in the law that raised the eligibility age of workers benefiting from extended benefits. Roughly half of the unemployed workers with extended benefits are estimated to be effectively withdrawn from labour market search. The risk of unemployment declined and the re-employment probability increased among the age groups directly affected by the reform. The third study provides an empirical analysis of a structural equilibrium search model. Estimation results from various model specifications are compared and discussed. The last study is a methodological study where the difficulties of interpreting the results of competing risks hazard models are discussed and a solution for a particular class of models is proposed. It is argued that a common practice of reporting the results of qualitative response models in terms of marginal effects is also useful in the context of competing risks duration models.

Tasa-arvo ja muutoksen rajat : Sukupuolten tasa-arvo poliittisena ongelmana Ranskan parité- ja Suomen kiintiökeskusteluissa

The study looks at the debates on gender equality in political decision-making in Finland and France in the 1990s and 2000s by analysing the argumentation for parité and quotas and the ways in which gender equality was constructed as a political problem. The focus of the study is on the parliamentary debates on the amendment of the electoral law in France in 2000 and the introduction of quota regulations into the Act on Equality in Finland in 1994 - 1995. The debates ended in the adoption of quota regulations in the electoral lists (France) and in the executive and preparatory bodies at the national and the local level (Finland). Apart from the analysis of the parliamentary debates, the study explores the political processes preceding the adoption of legislation as well as the debates on quotas and parity in Finnish and French societies in the 1980s and 1990s. The debates on gender equality are analysed as the sites of struggle and change with regard to the normative boundaries of gender equality, as well as of politics and citizenship. The cross-cultural perspective gives room to explore the ways in which gender equality and change can be imagined in different national contexts, and which kinds of discursive resources are available for the politicization of gender equality. Specific attention is paid to the discursive frames and agenda settings in the debates and how these set the limits of the imaginable and the possible in the promotion of gender equality. In both Finland and France, the promotion of equality was constructed as a national project, in which the main beneficiary was the society or the nation as a whole. In France, gender equality was an inherent part of the promotion of French democracy; in Finland, gender equality was regarded as a means to bring the expertise of both women and men to the benefit of the whole society. Furthermore, in both countries the promotion of gender equality was based on the harmonious cooperation of women and men and the temporal dimension of "nearly achieved" gender equality. In this kind of a context, gender equality served as a means towards the wider national ends, and there was little room to discuss the aspects of power and agency with regard to gender equality. However, the internationalisation of equality politics, as well as the conflicting interpretations of gender equality in the national political arenas, calls into question the existence of clearly defined and immutable boundaries of "Finnish" and "French" gender equality. At the same time, the rules of the game in politics, including the meaning of French republicanism and Finnish "expert oriented" politics were contested. In this way, the new equality legislation and the preceding political processes played a part in the transformation of the limits of gender equality, politics and citizenship.

Generations and turnout : The generational effect in electoral participation in Finland

The relationship between age and turnout has been curve-linear as electoral participation first increases with age, remains relatively stable throughout middle-age and then gradually declines as certain physical infirmities set in (see e.g. Milbrath 1965). Alongside this life-cycle effect in voting, recent pooled cross-sectional analyses (see e.g. Blais et al. 2004; Lyons and Alexander 2000) have shown that there is also a generational effect, referring to lasting differences in turnout between various age groups. This study firstly examines the extent to which the generational effect applies in the Finnish context. Secondly, it investigates the factors accounting for that effect. The first article, based on individual-level register data from the parliamentary elections of 1999, shows that turnout differences between the different age groups would be even larger if there were no differences in social class and education. The second article examines simultaneously the effects of age, generation and period in the Finnish parliamentary elections of 1975-2003 based on pooled data from Finnish voter barometers (N = 8,634). The results show that there is a clear life cycle, generational and period effect. The third article examines the role of political socialisation in accounting for generational differences in electoral participation. Political socialisation is defined as the learning process in which an individual adopts various values, political attitudes, and patterns of actions from his or her environment. The multivariate analysis, based on the Finnish national election study 2003 (N=1,270), indicated that if there were no differences in socialisation between the youngest and the older generations, the difference in turnout would be much larger than if only sex and socioeconomic factors are controlled for. The fourth article examines other possible factors related to generational effect in voting. The results mainly apply to the Finnish parliamentary elections of 2003 in which we have data available. The results show that the sense of duty by far accounts for the generational effect in voting. Political interest, political knowledge and non-parliamentary participation also narrowed the differences in electoral participation between the youngest and the second youngest generations. The implication of the findings is that the lower turnout among the current youth is not a passing phenomenon that will diminish with age. Considering voting a civic duty and understanding the meaning of collective action are both associated with the process of political socialisation which therefore has an important role concerning the generational effect in turnout.

How terrorist campaigns end : The Rode Jeugd in the Netherlands and the Symbionese Liberation Army in the United States

This study explores the decline of terrorism by conducting source-based case studies on two left-wing terrorist campaigns in the 1970s, those of the Rode Jeugd in the Netherlands and the Symbionese Liberation Army in the United States. The purpose of the case studies is to bring more light into the interplay of different external and internal factors in the development of terrorist campaigns. This is done by presenting the history of the two chosen campaigns as narratives from the participants’ points of view, based on interviews with participants and extensive archival material. Organizational resources and dynamics clearly influenced the course of the two campaigns, but in different ways. This divergence derives at least partly from dissimilarities in organizational design and the incentive structure. Comparison of even these two cases shows that organizations using terrorism as a strategy can differ significantly, even when they share ideological orientation, are of the same size and operate in the same time period. Theories on the dynamics of terrorist campaigns would benefit from being more sensitive to this. The study also highlights that the demise of a terrorist organization does not necessarily lead to the decline of the terrorist campaign. Therefore, research should look at the development of terrorist activity beyond the lifespan of a single organization. The collective ideological beliefs and goals functioned primarily as a sustaining force, a lens through which the participants interpreted all developments. On the other hand, it appears that the role of ideology should not be overstated. Namely, not all participants in the campaigns under study fully internalized the radical ideology. Rather, their participation was mainly based on their friendship with other participants. Instead of ideology per se, it is more instructive to look at how those involved described their organization, themselves and their role in the revolutionary struggle. In both cases under study, the choice of the terrorist strategy was not merely a result of a cost-benefit calculation, but an important part of the participants’ self-image. Indeed, the way the groups portrayed themselves corresponded closely with the forms of action that they got involved in. Countermeasures and the lack of support were major reasons for the decline of the campaigns. However, what is noteworthy is that the countermeasures would not have had the same kind of impact had it not been for certain weaknesses of the groups themselves. Moreover, besides the direct impact the countermeasures had on the campaign, equally important was how they affected the attitudes of the larger left-wing community and the public in general. In this context, both the attitudes towards the terrorist campaign and the authorities were relevant to the outcome of the campaigns.

Ministers as strategic political leaders? : Strategic political steering after NPM reforms in Finland

This study explores strategic political steering after the New Public Management (NPM) reforms, with emphasis on the new role assigned to Government ministers in Finland. In the NPM model, politicians concentrate on broad, principal issues, while agencies have discretion within the limits set by politicians. In Finland, strategic steering was introduced with Management by Results (MBR), but the actual tools for strategic political steering have been the Government Programme, the Government Strategy Portfolio (GSP) and Frame Budgeting. This study addresses these tools as means of strategic steering conducted by the Cabinet and individual ministers within their respective ministries. The time frame of the study includes the two Lipponen Cabinets between 1995 and 2003. Interviews with fourteen ministers as well as with fourteen top officials were conducted. In addition, administrative reform documents and documents related to strategic steering tools were analysed. The empirical conclusions of the study can be summarised as follows: There were few signs of strategic political steering in the Lipponen Cabinets. Although the Government Programmes of both Cabinets introduced strategic thinking, the strategic guidelines set forth at the beginning of the Programme were not linked to the GSP or to Frame Budgeting. The GSP could be characterised as the collected strategic agendas of each ministry, while there was neither the will nor the courage among Cabinet members to prioritise the projects and to make selections. The Cabinet used Frame Budgeting mainly in the sense of spending limits, not in making strategic allocation decisions. As for the GSP at the departmental level, projects were suggested by top officials, and ministers only approved the suggested list. Frame Budgeting at the departmental level proved to be the most interesting strategic steering tool from ministers viewpoint: they actively participated in defining which issues would need extra financing. Because the chances for extra financing were minimal, ministers had an effect only on a marginal share of the budget. At the departmental level, the study shows that strategic plans were considered the domain of officials. As for strategies concerning specific substances, there was variation in the interest shown by the ministers. A few ministers emphasised the importance of strategic work and led strategy processes. In most cases, however, officials led the process while ministers offered comments on the drafts of strategy documents. The results of this study together with experiences reported in other countries and local politics show that political decision-makers have difficulty operating at the strategic level. The conclusion is that politicians do not have sufficient incentive to perform the strategic role implied by the NPM type of reforms. Overall, the empirical results of the study indicate the power of politics over management reforms.

Yhteisöllisyys juutalaisessa kansallisuusajattelussa ja Israelin valtion itsenäisyysjulistuksessa

The Idea of Community in the Jewish National Thinking and in the Proclamation of Independence The aim of this study is to clarify the idea of community in the Jewish national thinking and in the Proclamation of Independence of the State of Israel in 1948. The method is the community analysis. The values of the culture are studied by two- and threefold dimensions on the arena. On the field of that arena one can find the society of order, the society of pressure, the societies made by mosaics and the societies that are breaking apart. The community way of behaving means, that the individuals voluntarily follow common values. The earliest Jewish ideals elevated the concept of unity among the people. The reality in the society was different especially in Roman times when the religious and national thinking was fragmented into four different main views. During the Diaspora the religious tradition mostly warned against pursuing a Jewish state, but many forms of Anti-Judaism and the new national thinking in the nineteenth century created the Zionist movement. The religious Jewish people did not rely on the earthy nationalism and when some of them later chose Zionism, they stressed the religious aspects in governing the state. The cultural Zionists preferred a slower and more low key spiritual way of change. The Revisionists saw no alternatives but to use military force. Many in the majority, the Labour movement, hoped that the progress brought to the region by Zionism would change the minds of opponents. The general appearance of the proclamation is optimistic. It characterizes national and political unity gathering people who think differently and who come from different factions of the Jewish political and cultural orientation. These people can be placed on different corners in the community analysis. The proclamation concentrates on state and administrative points of view. It aims at a state for the Jews, and the Jewishness of the state is more clearly seen in later legislation. The hope for co-operation from all sides was clearly articulated. The central aim was the security of the Jews. The proclamation has a community quotation because it aimed to build up a net of cooperation. The vision of building a nation of their own is balanced by the collaboration with the Arabs and the international community. In the same roclamation the individual civil rights are side by side with the Prophets thoughts about peace and justice. The Proclamation describes a society of a good order which aims at uniting the people. In the midst of grave difficulties a noble proclamation of national and international co-operation was created. It was not taken for granted that the ideals would be realized. The care of the national homeland could become egocentric nationalism and the attention to the Prophets heritage could turn to emphasizing strict religious rules or to isolation from others. The emphasis of civil rights could turn to assimilation or in other words to other kinds of values in their own country.