Eläytymisestä omiin tarinoihin : Televisiosarja katsojien keskustelussa

From sympathetic understanding to own stories. TV-series in the conversation of its viewers. The purpose of this study is to analyze viewers' conversations about TV-series as a practice in which viewers construct meaning to TV-series. In the tradition of British Cultural Studies this study understands that viewer has an active role in interpreting and constructing meaning to TV-series. In the tradition of feminist studies this study understands that gender is being constructed in social and cultural practices. In reception studies, the viewing of TV-series has usually been analyzed as a practice which is embedded at home and in a family. The studies are often based on interviews of viewers, and the analysis of the construction of meaning is based on interview material where the viewers most often talk about their viewing habits and the likes and dislikes of TV-shows and -characters. This study extends the reception and interpretation of TV-series from home to the moments of interaction between viewers. It is quite common to hear how people talk also outside of home about television and the programmes they have watched. In this study the construction of meaning is being studied in viewers' conversations. The method of analysis is conversation analysis which studies the ordered properties of everyday forms of social interaction. The data has been collected in a workplace where four women watched together (and without the presence of a researcher) two TV-series, American sitcom Golden Girls and Finnish family drama Ruusun aika (Time of a Rose), and afterwards had time and chance for discussion. There was neither a questionnaire nor an agenda for the women to discuss. The analysis of the conversation brings up three themes. In the orientation discussions the viewers aim to construct frames in which it makes sense to talk about the TV-series. The frames have mostly to do with the genre of the TV-series. The second theme is concerned with the viewers' aim to achieve sympathetic understanding of the characters in the TV-series. The third theme extends and transfers the conversation about TV-series to real or imaginary stories of own life. In the conversation the reception of a TV-series appears as being in motion: in the orientation discussions the viewers move towards the series, in the character-discussions the viewers move within the world of the series, and when telling their own stories the viewers move away from the TV-series towards their own lives. In the conversations there appears also a distinction in gender-constructions. When the viewers talk about motherhood, they adopt a serious and moralistic tone. When they talk about female sexuality and relationships between women and men they adopt carnevalistic and humorous tone. There are examples of these kinds of gender-constructions also in other studies of Finnish gender culture. Motherhood means the responsibility to good upbringing; relationships with men include something unpredictable and problematic which one handles at best in a humorous way.

Tytöt, pojat ja sukupuolinen häirintä

In this research I ask what is interpreted as sex-based harassment by 15-16-year old girls and boys. By sex-based harassment I refer to one-sided, unwanted attention that is based on gender and that makes the target feel embarrassed, frightened, hurt or angry. My focus is not on the most overt cases of harassment but rather on everyday encounters. While young people differentiate between harassing and non-harassing attention, at the same time they define, assign value to and construct differences and power relations on the basis of gender, age and ethnicity, for example. My main data consists of essays (N 104, 54 girls, 54 boys) and thematic interviews (N 14; 20 girls, 3 boys) of ninth graders of a secondary school in Helsinki. In the essays and interviews, students construe the border between pleasant and unpleasant, tolerable and intolerable attention as clear in principle, but, they suggest that in practice this border is ambivalent, negotiable and contextual. The interpretations of incidents are justified by referring to features of the target, the scene or the perpetrator. Targets of harassment are most often construed as being girls who are characterized as thin-skinned, but at the same time they are expected to be understanding toward any sex-based attention they may get, particularly when it is not physical. On the other hand, girls are regarded as equal and even active participants in incidents of harassment. Such statements include considerations of how girls either reject or invite particular kinds of attention by their actions and outward appearance. Forms of harassment, ways of understanding it as well as overcoming it vary according to spatial context. By situating incidents in different spaces and places, young people contrast their experiences with ordinary and predictable non-harassment that takes place e.g. in discos and unusual and unexpected harassment that takes place e.g. in the city streets in the daytime. The behaviour of boys harassing a girls is naturalized by appealing to young masculinity and the childishness but also strong sexual drive which is seen as characteristic of teenage boys. On the other hand, sex-based harassment is racialized and pathologized in ways that separate the phenomenon from young, Finnish, normal masculinity. Both the material experiences of the young people and the definitions of the parties involved in harassing incidents are gendered. Girls encounter and deal with sexualized commenting and unwanted approaches much more often and in a more intensive way than boys. Furthermore, there is a vast cultural repertoire of acceptable accounts that can be mobilised in order to excuse male harassers, to critically evaluate the appearance or action of the female targets and to divide the responsibility between the female target and the male perpetrator.

Gender, Politics and Democratisation in Cameroon

Gender perceptions, religious belief systems, and political thought have excluded women from politics, for ages, around the world. Combining feminist and modernisation theorists in my theoretical framework, I examine the trends in patriarchal Europe and I highlight the gender-sensitive model of the Nordic countries. Retracing local gender patterns from precolonial to postcolonial eras in sub-Saharan Africa, I explore the links between perceptions, needs, resources, education and women's political participation in Cameroon. Democratisation is supposed to open up political participation, to grant equal opportunities to all adults. One ironic feature of the liberalisation process in Cameroon has been the decrease of women in parliamentarian representation (14% in 1988, 6% in 1992, 5% in 1997 and 10% in 2002). What social, cultural and institutional mechanisms produced this paradoxical outcome, the exclusion of half the population? The gender complementarity of the indigenous context has been lost to male prevalence privileged by education, church, law, employment, economy and politics in the public sphere; most women are marginalised in the private sphere. Nation building and development have failed; ethnicism and individualism are growing. Some hope lies in the growing civil society. From two surveys and 21 focus groups across Cameroon, in 2000 and 2002, some significant results of the processed empirical data reveal low electoral registration (34.5% women and 65.9% men), contrasted by the willingness to run for municipal elections (33.3 % women and 45.2% men). The co-existence of customary and statutory laws, the corrupt political system and fraudulent practices, contribute to the marginalisation of women and men who are interested in politics. A large majority of female respondents consider female politicians more trustworthy and capable than their male counterparts; they even foresee the appointment of a female Prime Minister. The Nordic countries have institutionalised gender equality in their legislation, policies and practices. France has improved women's political inclusion with the parity laws; Rwanda is another model of women's representation, thanks to its post-conflict constitution. From my analysis, Cameroonian institutions, men and more so women, may learn and borrow from these experiences, in order to design and implement a sustainable and gender-balanced democracy. Keywords: democratisation, politics, gender equality, feminism, citizenship, Cameroon, Nordic countries, Finland, France, United Kingdom, quotas, societal social psychology.

Psykoterapian vaikutusten arvioiminen : Keskustelunanalyttinen tutkimus arviointihaastattelun käytänteistä

In the field of psychiatry semi-structured interview is one of the central tools in assessing the psychiatric state of a patient. In semi-structured interview the interviewer participates in the interaction both by the prepared interview questions and by his or her own, unstructured turns. It has been stated that in the context of psychiatric assessment interviewers' unstructured turns help to get focused information but simultaneously may weaken the reliability of the data. This study examines the practices by which semi-structured psychiatric interviews are conducted. The method for the study is conversation analysis, which is both a theory of interaction and a methodology for its empirical, detailed analysis. Using data from 80 video-recorded psychiatric interviews with 16 patients and five interviewers it describes in detail both the structured and unstructured interviewing practices. In the analysis also psychotherapeutic concepts are used to describe phenomena that are characteristic for therapeutic discourse. The data was received from the Helsinki Psychotherapy Study (HPS). HPS is a randomized clinical trial comparing the effectiveness of four forms of psychotherapy in the treatment of depressive and anxiety disorders. A total of 326 patients were randomly assigned to one of three treatment groups: solution-focused therapy, short-term psychodynamic psychotherapy, and long-term psychodynamic psychotherapy. The patients assigned to the long-term psychodynamic psychotherapy group and 41 patients self-selected for psychoanalysis were included in a quasi-experimental design. The primary outcome measures were depressive and anxiety symptoms, while secondary measures included work ability, need for treatment, personality functions, social functioning, and life style. Cost-effectiveness was determined. The data were collected from interviews, questionnaires, psychological tests, and public health registers. The follow-up interviews were conducted five times during a 5-year follow-up. The study shows that interviewers pose elaborated questions that are formulated in a friendly and sensitive way and that make relevant patients' long and story-like responses. When receiving patients' answers interviewers use a wide variety of different interviewing practices by which they direct patients' talk or offer an understanding of the meaning of patients' response. The results of the study are two-fold. Firstly, the study shows that understanding the meaning of mental experiences requires interaction between interviewer and patient. It is stated that therefore semi-structured interview is both relevant and necessary method for collecting data in psychotherapy outcome study. Secondly, the study suggests that conversation analysis, enriched with psychotherapeutic concepts, offers methodological possibilities for psychotherapy process research, especially for process-outcome paradigm.

Parisuhde ja ero : Sosiologinen analyysi terapeuttisesta ymmärryksestä

This study takes as its premise the prominent social and cultural role that the couple relationship has acquired in modern society. Marriage as a social institution and romantic love as a cultural script have not lost their significance but during the last few decades the concept of relationship has taken prominence in our understanding of the love relationship. This change has taken place in a society governed by the therapeutic ethos. This study uses material ranging from in-depth interviews to various mass media texts to investigate the therapeutic logic that determines our understanding of the couple relationship. The central concept in this study is therapeutic relationship which does not refer to any particular type of relationship. In contemporary usage the relationship is, by definition, therapeutic. The therapeutic relationship is seen as an endless source of conflict and a highly complex dynamic unit in constant need of attention and treatment. Notwithstanding this emphasis on therapy and relationship work the therapeutic relationship lacks any morally or socially defined direction. Here lies the cultural power and according to critics the dubious aspect of the therapeutic ethos. For the therapeutic logic any reason for divorce is possible and plausible. Prosaically speaking the question is not whether to divorce or not, but when to divorce. In the end divorce only attests to the complexity of the relationship. The therapeutic understanding of the relationship gives the illusion that relationships with their tensions and conflicting emotions can be fully transferred to the sphere of transparency and therapeutic processing. This illusion created by relationship talk that emphasizes individual control is called omnipotence of the individual. However, the study shows that the individual omnipotence is inevitably limited and hence cracks appear in it. The cracks in the omnipotence show that while the therapeutic relationship based on the ideal of communication gives an individual a mode of speaking that stresses autonomy, equality and emotional gratification, it offers little help in expressing our fundamental dependence on other people. The study shows how strong an attraction the therapeutic ethos has with its grasp on the complexities of the relationship in a society where divorce is so common and the risk of divorce is collectively experienced.

Diffusion of Be, Co and Mn impurities in compound semiconductors and glassy carbon studied by the modified radiotracer technique

The main method of modifying properties of semiconductors is to introduce small amount of impurities inside the material. This is used to control magnetic and optical properties of materials and to realize p- and n-type semiconductors out of intrinsic material in order to manufacture fundamental components such as diodes. As diffusion can be described as random mixing of material due to thermal movement of atoms, it is essential to know the diffusion behavior of the impurities in order to manufacture working components. In modified radiotracer technique diffusion is studied using radioactive isotopes of elements as tracers. The technique is called modified as atoms are deployed inside the material by ion beam implantation. With ion implantation, a distinct distribution of impurities can be deployed inside the sample surface with good con- trol over the amount of implanted atoms. As electromagnetic radiation and other nuclear decay products emitted by radioactive materials can be easily detected, only very low amount of impurities can be used. This makes it possible to study diffusion in pure materials without essentially modifying the initial properties by doping. In this thesis a modified radiotracer technique is used to study the diffusion of beryllium in GaN, ZnO, SiGe and glassy carbon. GaN, ZnO and SiGe are of great interest to the semiconductor industry and beryllium as a small and possibly rapid dopant hasn t been studied previously using the technique. Glassy carbon has been added to demonstrate the feasibility of the technique. In addition, the diffusion of magnetic impurities, Mn and Co, has been studied in GaAs and ZnO (respectively) with spintronic applications in mind.

Towards a United States of Africa? Combining Zambian and AU level debate.

Globalisaatio on luonut uuden maailmanjärjestelmän jonka myötä yksittäisten valtioiden vaikutusvalta on vähentynyt entisestään. Tämä pitää paikkansa erityisesti kehittyvien maiden kohdalla, esimerkiksi Afrikassa. Afrikka on pyrkinyt taistelemaan globalisaation tuomia negatiivisia vaikutuksia vastaan alueellistumisen ja maanosan yhtenäisyyttä ajavien hankkeiden kautta jo vuosikymmenien ajan, mutta toistaiseksi tulokset eivät ole olleet vakuttavia. Tällä hetkellä Afrikan Unionissa keskustellaan hankkeesta muodostaa Afrikan Yhdysvallat. Aiemmista hankkeista poiketen tämän uuden aloitteen ajatus perustuu ylikansallisuudelle, jossa yksittäiset valtiot luovuttavat valtaansa ylikansallisille elimille, kuten Afrikan Unionin hallitukselle. Näin ollen on tärkeää tarkastella aloitetta Afrikan Yhdysvaltojen perustamiseksi ja arvioida, voisiko tällainen ylikansallinen organisaatio auttaa Afrikkaa kääntämään globalisaation haittavaikutukset myönteisiksi. Tämä Pro Gradu-tutkielma väittää sen olevan mahdollista, mutta vain siinä tapauksessa että Afrikka on valmis hyväksymään yhtenäisyyden rajoitukset. Aiemman tutkimuksen vähyyden vuoksi on myös tarpeen tutkia Afrikan Yhdysvalloista kansallisilla tasoilla käytävää keskustelua. Tämän vuoksi tässä tutkielmassa painotetaan esimerkkimaa Sambian kautta yhden Afrikan Unionin jäsenmaan keskinäistä keskustelua aiheesta ja verrataan sitä Afrikan Unionin tason keskusteluun. Tutkielma sisältää kirjallisuuskatsauksen sekä tapaustutkimuksen. Tutkimusaineisto koostuu sambialaisista sanomalehtiotteista sekä Sambian valtion ja Afrikan Unionin virallisista asiakirjoista. Pääasiallisena tutkimusmenetelmänä on laadullinen sisällönanalyysi. Teoreettinen viitekehys perustuu afrikkalaisen valtion ja kansalaisyhteiskunnan, alueellistumisen, globalisaation hallinnan, pan-afrikkalaisuuden ja poliittisen integraation teorioihin sekä historialliseen katsaukseen Afrikan yhtenäisyydestä. Perimmäisenä tarkoituksena on lisätä ymmärrystä afrikkalaisesta valtiosta ja politiikasta. Tutkimuksen tulosten mukaan on havaittavissa aukko valtioiden virallisten toimijoiden näkemysten ja kansalaisyhteiskunnan huolenaiheiden välillä. Viralliset toimijat näyttävät olevan kansalaisyhteiskuntaa vahvemmin Afrikan Yhdysvaltojen kannalla. Virallisten toimijoiden korostaessa Afrikan aatteellista yhtenäisyyttä kansalaisyhteiskunta on huolissaan sen toteutumisesta käytännössä. Esiin nousee myös kysymys 'afrikkalaisesta' identiteetistä ja kansalaisuudesta sekä kommunikaatiosta valtion ja kansalaisten välillä.

Interculturality in Theory and Practice in the Master's Programme of Intercultural Bilingual Education in Bolivia

Tämän tutkielman aiheena on kulttuurienvälisyys kulttuurienvälisessä kaksikielisessä opetuksessa (Educación Intercultural Bilingüe, EIB) Boliviassa ja erityisesti kulttuurienvälisen kaksikielisen koulutuksen maisteriohjelmassa (Maestría en Educación Intercultural Bilingüe), jota koordinoi PROEIB Andes -järjestö yhteistyössä Cochabamban Universidad Mayor de San Simónin kanssa. Tutkielman tarkoituksena on selvittää, miten kulttuurienvälisyys määritellään ja mitä se käytännössä merkitsee opetuksen eri osa-alueilla: sisällöissä, opetusmetodeissa ja -materiaaleissa sekä arvioinnissa. Koska kulttuurienvälisen kaksikielisen opetuksen toteutus ja tutkiminen eri Latinalaisen Amerikan maissa on tähän asti painottunut lähes yksinomaan perusopetukseen, pyrin työssäni keskittymään kulttuurienvälisyyden ilmentymiin nimenomaan bolivialaisessa korkeakoulukontekstissa. Tutkielman aineistona on käytetty kahdeksaa EIB -asiantuntijoiden teemahaastattelua, jotka FM Eila Isotalus on tehnyt Boliviassa vuonna 2004. Haastatteluaineisto analysoitiin teoriasidonnaista eli abduktiivista sisällönanalyysiä käyttäen. Tutkielman teoriatausta koostuu yhtäältä kulttuurienvälisyyteen ja monikulttuurisuuteen liittyvien käsitteiden määrittelystä, ja toisaalta kulttuurienväliseen opetukseen liittyvien mallien esittelystä. Aineiston analyysissä avuksi on ollut etenkin James A. Banksin teoria monikulttuurisen opetuksen viidestä ulottuvuudesta, joiden kautta on voitu pohtia kulttuurienvälisyyden toteutumista opetuksen eri osa-alueilla ja nostaa esille bolivialaisen kulttuurienvälisen opetuksen erityispiirteitä. Aineiston analyysissä ilmenee, että kulttuurienvälisyyden käsitteen määrittely on vahvasti kontekstisidonnainen ja jatkuva prosessi, johon vaikuttavat eri toimijoiden näkemykset ja vaatimukset. EIB -asiantuntijoiden esittämät määrittelyt voidaan jakaa makro- ja mikrososiaaliseen kategoriaan sen mukaan, nähdäänkö kulttuurienvälisyys ensisijaisesti yhteiskunnallisena vai yksilötason käsitteenä. Aineistossa korostuu ajatus latinalaisamerikkalaisesta kulttuurienvälisyydestä poliittisena käsitteenä, jonka keskiössä on vaatimus yhteiskunnallisten valtasuhteiden muutoksesta. Yksi suurimmista haasteista kulttuurienvälisyyden toteuttamisessa bolivialaisessa korkeakouluopetuksessa ovat akateemiseen kulttuuriin liittyvät perinteet, jotka vaikeuttavat uusien toimintatapojen omaksumista. Kulttuurienvälisyys opetuksessa on toistaiseksi tarkoittanut etupäässä sisältöjen monipuolistamista lisäämällä opetusohjelmiin elementtejä paikallisista kulttuureista. Tärkeänä askeleena EIB:n kehityksessä voidaan pitää painopisteen siirtymistä sisältökysymyksistä kulttuurienvälisten opetusmetodien luomiseen. Näiden opetusmenetelmien tulisi pohjautua ymmärrykseen oppimisesta kokonaisvaltaisena, yhteisöllisenä prosessina ja siten kuroa umpeen kuilua koulun ja yhteisöjen arkielämän välillä. Opetusmenetelmien ja -materiaalien suhteen keskeinen kulttuurienvälisyyteen liittyvä kysymys on intiaanikansojen suullisen kulttuurin ja tiedon jakamisen perinteiden hyödyntäminen opetuksessa. Maisteriohjelman opiskelijoiden arvioinnissa pyritään huomioimaan yksilön kokonaisvaltainen kehitys pelkkien opintosuoritusten sijasta, mutta arvosanoihin pohjautuvasta arvostelukäytännöstä ei ole toistaiseksi voitu luopua yliopiston vaatimusten vuoksi. Kaiken kaikkiaan kulttuurienvälisyyden toteuttaminen EIB:ssä ja maisteriohjelmassa on pitkän tähtäimen prosessi, joka vaatii perinteisten opetuskäytäntöjen kyseenalaistamista ja korkeakouluopetuksessa myös akateemisen kulttuurin haastamista. On oleellisen tärkeää, että prosessiin osallistuvat asiantuntijoiden ohella myös esimerkiksi opiskelijat, intiaaniyhteisöt ja -järjestöaktiivit.

Humanitaarisuuden varjossa : Poliittiset tekijät lastensiirroissa Ruotsiin sotiemme aikana ja niiden jälkeen

The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

Elämän jatkumo Leibnizillä

Leeuwenhoekin kokeilut mikroskoopilla 1600-luvun lopulla olivat G. W. Leibnizille suuri innoituksen lähde. Monadologia-teoksessaan Leibniz hehkutti keksinnön merkitystä ja antoi ymmärtää, että sillä löydetyt pikkuruiset eliöt todistivat hänen metafyysisen pluralisminsa oikeaksi. Hänen mukaansa "huomataan, että pienimmässäkin osasessa ainetta on kokonainen elävien olioiden, eläinten, entelekhioiden ja sielujen maailma." Näin Leibnizin ajatus elämän jatkumosta sai uutta pontta. Keksinnön vaikutus näkyy myös Leibnizin teoksessa Uusia esseitä inhimillisestä ymmärryksestä, jossa hän esittelee pienet perseptiot, joita voidaan pitää tietoteoreettisena vastineena pieneliöille. Tarkastelen esitelmässäni Leibnizin reaktioita mikroskooppiin ja sen antamaan uuteen kuvaan elämästä ja keskustelen joistakin Leibnizin filosofian piirteistä, joissa voidaan huomata uuden keksinnön vaikutusta.

Tuloverotuksen reaalinen muuttuminen Suomessa : Kuusikymmentä vuotta verojen vuoristorataa

The study seeks to find out whether the real burden of the personal taxation has increased or decreased. In order to determine this, we investigate how the same real income has been taxed in different years. Whenever the taxes for the same real income for a given year are higher than for the base year, the real tax burden has increased. If they are lower, the real tax burden has decreased. The study thus seeks to estimate how changes in the tax regulations affect the real tax burden. It should be kept in mind that the progression in the central government income tax schedule ensures that a real change in income will bring about a change in the tax ration. In case of inflation when the tax schedules are kept nominally the same will also increase the real tax burden. In calculations of the study it is assumed that the real income remains constant, so that we can get an unbiased measure of the effects of governmental actions in real terms. The main factors influencing the amount of income taxes an individual must pay are as follows: - Gross income (income subject to central and local government taxes). - Deductions from gross income and taxes calculated according to tax schedules. - The central government income tax schedule (progressive income taxation). - The rates for the local taxes and for social security payments (proportional taxation). In the study we investigate how much a certain group of taxpayers would have paid in taxes according to the actual tax regulations prevailing indifferent years if the income were kept constant in real terms. Other factors affecting tax liability are kept strictly unchanged (as constants). The resulting taxes, expressed in fixed prices, are then compared to the taxes levied in the base year (hypothetical taxation). The question we are addressing is thus how much taxes a certain group of taxpayers with the same socioeconomic characteristics would have paid on the same real income according to the actual tax regulations prevailing in different years. This has been suggested as the main way to measure real changes in taxation, although there are several alternative measures with essentially the same aim. Next an aggregate indicator of changes in income tax rates is constructed. It is designed to show how much the taxation of income has increased or reduced from one year to next year on average. The main question remains: How aggregation over all income levels should be performed? In order to determine the average real changes in the tax scales the difference functions (difference between actual and hypothetical taxation functions) were aggregated using taxable income as weights. Besides the difference functions, the relative changes in real taxes can be used as indicators of change. In this case the ratio between the taxes computed according to the new and the old situation indicates whether the taxation has become heavier or easier. The relative changes in tax scales can be described in a way similar to that used in describing the cost of living, or by means of price indices. For example, we can use Laspeyres´ price index formula for computing the ratio between taxes determined by the new tax scales and the old tax scales. The formula answers the question: How much more or less will be paid in taxes according to the new tax scales than according to the old ones when the real income situation corresponds to the old situation. In real terms the central government tax burden experienced a steady decline from its high post-war level up until the mid-1950s. The real tax burden then drifted upwards until the mid-1970s. The real level of taxation in 1975 was twice that of 1961. In the 1980s there was a steady phase due to the inflation corrections of tax schedules. In 1989 the tax schedule fell drastically and from the mid-1990s tax schedules have decreased the real tax burden significantly. Local tax rates have risen continuously from 10 percent in 1948 to nearly 19 percent in 2008. Deductions have lowered the real tax burden especially in recent years. Aggregate figures indicate how the tax ratio for the same real income has changed over the years according to the prevailing tax regulations. We call the tax ratio calculated in this manner the real income tax ratio. A change in the real income tax ratio depicts an increase or decrease in the real tax burden. The real income tax ratio declined after the war for some years. In the beginning of the 1960s it nearly doubled to mid-1970. From mid-1990s the real income tax ratio has fallen about 35 %.

From environmental concerns towards sustainable food provisioning. : Material flow and food consumption scenario studies on sustainability of agri-food systems

Agriculture is an economic activity that heavily relies on the availability of natural resources. Through its role in food production agriculture is a major factor affecting public welfare and health, and its indirect contribution to gross domestic product and employment is significant. Agriculture also contributes to numerous ecosystem services through management of rural areas. However, the environmental impact of agriculture is considerable and reaches far beyond the agroecosystems. The questions related to farming for food production are, thus, manifold and of great public concern. Improving environmental performance of agriculture and sustainability of food production, sustainabilizing food production, calls for application of wide range of expertise knowledge. This study falls within the field of agro-ecology, with interphases to food systems and sustainability research and exploits the methods typical of industrial ecology. The research in these fields extends from multidisciplinary to interdisciplinary and transdisciplinary, a holistic approach being the key tenet. The methods of industrial ecology have been applied extensively to explore the interaction between human economic activity and resource use. Specifically, the material flow approach (MFA) has established its position through application of systematic environmental and economic accounting statistics. However, very few studies have applied MFA specifically to agriculture. The MFA approach was used in this thesis in such a context in Finland. The focus of this study is the ecological sustainability of primary production. The aim was to explore the possibilities of assessing ecological sustainability of agriculture by using two different approaches. In the first approach the MFA-methods from industrial ecology were applied to agriculture, whereas the other is based on the food consumption scenarios. The two approaches were used in order to capture some of the impacts of dietary changes and of changes in production mode on the environment. The methods were applied at levels ranging from national to sector and local levels. Through the supply-demand approach, the viewpoint changed between that of food production to that of food consumption. The main data sources were official statistics complemented with published research results and expertise appraisals. MFA approach was used to define the system boundaries, to quantify the material flows and to construct eco-efficiency indicators for agriculture. The results were further elaborated for an input-output model that was used to analyse the food flux in Finland and to determine its relationship to the economy-wide physical and monetary flows. The methods based on food consumption scenarios were applied at regional and local level for assessing feasibility and environmental impacts of relocalising food production. The approach was also used for quantification and source allocation of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions of primary production. GHG assessment provided, thus, a means of crosschecking the results obtained by using the two different approaches. MFA data as such or expressed as eco-efficiency indicators, are useful in describing the overall development. However, the data are not sufficiently detailed for identifying the hot spots of environmental sustainability. Eco-efficiency indicators should not be bluntly used in environmental assessment: the carrying capacity of the nature, the potential exhaustion of non-renewable natural resources and the possible rebound effect need also to be accounted for when striving towards improved eco-efficiency. The input-output model is suitable for nationwide economy analyses and it shows the distribution of monetary and material flows among the various sectors. Environmental impact can be captured only at a very general level in terms of total material requirement, gaseous emissions, energy consumption and agricultural land use. Improving environmental performance of food production requires more detailed and more local information. The approach based on food consumption scenarios can be applied at regional or local scales. Based on various diet options the method accounts for the feasibility of re-localising food production and environmental impacts of such re-localisation in terms of nutrient balances, gaseous emissions, agricultural energy consumption, agricultural land use and diversity of crop cultivation. The approach is applicable anywhere, but the calculation parameters need to be adjusted so as to comply with the specific circumstances. The food consumption scenario approach, thus, pays attention to the variability of production circumstances, and may provide some environmental information that is locally relevant. The approaches based on the input-output model and on food consumption scenarios represent small steps towards more holistic systemic thinking. However, neither one alone nor the two together provide sufficient information for sustainabilizing food production. Environmental performance of food production should be assessed together with the other criteria of sustainable food provisioning. This requires evaluation and integration of research results from many different disciplines in the context of a specified geographic area. Foodshed area that comprises both the rural hinterlands of food production and the population centres of food consumption is suggested to represent a suitable areal extent for such research. Finding a balance between the various aspects of sustainability is a matter of optimal trade-off. The balance cannot be universally determined, but the assessment methods and the actual measures depend on what the bottlenecks of sustainability are in the area concerned. These have to be agreed upon among the actors of the area

Evolutionary and conservation biology of the Finnish house sparrow

Recently it has been recognized that evolutionary aspects play a major role in conservation issues of a species. In this thesis I have combined evolutionary research with conservation studies to provide new insight into these fields. The study object of this thesis is the house sparrow, a species that has features that makes it interesting for this type of study. The house sparrow has been ubiquitous almost all over the world. Even though being still abundant, several countries have reported major declines. These declines have taken place in a relatively short time covering both urban and rural habitats. In Finland this species has declined by more than two thirds in just over two decades. In addition, as the house sparrow lives only in human inhabited areas it can also raise public awareness to conservation issues. I used both an extensive museum collection of house sparrows collected in 1980s from all over Finland as well as samples collected in 2009 from 12 of the previously collected localities. I used molecular techniques to study neutral genetic variation within and genetic differentiation between the study populations. This knowledge I then combined with data gathered on morphometric measurements. In addition I analyzed eight heavy metals from the livers of house sparrows that lived in either rural or urban areas in the 1980s and evaluated the role of heavy metal pollution as a possible cause of the declines. Even though dispersal of house sparrows is limited I found that just as the declines started in 1980s the house sparrows formed a genetically panmictic population on the scale of the whole Finland. When compared to Norway, where neutral genetic divergence has been found even with small geographic distances, I concluded that this difference would be due to contrasting landscapes. In Finland the landscape is rather homogeneous facilitating the movements of these birds and maintaining gene flow even with the low dispersal. To see whether the declines have had an effect on the neutral genetic variation of the populations I did a comparison between the historical and contemporary genetic data. I showed that even though genetic diversity has not decreased due to the drastic declines the populations have indeed become more differentiated from each other. This shows that even in a still quite abundant species the declines can have an effect on the genetic variation. It is shown that genetic diversity and differentiation may approach their new equilibriums at different rates. This emphasizes the importance of studying both of them and if the latter has increased it should be taken as a warning sign of a possible loss of genetic diversity in the future. One of the factors suggested to be responsible for the house sparrow declines is heavy metal pollution. When studying the livers of house sparrows from 1980s I discovered higher levels of heavy metal concentrations in urban than rural habitats, but the levels of the metals were comparatively low and based on that heavy metal pollution does not seem to be a direct cause for the declines in Finland. However, heavy metals are known to decrease the amount of insects in urban areas and thus in the cities heavy metals may have an indirect effect on house sparrows. Although neutral genetic variation is an important tool for conservation genetics it does not tell the whole story. Since neutral genetic variation is not affected by selection, information can be one-sided. It is possible that even neutral genetic differentiation is low, there can be substantial variation in additive genetic traits indicating local adaptation. Therefore I performed a comparison between neutral genetic differentiation and phenotypic differentiation. I discovered that two traits out of seven are likely to be under directional selection, whereas the others could be affected by random genetic drift. Bergmann s rule may be behind the observed directional selection in wing length and body mass. These results highlight the importance of estimating both neutral and adaptive genetic variation.

Lippu, uhri, kansakunta : Ryhmäkokemukset ja -rajat Suomessa 1917 1945

This dissertation deals with the notions of sacrifice and violence in connection with the Fin¬nish flag struggles between 1917 and 1945. The study begins with the basic idea that sacrificial thinking is a key element in nationalism and the social cohesion of large groups. The method used in the study combines anthropological notions of totemism with psychoanalytical object relation theory. The aim is to explore the social and psychological elements of the Finnish national flag and the workers flags during the times of crisis and nation building. The phenomena and concepts addressed include self-sacrifice, scapegoating, remembrance of war, inclusion, and exclusion. The research is located at the intersection of nationalism studies and the cultural history of war. The analysis is based primarily on the press debates, public speeches and archival sources of the civic organizations that promoted the Finnish flag. The study is empirically divided into three sections: 1) the years of the Revolution and the Civil War (1917 1918), 2) the interwar period (1919 1938), and 3) the Second World War (1939 1945). The research demonstrates that the modern national flags and workers flags in Finland maintain certain characteristics of primitive totems. When referred to as a totem the flag means an emotionally charged symbol, a reservoir of the collective ideals of a large group. Thus the flag issue offers a path to explore the perceptions and memory of sacrifice and violence in the making of the First Republic . Any given large group, for example a nation, must conceptually pursue a consensus on its past sacrifices. Without productive interpretation sacrifice represents only meaningless violence. By looking at the passions associated with the flag the study also illuminates various group identities, boundaries and crossings of borders within the Finnish society at the same time. The study shows further that the divisive violence of the Civil War was first overcome in the late 1930s when the social democrats adopted a new perception of the Red victims of 1918 they were seen as part of the birth pains of the nation, and not only the martyrs of class struggle. At the same time the radical Right became marginalized. The study also illuminates how this development made the Spirit of the Winter War possible, a genuine albeit brief experience of horizontal brother and sisterhood, and how this spirit was reflected in the popular adoption of the Finnish flag. The experience was not based only on the external and unifying threat posed by the Soviet Union: it was grounded in a sense of unifying sacrifice which reflected a novel way of understanding the nation and its past sacrifices. Paradoxically, the newly forged consensus over the necessity and the rewards of the common sacrifices of the Winter War (1939 1940) made new sacrifices possible during the Continuation War (1941 1944). In spite of political discord and war weariness, the concept of a unified nation under the national flag survived even the absurdity of the stationary war phase. It can be said that the conflict between the idea of a national community and parliamentary party politics dissolved as a result of the collective experience of the Second World War.

Taajuushuutokaupan tehokkuus - Toteutuminen Suomen ja Ruotsin 2,6 GHz:n huutokaupoissa

Tutkielmassa arvioidaan taajuushuutokauppojen taloudellista tehokkuutta. Tutkielmassa tarkastellaan erityisesti huutokaupan allokatiivista tehokkuutta ja sen toteutumista kahdessa huutokauppatapauksessa. Työn metodeina on historiallinen tarkastelu taajuushuutokauppojen kehityshistoriasta, toimialatarkastelu teletoimialasta, peliteoreettinen analyysi monen kohteen huutokaupan taloudellisesta tehokkuudesta sekä huutokaupassa asetettujen huutojen suuruuksien sekä määrien analysointi Suomen ja Ruotsin 2,6 GHz:n huutokauppojen osalta. Historiallisen tarkastelun tuloksena esitetään, että huutokaupat ovat taloudellisesti tehokkaampi menetelmä kuin muut taajuusjakomenetelmät: arpajaiset, hallinnollinen arviointi tai ns. ”first come first serve” –menetelmä. Matemaattisen analyysin avulla määritellään tarkasti huutokaupan tehokkuus monen kohteen huutokaupassa ja miten huutokauppamekanismilla voidaan ohjata huutokauppa tehokkaaseen lopputulemaan. 2,6 GHz:n Suomen ja Ruotsin huutokauppojen osalta johtopäätöksinä esitetään, että Ruotsin huutokaupassa todennäköisesti saavutettiin tehokas lopputulema. Suomen huutokaupan osalta esitetään, että huutokaupan taloudelliset mekanismit eivät välttämättä ohjanneet huutokauppaa tehokkaaseen lopputulemaan. Suurimpana syynä Suomen huutokaupan mahdollisesti tehottomaan lopputulemaan voitaneen pitää huutokaupassa ilmennyttä, osittain mekanismista johtunutta, vähäistä kysyntää.