73 resultados para Political action committees


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This study explores strategic political steering after the New Public Management (NPM) reforms, with emphasis on the new role assigned to Government ministers in Finland. In the NPM model, politicians concentrate on broad, principal issues, while agencies have discretion within the limits set by politicians. In Finland, strategic steering was introduced with Management by Results (MBR), but the actual tools for strategic political steering have been the Government Programme, the Government Strategy Portfolio (GSP) and Frame Budgeting. This study addresses these tools as means of strategic steering conducted by the Cabinet and individual ministers within their respective ministries. The time frame of the study includes the two Lipponen Cabinets between 1995 and 2003. Interviews with fourteen ministers as well as with fourteen top officials were conducted. In addition, administrative reform documents and documents related to strategic steering tools were analysed. The empirical conclusions of the study can be summarised as follows: There were few signs of strategic political steering in the Lipponen Cabinets. Although the Government Programmes of both Cabinets introduced strategic thinking, the strategic guidelines set forth at the beginning of the Programme were not linked to the GSP or to Frame Budgeting. The GSP could be characterised as the collected strategic agendas of each ministry, while there was neither the will nor the courage among Cabinet members to prioritise the projects and to make selections. The Cabinet used Frame Budgeting mainly in the sense of spending limits, not in making strategic allocation decisions. As for the GSP at the departmental level, projects were suggested by top officials, and ministers only approved the suggested list. Frame Budgeting at the departmental level proved to be the most interesting strategic steering tool from ministers viewpoint: they actively participated in defining which issues would need extra financing. Because the chances for extra financing were minimal, ministers had an effect only on a marginal share of the budget. At the departmental level, the study shows that strategic plans were considered the domain of officials. As for strategies concerning specific substances, there was variation in the interest shown by the ministers. A few ministers emphasised the importance of strategic work and led strategy processes. In most cases, however, officials led the process while ministers offered comments on the drafts of strategy documents. The results of this study together with experiences reported in other countries and local politics show that political decision-makers have difficulty operating at the strategic level. The conclusion is that politicians do not have sufficient incentive to perform the strategic role implied by the NPM type of reforms. Overall, the empirical results of the study indicate the power of politics over management reforms.

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The Russian mathematician, academician and former dissident Igor Shafarevich (b. 1923) is commonly mentioned in Western scholarly studies on perestroika and post-perestroika-era Russian politics as one of the most notable anti-Semites and extreme nationalists of the country. This notoriety owes to Shafarevich’s old samizdat article Russophobia, which was published in 1988. The scandal surrounding Russophobia came to a head when the president of The National Academy of Sciences in the United States asked Shafarevich, its honorary member, to resign. Nothing like this had ever happened in the academy’s history. The present dissertation discusses Shafarevich’s political activities, his texts and ideas as well as their reception. Particular attention is given to Russophobia, whose detailed examination proves very clearly that its reputation as an anti-Semitic text is groundless. The reasons for Russophobia’s hasty but fierce condemnation were many, but only one was that when the Soviet system began to tumble, it was commonly assumed that a vigorous rise in anti-Semitism and extreme nationalism in the Soviet Union/Russia would be just a matter of time. Many observers were highly sensitised to detecting its signs and symptoms. The dissertation also shows that most of those to write the first criticisms of Russophobia and to liken Shafarevich to the ideologues of Nazi Germany were the same people he had criticised in Russophobia for their deterministic view of history and irrational manner of connecting things for the purpose of fanning the flames of distrust between Russia’s Jews and Russians. In retrospect, it is fairly evident that Shafarevich actually managed to effectively “neutralise” the message of many of those obsessed with the Jews among his Russian contemporaries and contributed to the fact that anti-Jewish sentiments have been a great deal less popular in post-communist Russia than so many had feared and expected. The thesis also thoroughly discusses Shafarevich’s other texts and activities before Russophobia’s appearance and after it. In the 1970s, Shafarevich was one of the best-known dissidents in the Soviet Union. He worked together with academician Andrei Sakharov in a dissidents’ unofficial human rights committee and co-operated closely with Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn before Solzhenitsyn’s exile. Then, during the chaotic years of perestroika, Shafarevich defended the basic rights of ordinary citizens and warned that the hype concerning democracy could become counterproductive if the most palpable result of the reforms was the disappearance of citizens’ basic security and elementary social justice. One of the conclusions of the thesis is that even if the world around Shafarevich has changed considerably, his views have remained essentially the same since the late 1960s and early 1970s.

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Neuronal plasticity is a well characterized phenomenon in the developing and adult brain. It refers to capasity of a single neuron to modify morphology, synaptic connections and activity. Neuronal connections and capacity for plastic events are compromised in several pathological disorders, such as major depression. In addition, neuronal atrophy has been reported in depressive patients. Neurotrophins are a group of secretory proteins functionally classified as neuronal survival factors. Neurotrophins, especially brain derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF), have also been associated with promoting neuronal plasticity in dysfunctional neuronal networks. Chronic antidepressant treatment increases plastic events including neurogenesis and arborization and branching of neurites in distinct brain areas, such as the hippocampus. One suggested mode of action is where the antidepressants elevate the synaptic levels of BDNF thus further activating several signaling cascades via trkB-receptor. In our studies we have tried to clarify the mechanisms of action for antidepressants and to resolve the role of BDNF in this process. We found that chronic antidepressant treatment increases amount of markers of neuronal plasticity in both hippocampus and in the medial prefrontal cortex, both of which are closely linked to the etiology of major depression. Secondary actions of antidepressants include rapid activation of the trkB receptor followed by a phosphorylation of transcription factor CREB. In addition, activation of CREB by phosphorylation appears responsible for the regulation of the expression of the BDNF gene. Using transgenic mice we found that BDNF-induced trkB-mediated signaling proved crucial for the behavioral effects of antidepressants in the forced swimming test and for the survival of newly-born neurons in the adult hippocampus. Antidepressants not only increased neurogenesis in the adult hippocampus but also elevated the turnover of hippocampal neurons. During these studies we also discovered that another trkB ligand, NT-4, is involved in morphine-mediated anti-nociception and tolerance. These results present a novel role for trkB-mediated signaling in plastic events present in the opioid system. This thesis evaluates neuronal plasticity and trkB as a target for future antidepressant treatments.

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Wound healing is a complex process that requires an interplay between several cell types. Classically, fibroblasts have been viewed as producers of extracellular matrix, but more recently they have been recognized as orchestrators of the healing response, promoting and directing, inflammation and neovascularization processes. Compared to those from healthy tissue, inflammation-associated fibroblasts display a dramatically altered phenotype and have been described as sentinel cells, able to switch to an immunoregulatory profile on cue. However, the activation mechanism still remains largely uncharacterized. Nemosis is a model for stromal fibroblast activation. When normal human primary fibroblasts are deprived of growth support they cluster, forming multicellular spheroids. Clustering results in upregulation of proinflammatory markers such as cyclooxygenase-2 and secretion of prostaglandins, proteinases, cytokines, and growth factors. Fibroblasts in nemosis induce wound healing and tumorigenic responses in many cell types found in inflammatory and tumor microenvironments. This study investigated the effect of nemotic fibroblasts on two components of the vascular system, leukocytes and endothelium, and characterized the inflammation-promoting responses that arose in these cell types. Fibroblasts in nemosis were found to secrete an array of chemotactic cytokines and attract leukocytes, as well as promote their adhesion to the endothelium. Nuclear factor-kB, the master regulator of many inflammatory responses, is activated in nemotic fibroblasts. Nemotic fibroblasts are known to produce large amounts of hepatocyte growth factor, a motogenic and angiogenic factor. Also, as shown in this study, they produce vascular endothelial growth factor. These two factors induced migratory and sprouting responses in endothelial cells, both required for neovascularization. Nemotic fibroblasts also caused a decrease in the expression of adherens and tight junction components on the surface of endothelial cells. The results allow the conclusion that fibroblasts in nemosis share many similarities with inflammation-associated fibroblasts. Both inflammation and stromal fibroblasts are known to be involved in tumorigenesis and tumor progression. Nemosis may be viewed as a model for stromal fibroblast activation, or it may correlate with cell-cell interactions between adjacent fibroblasts in vivo. Nevertheless, due to nemosis-derived production of proinflammatory cytokines and growth factors, fibroblast nemosis may have therapeutic potential as an inducer of controlled tissue repair. Knowledge of stromal fibroblast activation gained through studies of nemosis, could provide new strategies to control unwanted inflammation and tumor progression.

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Action, Power and Experience in Organizational Change - A Study of Three Major Corporations This study explores change management and resistance to change as social activities and power displays through worker experiences in three major Finnish corporations. Two important sensitizing concepts were applied. Firstly, Richard Sennett's perspective on work in the new form of capitalism, and its shortcomings - the lack of commitment and freedom accompanied by the disruption to lifelong career planning and the feeling of job insecurity - offered a fruitful starting point for a critical study. Secondly, Michel Foucault's classical concept of power, treated as anecdotal, interactive and nonmeasurable, provided tools for analyzing change-enabling and resisting acts. The study bridges the gap between management and social sciences. The former have usually concentrated on leadership issues, best practices and goal attainment, while the latter have covered worker experiences, power relations and political conflicts. The study was motivated by three research questions. Firstly, why people resist or support changes in their work, work environment or organization, and the kind of analyses these behavioural choices are based on. Secondly, the kind of practical forms which support for, and resistance to change take, and how people choose the different ways of acting. Thirdly, how the people involved experience and describe their own subject position and actions in changing environments. The examination focuses on practical interpretations and action descriptions given by the members of three major Finnish business organizations. The empirical data was collected during a two-year period in the Finnish Post Corporation, the Finnish branch of Vattenfal Group, one of the leading European energy companies, and the Mehiläinen Group, the leading private medical service provider in Finland. It includes 154 non-structured thematic interviews and 309 biographies concentrating on personal experiences of change. All positions and organizational levels were represented. The analysis was conducted using the grounded theory method introduced by Straus and Corbin in three sequential phases, including open, axial and selective coding processes. As a result, there is a hierarchical structure of categories, which is summarized in the process model of change behaviour patterns. Key ingredients are past experiences and future expectations which lead to different change relations and behavioural roles. Ultimately, they contribute to strategic and tactical choices realized as both public and hidden forms of action. The same forms of action can be used in both supporting and resisting change, and there are no specific dividing lines either between employer and employee roles or between different hierarchical positions. In general, however, it is possible to conclude that strategic choices lead more often to public forms of action, whereas tactical choices result in hidden forms. The primary goal of the study was to provide knowledge which has practical applications in everyday business life, HR and change management. The results, therefore, are highly applicable to other organizations as well as to less change-dominated situations, whenever power relations and conflicting interests are present. A sociological thesis on classical business management issues can be of considerable value in revealing the crucial social processes behind behavioural patterns. Keywords: change management, organizational development, organizational resistance, resistance to change, change management, labor relations, organization, leadership

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The main theme of the research centres on the idea that social inclusion can be analysed as inclusions and exclusions. The research is focused on the phenomenon of inclusion that is defined as widely understood social relationships and social binds emerging in a rehabilitation process. Information was gathered from 13 ex substance abusers, who had a background of heavy substance abuse for appr. 15 years and who have been sober for about 7 years. Also 34 persons who helped them to rehabilitate by the helped persons’ perspectives, were interviewed. The speciality of the research is that 5 of the ex abusers were also physically or mentally disabled. A Simmelian interaction process analysis was applied for the narrative analysis of the collected data. The aim of the analysis was to define different kinds of configurations of social relations and social binds. According to the research 3 different forms of inclusion are emerged in rehabilitation. At the early stage rehabilitation leans towards controlling the new sober life style (inclusion of life control). When people begin to rely on their temperance, they begin to make decisions about an own way of living (life political inclusion) and can also dissociate from the institutional thought patterns. People must also find a way into the circles of social relationships to develop own esteemed individual settings of codes for their action (inclusion of life orientation). The main result of the research represents the ‘mechanism of the social’ of rehabilitation. It is composed of the forms of inclusion mentioned above, their contents and the specific reflection mechanism of inclusion. It consists of the heavy structure of the disciplines of the rehabilitation system and the light structure of social worlds. Finally rehabilitation in the long run seems to lean on aesthetic of social relationships – how the person is connected to the circle of social relationships in this reflection. The conclusions are the following. The role of institutional disciplines is an important social resource for controlling life. Other institutions, i.e. the institutions of adult education offer opportunities to organize the abuser’s life. Unfortunately, the institutional rehabilitation seems to offer feeble help, especially to those who are actualising a kind of life orientation that does not comply with legitimated institutional thought patterns. If the helpers cannot define the need for aid in this situation, the helped easily becomes perversely socially excluded. In a discreet way the institutional rehabilitation is shaping subjectivities of the ex abusers by transferring responsibilities for them. This incident already increases the uncertainty of life of ex abuser, who is disposed towards feeling shame and inferiority. It is more secure to strengthen social binds with the institutional rehabilitation and its membership. Thus, getting individually responsible increases addictive behaviours.

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The study analyses European social policy as a political project that proceeds under the guidance of the European Commission. In the name of modernisation, the project aims to build a new idea for the welfare state. To understand the project, it is necessary to distance oneself from both the juridical competence of the European Union and the traditional national welfare state models. The question is about sharing problems, as well as solutions to them: it is the creation and sharing of common views, concepts and images that play a key role in European integration. Drawing on texts and speeches produced by the European Commission, the study throws light on the development of European social policy during the first years of the 2000s. The study "freeze-frames" the welfare debate having its starting points in the nation states in the name of the entity of Europe. The first article approaches the European social model as a story in itself, a preparatory, persuasive narrative that concerns the management of change. The article shows how the audience can be motivated to work towards a set target by using discursive elements in a persuasive manner: the function of a persuasive story is to convince the target audience of the appropriateness of the chosen direction and to shape their identity so that they are favourably disposed to the desired political targets. This is a kind of "intermediate state" where the story, despite its inner contradictions and inaccuracies, succeeds in appearing as an almost self-evident path towards a modern social policy that Europe is currently seen to be in need of. The second article outlines the European social model as a question of governance. Health as a sector of social policy is detached from the old political order, which was based on the welfare state, and is closely linked to economy. At the same time the population is primarily seen as an economic resource. The Commission is working towards a "Europe of Health" that grapples with the problem of governance with the help of the "healthisation" of society, healthy citizenship and health economics. The way the Commission speaks is guided by the Union's powerful interest to act as "Europe" in the field of welfare policy. At the same time, the traditional separateness of health policy is effaced in order to be able to make health policy reforms a part of the Union's wider modernisation targets. The third article then shows the European social policy as its own area of governance. The article uses an approach based on critical discourse analysis in examining the classification systems and presentation styles adopted by Commission communications, as well as the identities that they help build. In analysing the "new start" of the Lisbon strategy from the perspective of social policy, the article shows how the emphasis has shifted from the persuasive arguments for change with necessary common European targets in the early stages of the strategy towards the implementation of reforms: from a narrative to a vision and from a diagnosis to healing. The phase of global competition represents "the modern" with which European society with its culture and ways of life now has to be matched. The Lisbon strategy is a way to direct this societal change, thus building a modern European social policy. The fourth article describes how the Commission uses its communications policy to build practices and techniques of governance and how it persuades citizens to participate in the creation of a European project of change. This also requires a new kind of agency: agents for whom accountability and responsibilities mean integration into and commitment to European society. Accountability is shaped into a decisive factor in implementing the European Union's strategy of change. As such it will displace hierarchical confrontations and emphasise common action with a view to modernising Europe. However, the Union's discourse cannot be described as being a political language that would genuinely rouse and convince the audience at the level of everyday life. Keywords: European social policy, EU policy, European social model, European Commission, modernisation of welfare, welfare state, communications, discoursiveness.

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The purpose of this work is to use the concepts of human time and cultural trauma in a biographical study of the turning points in the recent history of Estonia. This research is primarily based on 148 in-depth biographical interviews conducted in Estonia and Sweden in 1995-2005, supplemented by excerpts from 5 collections and 10 individually published autobiographies. The main body of the thesis consists of six published and of two forthcoming separate refereed articles, summarised in the theoretical introduction, and Appendix of the full texts of three particular life stories. The topic of the first article is the generational composition and the collective action frames of anti-Soviet social mobilisation in Estonia in 1940-1990. The second article details the differentiation of the rites of passage and the calendar traditions as a strategy to adapt to the rapidly changed political realities, comparatively in Soviet Estonia and among the boat-refugees in Sweden. The third article investigates the life stories of the double-minded strategic generation of the Estonian-inclined Communists, who attempted to work within the Soviet system while professing to uphold the ideals of pre-war Estonia. The fourth article is concentrated on the problems of double mental standards as a coping strategy in a contradictory social reality. The fifth article implements the theory of cultural trauma for the social practice of singing nationalism in Estonia. The sixth article bridges the ideas of Russian theoreticians concerning cultural dialogue and the Western paradigm of cultural trauma, with examples from Estonian Russian life stories. The seventh article takes a biographical look at the logic of the unraveling of cultural trauma through four Soviet decades. The eighth article explores the re-shaping of citizen activities as a strategy of coping with the loss of the independent nation state, comparatively in Soviet Estonia and among Swedish Estonians. Cultural trauma is interpreted as the re-ordering of the society s value-normative constellation due to sharp, violent, usually political events. The first one under consideration was caused by the occupations of the Republic of Estonia by the Soviet army in 1940-45. After half a century of suppression the memories of these events resurfaced as different stories describing the long-term, often inter-generational strategies of coping with the value collapse. The second cultural trauma is revealed together with the collapse of the Soviet power and ideology in Estonia in 1991. According to empirical data, the following three trauma discourses have been reconstructed: - the forced adaptation to Soviet order of the homeland Estonians; - the difficulty of preserving Estonian identity in exile (Sweden); - the identity crisis of the Russian population of Estonia. Comparative analyses of these discourses have shown that opposing experiences and worldviews cause conflicting interpretations of the past. Different social and ethnic groups consider coping with cultural trauma as a matter of self-defence and create appropriate usable pasts to identify with. Keywords: human time, cultural trauma, frame analysis, discourse, life stories

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In line with cultural psychology and developmental theory, a single case approach is applied to construct knowledge on how children s interaction emerge interlinked to historical, social, cultural, and material context. The study focuses on the negotiation of constraints and meaning construction among 2-to 3-year-old children, a preschool teacher, and the researcher in settings with water. Water as an element offers a special case of cultural canalization: adults selectively monitor and guide children s access to it. The work follows the socio-cultural tradition in psychology, particularly the co-constructivist theory of human development and the Network of Meanings perspective developed at the University of São Paulo. Valsiner s concepts of Zone of Free Movement and Zone of Promoted Action are applied together with studies where interactions are seen as spaces of construction where negotiation of constraints for actions, emotions, and conceptions occur. The corpus was derived at a Finnish municipal day care centre. During a seven months period, children s actions were video recorded in small groups twice a month. The teacher and the researcher were present. Four sessions with two children were chosen for qualitative microanalysis; the analysis also addressed the transformations during the months covered by the study. Moreover, the data derivation was analyzed reflectively. The narrowed down arenas for actions were continuously negotiated among the participants both nonverbally and verbally. The adults expectations and intentions were materialized in the arrangements of the setting canalizing the possibilities for actions. Children s co-regulated actions emerged in relation to the adults presence, re-structuring attempts, and the constraints of the setting. Children co-constructed novel movements and meanings in relation to the initiatives and objects offered. Gestures, postures, and verbalizations emerged from the initially random movements and became constructed to have specific meanings and functions; meaning construction became abbreviated. The participants attempted to make sense of the ambiguous (explicit and implicit) intentions and fuzzy boundaries of promoted and possible actions: individualized yet overlapping features were continuously negotiated by all the participants. Throughout the months, children s actions increasingly corresponded adults (re-defined) conceptions of water researchers as an emerging group culture. Water became an instrument and a context for co-regulations. The study contributes to discussions on children as participants in cultural canalization and emphasizes the need for analysis in early childhood education practices on the implicit and explicit constraint structures for actions.

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This thesis proposes that national or ethnic identity is an important and overlooked resource in conflict resolution. Usually ethnic identity is seen both in international relations and in social psychology as something that fuels the conflict. Using grounded theory to analyze data from interactive problem-solving workshops between Palestinians and Israelis a theory about the role of national identity in turning conflict into protracted conflict is developed. Drawing upon research from, among others, social identity theory, just world theory and prejudice it is argued that national identity is a prime candidate to provide the justification of a conflict party’s goals and the dehumanization of the other necessary to make a conflict protracted. It is not the nature of national identity itself that lets it perform this role but rather the ability to mobilize a constituency for social action (see Stürmer, Simon, Loewy, & Jörger, 2003). Reicher & Hopkins (1996) have demonstrated that national identity is constructed by political entrepreneurs to further their cause, even if this construction is not a conscious one. Data from interactive problem-solving workshops suggest that the possibility of conflict resolution is actually seen by participants as a direct threat of annihilation. Understanding the investment necessary to make conflict protracted this reaction seems plausible. The justification for ones actions provided by national identity makes the conflict an integral part of a conflict party’s identity. Conflict resolution, it is argued, is therefore a threat to the very core of the current national identity. This may explain why so many peace agreements have failed to provide the hoped for resolution of conflict. But if national identity is being used in a constructionist way to attain political goals, a political project of conflict resolution, if it is conscious of the constructionist process, needs to develop a national identity that is independent of conflict and therefore able to accommodate conflict resolution. From this understanding it becomes clear why national identity needs to change, i.e. be disarmed, if conflict resolution is to be successful. This process of disarmament is theorized to be similar to the process of creating and sustaining protracted conflict. What shape and function this change should have is explored from the understanding of the role of national identity in supporting conflict. Ideas how track-two diplomacy efforts, such as the interactive problem-solving workshop, could integrate a process by both conflict parties to disarm their respective identities are developed.