A vinculação das sociedades por quotas nas situações de gerência plural e as limitações constantes do pacto social: análise dos institutos jurídicos e o sentido das decisões judiciais

Relatório de atividade profissional de mestrado em Direito dos Contratos e da Empresa

A lei do desejo ou o desejo da lei? Pacto edípico e pacto social no sentimento de pertença familiar de adolescentes em conflito com a lei

Pós-graduação em Psicologia - FCLAS

A perspectiva brasileira sobre a pobreza: um estudo de caso do Programa Bolsa Fam??lia

Tendo como pano de fundo a dificuldade de definir a pobreza, este artigo visa retomar parte da discuss??o sobre o tema, utilizando como estudo de caso o Programa Bolsa Fam??lia. Inicia-se com a defini????o institucional de pobreza dada pelo soci??logo alem??o Georg Simmel passando-se, na seq????ncia, a uma abordagem mais substancial da pobreza e da rela????o entre trabalho e precariedade, desenvolvida por Robert Castel. Apresenta uma breve descri????o do funcionamento do Programa Bolsa Fam??lia e alguns aspectos relacionados aos conceitos e modos de tratamento da quest??o da renda e da educa????o, bem como da fam??lia e dos modelos familiares, baseando-se tamb??m nos resultados parciais de uma pesquisa de campo realizada nos estados da Bahia, Pernambuco, Alagoas e Goi??s. O texto trata ainda de alguns desafios administrativos na gest??o do Programa e os preconceitos morais e sociais recorrentemente veiculados em rela????o a ele. Por fim, na conclus??o, busca retomar a an??lise do Programa Bolsa Fam??lia, seus limites e desafios, defendendo a necessidade de participa????o de todos em um pacto social contra a pobreza e a desigualdade no Brasil.

A transparência fiscal

Mestrado em Fiscalidade

Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926

The term res publica (literally “thing of the people”) was coined by the Romans to translate the Greek word politeia, which, as we know, referred to a political community organised in accordance with certain principles, amongst which the notion of the “good life” (as against exclusively private interests) was paramount. This ideal also came to be known as political virtue. To achieve it, it was necessary to combine the best of each “constitutional” type and avoid their worst aspects (tyranny, oligarchy and ochlocracy). Hence, the term acquired from the Greeks a sense of being a “mixed” and “balanced” system. Anyone that was entitled to citizenship could participate in the governance of the “public thing”. This implied the institutionalization of open debate and confrontation between interested parties as a way of achieving the consensus necessary to ensure that man the political animal, who fought with words and reason, prevailed over his “natural” counterpart. These premises lie at the heart of the project which is now being presented under the title of Res Publica: Citizenship and Political Representation in Portugal, 1820-1926. The fact that it is integrated into the centenary commemorations of the establishment of the Republic in Portugal is significant, as it was the idea of revolution – with its promise of rupture and change – that inspired it. However, it has also sought to explore events that could be considered the precursor of democratization in the history of Portugal, namely the vintista, setembrista and patuleia revolutions. It is true that the republican regime was opposed to the monarchic. However, although the thesis that monarchy would inevitably lead to tyranny had held sway for centuries, it had also been long believed that the monarchic system could be as “politically virtuous” as a republic (in the strict sense of the word) provided that power was not concentrated in the hands of a single individual. Moreover, various historical experiments had shown that republics could also degenerate into Caesarism and different kinds of despotism. Thus, when absolutism began to be overturned in continental Europe in the name of the natural rights of man and the new social pact theories, initiating the difficult process of (written) constitutionalization, the monarchic principle began to be qualified as a “monarchy hedged by republican institutions”, a situation in which not even the king was exempt from isonomy. This context justifies the time frame chosen here, as it captures the various changes and continuities that run through it. Having rejected the imperative mandate and the reinstatement of the model of corporative representation (which did not mean that, in new contexts, this might not be revived, or that the second chamber established by the Constitutional Charter of 1826 might not be given another lease of life), a new power base was convened: national sovereignty, a precept that would be shared by the monarchic constitutions of 1822 and 1838, and by the republican one of 1911. This followed the French example (manifested in the monarchic constitution of 1791 and in the Spanish constitution of 1812), as not even republicans entertained a tradition of republicanism based upon popular sovereignty. This enables us to better understand the rejection of direct democracy and universal suffrage, and also the long incapacitation (concerning voting and standing for office) of the vast body of “passive” citizens, justified by “enlightened”, property- and gender-based criteria. Although the republicans had promised in the propaganda phase to alter this situation, they ultimately failed to do so. Indeed, throughout the whole period under analysis, the realisation of the potential of national sovereignty was mediated above all by the individual citizen through his choice of representatives. However, this representation was indirect and took place at national level, in the hope that action would be motivated not by particular local interests but by the common good, as dictated by reason. This was considered the only way for the law to be virtuous, a requirement that was also manifested in the separation and balance of powers. As sovereignty was postulated as single and indivisible, so would be the nation that gave it soul and the State that embodied it. Although these characteristics were common to foreign paradigms of reference, in Portugal, the constitutionalization process also sought to nationalise the idea of Empire. Indeed, this had been the overriding purpose of the 1822 Constitution, and it persisted, even after the loss of Brazil, until decolonization. Then, the dream of a single nation stretching from the Minho to Timor finally came to an end.

O milagre irlandês como exemplo da adoção de uma estratégia nacional de desenvolvimento

This paper discusses the Irish experience in the 90s, and details the main aspects of the impressive and rapid transition from a situation of excessive indebtedness, economic stagnation and high unemployment to sustainable growth. The presence of a national development strategy seems to be the crucial institutional tool that allowed this transition.

Mudança estrutural, desenvolvimento institucional e crescimento econômico sustentado: um comentário sobre a experiência irlandesa

It is discussed the recent Irish experience of sustained economic growth, in which a social pact, the entry in the European Union and the opening of the economy have all played a paramount role. Some remarks on the sustainability of such an experience are also made.

O Trabalho e o labirinto da responsabilidade socioempresarial:a experiência da cidadania empresarial do Banco do Brasil

In the current systemic crisis, economic policy is directed to correct the consequences of the functioning of this metabolism, but within the limits of the capital. From this perspective, decision makers propose trade policies, agricultural and industrial to ensure conditions for economic growth. However, as a dead end, there is failure of the State in giving efficacy to the operation of all segments of the economy, especially given the budget constraint. Public managers are forced to seek external resources, resuming the cycle of political allegiance to the interests of international financial and banking representatives, installed in so-called multilateral. The complex ideological capital comes into play in trying to convince society that the paths taken by governments are inevitable, and that capitalism can be "humanized", even with the realization of the growing inequalities caused by historical irrationalism of the production process of capital . In this sense, emerging concepts that attempt to demonstrate the compatibility of the system to real human needs. This ideological offensive is intended to legitimize the capital. The so-called third sector has a special highlight with the concept of corporate social responsibility. It creates a political environment in which the inevitable mix-up with new illusions offered by and often funding the metabolism of capital in order to perpetuate this system. In this context, political elites, and considerable portions of the academy, embark on "waves of capitalist optimism," while the sociometabolismo capital expands its historical limits, driving forces postponing their collapse, but that cause human suffering and ecological stress. Wars are disseminated to strengthen the deadly war industry and the automobile industry; and devastating the environment of which depends the capital system. In this scenario disassemble, propositions emerge around a "new social pact" in order to minimize the adverse effects of the dynamics of reproduction of capital. The business class is called to exercise its role through the discourse that appeals to social responsibility programs, in order to intervene directly in the "social question". The core of this research is precisely this point. Although there is considerable scholarship on the phenomenon of Social Responsibility and Corporate Citizenship, there is also an evident lack of this approach focused on the banking sector in Brazil. The importance of rentier capital increased ownership of shares in the wealth produced by all of Brazilian society, justifies a sociological research project on Social Responsibility in the domestic financial sector. In this sense, it was decided to perform a dynamic approach to the "Corporate Citizenship" in the banking industry, specifically in the Bank of Brazil. As this is a key institution, is important analyze of the impacts of this strategy fetish of capitalist reproduction, in order to evaluate the social legitimization of rentier capital in Brazil. In this scenario of the abundance of the discourse on social responsibility there exist a progressive impoverishment of professional work in this segment in Brazil. There is a dramatic mismatch between rhetoric and practice because of the trend of deepening vulnerability of the working conditions of the Brazilian bank worker, from the 1990's. In the specific case of the Bank of Brazil, the first initiative of the institution was to conform to the principles of the UNO and the Ethos Institute, aiming to align their domestic policies to this new strategy of domination of capital. The purpose is to place the Bank in the ideological sphere of corporate social responsibility, just as with its partners in the private financial intercapitalist competition. Indeed, in the internal ambit of the Bank of Brazil, there is a policy to adjust its functional segments to the doctrine of Social Corporate Responsibility. The concepts of this doctrine is presented as something inexorable. There are no alternatives. The Bank of Brazil operates in a highly competitive market, the segment featuring the dominance of financial capital accumulation today. For this reason it can not fail to incorporate the technological advances organizational. For employees there is no alternative but to adapt to this new set of ideas proposed by the metabolism of capital

Desigualdad económica y poder en México

Incluye Bibliografía

Lei natural e lei civil em J-J Rousseau

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Grupo econômico: dimensões da responsabilidade e sua interpretação perante os tribunais do trabalho

O trabalho tem como tema central à análise da dimensão das responsabilidades nos grupos econômicos, bem como a sua interpretação perante os tribunais do trabalho. Busca-se compreender a extensão das obrigações impostas aos grupos e as pessoas que o compõem e acima de tudo, como os tribunais tem decido as questões praticas acerca do tema. As questões que envolvem os Grupos Econômicos têm sido tratadas de diversas formas e sob vários aspectos em nosso ordenamento jurídico. Cada ramo de nosso direito pátrio aborda a questão de acordo com a sua realidade prática, porém, nos casos concretos, a solução dos conflitos muitas vezes prescindem de uma análise mais abrangente. Quando o tema vem à tona, quase sempre repercute em mais de uma esfera, porém, é comum ignorar a essência do instituto e a natureza da questão para buscar a solução apenas sob o ponto de vista do direito que se aborda. Exemplo prático dessa situação é buscar apenas no Direito do Trabalho a solução de um conflito envolvendo o tema Grupo Econômico e a dimensão de suas responsabilidades e das pessoas que o compõem, tudo isso apenas para buscar a satisfação do crédito do trabalhador, como se o Direito do Trabalho servisse apenas para o exercício do pleno de direito de apenas de um dos agentes do pacto social. Embora ainda persista a aplicação estanque do conceito previsto no artigo 2°, § 2° da Consolidação das Leis do Trabalho CLT, os tribunais trabalhistas, principalmente com o advento da Emenda Constitucional 45, vem adotando conceitos outrora utilizados somente em outros ramos do direito. A utilização do instituto da desconsideração da personalidade jurídica (disregard of legal entity) e a aplicação dos conceitos relativos à responsabilidade subjetiva, prevista no artigo 186 do Código Civil e responsabilidade objetiva, inserida no artigo 927, parágrafo único, também do Código Civil, tem servido de importante subsídio aos tribunais trabalhistas para a solução de conflitos ali instaurados. Por outro lado, esses mesmos mecanismos que ajudam na difícil tarefa de entrega de uma prestação jurisdicional e tutela do Estado mais efetivas, também servem, muitas vezes, para justificar a condenação indiscriminada de empresas e pessoas em outros casos. O que se vê, portanto, é que os tribunais trabalhista, prescindem da atualização da legislação trabalhista de modo a coibir que a utilização correta de determinados institutos justifique a equivocada aplicação dos mesmos.

Trimming the sails. The comparative political economy of expansionary fiscal consolidations. A Hungarian perspective

Provides a multidisciplinary and systematic analysis of the concept of fiscal consolidations. This book discusses the concept, suggesting that fiscal adjustment can be in trade-off with economic growth if certain conditions are met. Fiscal consolidation has significant short term costs which dampen economic growth. This widely shared consensus in literature on political economy makes fiscal adjustment highly unpopular. Benczes conducts a systematic analysis to find out whether it is possible to have fiscal consolidation and experience economic growth even in the short run.The book provides a clear, multidisciplinary and systematic analysis of the relatively new concept of the so-called expansionary fiscal consolidations. This concept suggests that fiscal adjustment can be in trade-off with economic growth if certain conditions are met. But why do only a few countries and only at certain times experience the expansionary effects, while others not at all? The necessary conditions and circumstances have been totally neglected in the literature, or analyzed only partially at best.Having evolved a theoretical framework, it is tested on a difficult case: Hungary, which has had the highest deficit in the European Union. The main question was whether Hungary has a chance to experience short term growth effects in times of adjustment. ----- Contents: List of Figures List of Tables Acknowledgements 1. Introduction Part One: A critical Assessment of the Concept of Non-Keynesian Effects 2. Stylized Facts of EU Countries’ Major Fiscal Episodes 3. An Expectational View of Fiscal Policy: A Non-Linear Approach to Fiscal Consolidation 4. The Composition of Adjustment and the Structure of Labor Markets: A Linear Approach to Fiscal Consolidation Part Two: Testing the Institutional Conditions of Non-Keynesian Effects in Hungary 5. From Goulash Communism To Neo-Kadarism: An Overview 6. Financial Intermediation in Hungary—a Comparative Perspective 7. The Structure of the Hungarian General Budget—a Decompositional Analysis 8. The Labor Market and Wage Bargaining in Hungary—the (Ir)relevance of a Social Pact 9. Conclusion References Appendices Index

Las Ciencias Sociales Colombianas, un gran salto de transformación: De una ciencia social “oficial” a la crítica audaz por parte de las ciencias sociales

Desde el siglo XIX, Colombia ha vivido un sinnúmero de conflictos los cuales han cambiado de actores y de circunstancias. Una vez llegado el siglo XX, los conflictos antes que disminuir, aumentaron; por eso no es de sorprender que el período de La Violencia haya constituido uno de los períodos más violentos y sangrientos de la historia reciente del país. En medio de estos problemas, surgió el Frente Nacional, un pacto político entre los partidos políticos más importantes del país, el Conservador y el Liberal. En medio de este proyecto político surgió la Comisión Histórica de 1958, la cual pretendió estudiar el porqué de La Violencia. Una vez finalizada la Comisión, se crea un libro con toda la información recopilada en la misma; este libro, La Violencia en Colombia se convirtió en un suceso de gran importancia para la sociedad colombiana, debido a que fue una investigación académica innovadora para las Ciencias Sociales. Esta innovación está respaldada por documentos investigativos y sobre todo por la utilización de teorías sociológicas de gran relevancia para el momento y que por supuesto eran utilizadas por primera vez en Colombia. Muchas de estas teorías abrieron camino para la investigación de nuevos temas con nuevas metodologías. Asimismo, el libro La Violencia en Colombia terminó de empujar a las Ciencias Sociales a su transformación definitiva. El objetivo principal de este trabajo es evidenciar las transformaciones que las Ciencias Sociales tuvieron a mediados del siglo XX y estas transformaciones se dieron en parte gracias a dos sucesos importantes: Por una lado, la publicación del libro La Violencia en Colombia, el cual estaba estrechamente relacionado con la Comisión Histórica de 1958 y por otro lado, la llegada de investigadores nacionales con estudios en el extranjero lo que provocó la entrada a las Ciencias Sociales de nuevas formas de ver, entender, escribir y leer los diferentes procesos sociales que estaban ocurriendo en el país. Para ello es importante explorar la vida académica de los investigadores seleccionados, ya que, las corrientes teóricas que trajeron al país comenzaron a ser utilizadas en distintas investigaciones y porque algunos de estos investigadores estaban estrechamente relacionados con la escritura del libro La Violencia en Colombia.

Official use of social network sites by African universities

The use of social network sites (SNS) has become very valuable to educational institutions. Some universities have formally integrated these social media in their educational systems and are using them to improve their service delivery. The main aim of this study was to establish whether African universities have embraced this emerging technology by having official presence on SNS. A purposive sampling method was used to study 24 universities from which data were obtained by visiting their official websites and following the official links to the most common SNS.