990 resultados para public memory
Resumo:
Graffiti, Memory and Contested Space: Mnemonic Initiatives Following Periods of Trauma and/or Repression in Buenos Aires, Argentina This thesis concerns the popular articulation ofmemory following periods or incidents of trauma in Argentina. I am interested in how groups lay claim to various public spaces in the city and how they convert these spaces into mnemonic battlegrounds. In considering these spaces of trauma and places of memory, I am primarily interested in how graffiti writing (stencils, spray-paint, signatures, etchings, wall-paintings, murals and installations) is used to make these spaces transmit particular memories that impugn official versions of the past. This thesis draws on literatures focused on popular/public memory. Scholars argue that memory is socially constructed and thus actively contested. Marginal initiatives such as graffiti writing challenge the memory projects of the state as well as state projects that are perceived by citizens to be 'inadequate,' 'inappropriate,' and/or as promoting the erasure of memory. Many of these initiatives are a reaction to the proreconciliation and pro-oblivion strategies of previous governments. I outline that the history of silences and impunity, and a longstanding emphasis on reconciliation at the expense of truth and justice has created an environment of vulnerable memory in Argentina. Popular memory entrepreneurs react by aggressively articulating their memories in time and in space. As a result of this intense memory work, the built landscape in Buenos Aires is dotted with mnemonic initiatives that aim to contradict or subvert officially sanctioned memories. I also suggest that memory workers in Argentina persistently and carefially use the sites of trauma as well as key public spaces to ensure official as well as popular audiences . The data for this project was collected in five spaces in Buenos Aires, the Plaza de Mayo, Plaza Congreso, La Republica Cromanon nightclub, Avellaneda Train Station and El Olimpo, a former detention centre from the military dictatorship.
Resumo:
The town of Nova Friburgo, in Brazil, was founded in 1820 by swiss immigrants who, as often happens in the majority of migratory flows, crossed the ocean in search of better life conditions. The scope of this paper is to trail the path of a swiss immigrant called Marianne Joset Salusse and then follow on to investigate the mechanisms involved in elaborating family memory and public memory around this woman who would become a symbol of immigration to this town. Thus a series of interviews were held with her descendants, which were fundamental for the understanding of current representations and the main elements which constitute the collective memory around Marianne. Besides oral sources, we had recourse to written documents which allowed a retrieval of relevant information about her life. More than simply adding information, written sources allowed for a more profound analysis of oral accounts, unravelling as well as unveiling selective procedures peculiar to memory construction (Pollak, 1989;1992).
Resumo:
Der Beitrag untersucht soziale und politische Aspekte digitaler politischer Partizipation. Einerseits müssen die Optionen für MyPolitics ausgeschöpft werden, indem Instrumente für elektronische Abstimmungen und Wahlen bereitgestellt werden. Andererseits sollte das Potenzial politischer Partizipation genutzt und Plattformen für OurPolitics gefördert werden. Solche Plattformen, ergänzt durch geeignete Matching-Verfahren, bringen Interessierte mit ähnlichen Anliegen zusammen und fördern politische Gestaltungskraft. Sie sind ein erster Schritt zum Public Memory einer digitalen Gesellschaft und bereichern nachfolgende Generationen mit ihrem Gedankengut.
Resumo:
Ce mémoire propose un regard transdisciplinaire : historique, sociologique et musical sur Harmonium, un groupe culte de folk-rock progressif québécois des années 1970. Y sont étudiées la révolution musicale engendrée par l’arrivée du folk et du rock progressif au Québec ainsi que la mise en récit de l’œuvre et de l’histoire d’Harmonium. Les œuvres du groupe, les sources écrites d’époque (articles de journaux et de revues), l’histoire documentaire et l’histoire et la mémoire publiques y sont confrontées pour analyser les processus narratifs. D’abord, l’essor du groupe est situé dans les transformations de la scène musicale québécoise au cours des années 1960-1970. L’histoire d’Harmonium, entre 1972 et 1978, est ensuite reconstituée au travers des sources d’époque, articles scientifiques et biographies. Par la suite, les caractéristiques musicales des œuvres ainsi que les thèmes, valeurs et messages véhiculés par le groupe sont examinés. L’essor et le succès d’Harmonium sont ainsi réinterprétés au travers du développement de la scène musicale progressive internationale et de la popularisation de la contre-culture. Finalement, en regard de l’ambiguïté politique d’Harmonium dans les sources historiques, la prédominance des réinterprétations néonationalistes de son œuvre et de son histoire sont analysées selon un processus de mise en récit de l’histoire nationale. Il en ressort que la narration prédominante au sein de l’histoire et de la mémoire publiques semble assimiler le destin des artistes québécois à celui du peuple et de la nation. Dans le cas d’Harmonium, ce récit qui s’appuie principalement sur le nationalisme de Serge Fiori, la figure de proue du groupe, contribue à l’occultation du projet artistique spirituel, progressif, contre-culturel et « authentique » du groupe.
Resumo:
Estado del arte que recopila pronunciamientos de diversos autores sobre el papel de la Organización de Naciones Unidas, específicamente la Misión MINUGUA, en el proceso de reconstrucción posconflicto en Guatemala comprendido entre el año 1994 y 2004. Se basa en algunas dimensiones de la democratización como son el Estado de Derecho, la democracia representativa, la preeminencia del poder civil, y el fortalecimiento de la cultura democrática. Así mismo, tiene en cuenta los elementos de la justicia transicional, a saber: verdad, justicia y reparación.
Resumo:
Este texto busca analizar de manera comparada la memoria pública que producen, exhiben y administran el Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica y el Centro de Memoria, Paz y Reconciliación sobre el conflicto colombiano a través de sus artefactos de memoria. El ejercicio de memoria que llevan a cabo ambos centros evidencia que a la vez que recuerdan el pasado reciente también lo representan a través de unas maneras particulares de entender el conflicto colombiano y sus actores, visibilizando ciertas tensiones y pugnas por las temporalidades que se le dan al conflicto, las violencias que se incluyen y los efectos que ha generado. Del análisis de los trabajos de memoria de estos centros es posible hacer un mapeo de hacia dónde está apuntando la políticas sobre la memoria y el pasado en el país.
Resumo:
The essay explores the socio-cultural role of the main academy in Parma, the Innominati (1574-1608), which flourished in the years when the Farnese dynasty was beginning to assert more forcefully its political control over the new state of Parma and Piacenza. The Innominati was from the start associated with the ruling dynasty, who must have recognized the importance of its cultural activities to strengthening their regime, particularly in the absence of a strong local university. This essay explores the institution’s contested position within the cultural landscape – as reflected also in its membership of courtiers, clergymen, and feudal aristocrats with more ambivalent relations with the Farnese. In particular, the focus falls on the theatrical activities of the group during the 1580s, a decade which saw the establishment of the Parma Index (1580) and the succession of the internationally celebrated Duke Alessandro Farnese (1587). Based on the little surviving evidence it is argued that the Academy in the 1580s became a creative hub for theatrical experimentation – through theoretical debate and composition, and possibly even performance. However, as relations between the Farnese and the local elites, especially feudal aristocrats, became more contested the Academy’s theatrical production and the public memory of this became increasingly controlled.
Resumo:
Quello del falso è un problema con cui si sono dovuti confrontare gli specialisti di ogni epoca storica, ma che ha subito un’accelerazione e un’esasperazione con la storia del tempo presente, anche per via della simultanea presenza dei protagonisti che hanno reso più complessa una scena storica e memoriale segnata profondamente dal rapporto tra storici e testimoni e dall’articolazione della memoria pubblica e di quella privata. L’evento che più acutamente ha risentito del problema del falso in età contemporanea è certamente il genocidio degli ebrei compiuto dai nazisti durante la Seconda Guerra Mondiale perché è proprio al cuore dell’impresa genocidiaria che è avvenuta la grande falsificazione che ha alimentato qualsiasi successivo discorso revisionista. L’emersione del testimone sulla scena pubblica ha posto pertanto in modo acuto il problema dello statuto della testimonianza rendendo l’analisi del funzionamento della memoria indispensabile per comprendere quanto un testimone sia molto più utile per la descrizione, non tanto del fatto in sé, ma del modo in cui l’evento è stato socialmente codificato, registrato e trasmesso. Il legame tra i casi esaminati, pur nella loro estrema eterogeneità, spaziando da false autobiografie, come quella di Binjamin Wilkomirski, a testi controversi, come quello di Jean-François Steiner, o da racconti contestati, come quelli di Deli Strummer e Herman Rosenblat, a narrazioni che nel tempo hanno subito importanti variazioni, come nel caso Aubrac e nelle vicende del libro di Alcide Cervi, sarà stabilito grazie alla centralità giocata, in ognuno di essi, dalla forma testimoniale e dall’altrettanto fondamentale argomentazione in termini di affaire. Il problema del falso è stato perciò indagato all’interno delle ragioni storiche e culturali che hanno determinato la formazione discorsiva che ha per soggetto il testimone e la testimonianza come più autentico punto di vista sugli eventi del passato con le relative conseguenze sul piano storico e pubblico.
Resumo:
La memoria pubblica della Sho'ah è inscritta in una quantità proliferante di immagini e spazi memoriali. Ciò è riscontrabile in modo particolare nei principali "siti dello sterminio" assurti a simbolo nel corso degli anni, mentre molti altri "luoghi di memoria" della Deportazione soffrono di una condizione di intrinseca debolezza. Essa è riconducibile in primo luogo alla fragilità del dato materiale, i cui resti ormai privi di eloquenza risultano difficili da interpretare e conservare, in secondo luogo alla sovrapposizione di memorie concorrenti venutesi a determinare in conseguenza dei riusi successivi a cui queste strutture sono spesso andate soggette dopo la guerra, infine alla difficoltà di rendere espressione compiuta alla tragedia della Deportazione. Il caso del campo di Fossoli è paradigmatico: esso interroga la capacità del progetto di "dare forma" al palinsesto delle memorie, rendendo possibile il riconoscimento ed esplicitando una significazione delle tracce, senza aggiungere ulteriori interpretazioni. Lo spazio e il paesaggio, in quanto linguaggi indentitari, possono offrirsi come strumenti da questo punto di vista. Michel De Certeau vi fa riferimento quando afferma che lo spazio coincide con «l’effetto prodotto dalle operazioni che lo orientano, che lo circostanziano, o temporalizzano e lo fanno funzionare come unità polivalente di programmi conflittuali o di prossimità contrattuali». Lo spazio gioca un ruolo cruciale nel conformare l'esperienza del presente e allo stesso tempo nel rendere visibili le esperienze passate, compresse nella memoria collettiva. Lo scopo di questa ricerca è interrogare le potenzialità spaziali del luogo, considerate sotto il profilo culturale e semantico, come valida alternativa alla forma-monumento nella costruzione di una o più narrazioni pertinenti della memoria.
Resumo:
Il lavoro si propone come un’indagine sulla letteratura italiana del primo decennio del XXI secolo, in una prospettiva non di semplice ricognizione ma di individuazione di linee interpretative capaci di ripercorrere un archivio di materiali molto vasto e non ancora chiuso. La prima parte affronta questioni relative a condizioni produttive, ricezione e valutazione critica della letteratura contemporanea. Il primo capitolo è dedicato alla discussione di problemi relativi allo studio della narrativa italiana del XXI secolo a partire dalla definizione utilizzata per riferirsi ad essa, quella di “anni zero”. Il secondo capitolo situa la narrativa contemporanea nelle linee di sviluppo della letteratura italiana degli ultimi trent’anni, a partire da un mutamento del rapporto dello scrittore con la tradizione umanistica che risale all’inizio degli anni ottanta. Il terzo capitolo approfondisce uno dei generi maggiormente praticati: il romanzo storico. Considerato negli anni ottanta e novanta un genere d'evasione e intrattenimento, negli anni zero è divenuto veicolo di punti di vista critici nei confronti delle narrazioni dominanti. La seconda parte è dedicata all’approfondimento di romanzi che raccontano, da un’ottica non testimoniale, gli anni settanta italiani, periodo complesso non solo sul piano evenemenziale, ma anche su quello della rielaborazione artistica. I romanzi su cui si concentra l’indagine offrono un racconto degli anni settanta italiani a partire da un’idea di storia plurale, ricostruita attraverso una molteplicità di voci, che muta a seconda della prospettiva da cui viene affrontata. Le storie false dei romanzi sugli anni settanta non chiedono di essere lette come vere, ma dicono comunque qualcosa di vero sulle modalità attraverso le quali si va costruendo il rapporto con il passato recente, nel più ampio contesto dei percorsi della letteratura italiana di inizio millennio, tra spinte che vanno nella direzione del mantenimento dell’autonomia da parte degli autori e pressioni del mercato editoriale.
Resumo:
Montana's Lee Metcalf was an extraordinary Montana leader with an unbelievable record of accomplishment fighting for the little people against the forces of economic and political power. The public memory is so short that this film will serve to help reacquaint Lee & Donna Metcalf to most of those who were around during their time. But it will also provide an opportunity for new generations to receive a perspective of an important leader from an important time. (Language from YouTube version of the film, written and provided by Executive Producer Evan Barrett) Lee Warren Metcalf (January 28, 1911 – January 12, 1978) was an American lawyer, judge, and politician. A member of the Democratic Party, he served as a U.S. Representative (1953–1961) and a U.S. Senator (1961–1978) from Montana. He was permanent acting President pro tempore of the Senate, the only person to hold that position, from 1963 until his death in 1978. Excerpts from main film for 75th Anniversary of Montana State Parks System
Resumo:
Abstract Montana's Lee Metcalf was an extraordinary Montana leader with an unbelievable record of accomplishment fighting for the little people against the forces of economic and political power. The public memory is so short that this film will serve to help reacquaint Lee & Donna Metcalf to most of those who were around during their time. But it will also provide an opportunity for new generations to receive a perspective of an important leader from an important time. (Language from YouTube version of the film, written and provided by Executive Producer Evan Barrett) Lee Warren Metcalf (January 28, 1911 – January 12, 1978) was an American lawyer, judge, and politician. A member of the Democratic Party, he served as a U.S. Representative (1953–1961) and a U.S. Senator (1961–1978) from Montana. He was permanent acting President pro tempore of the Senate, the only person to hold that position, from 1963 until his death in 1978. U.S. House of Representatives During his tenure in the House, Metcalf served on the Education and Labor Committee (1953–1959), Interior and Insular Affairs Committee (1955–1959), Select Astronautics and Space Exploration Committee (1958), and Ways and Means Committee (1959–1960). He became known as one of Congress's "Young Turks" who promoted liberal domestic social legislation and reform of congressional procedures. He introduced legislation to provide health care to the elderly ten years before the creation of Medicare. He earned the nickname "Mr. Education" after sponsoring a comprehensive bill providing for federal aid to education. He also voted against legislation that would have raised grazing permits on federal lands, and led the opposition to a bill that would have swapped forested public lands for cutover private lands. He was elected chairman of the Democratic Study Group in 1959. U. S. Senate Regarded as "a pioneer of the conservation movement", Metcalf worked to protect the natural environment and regulate utilities. He helped pass the Wilderness Act of 1964, and supported the creation of the Great Bear Wilderness and the Absaroka-Beartooth Wilderness. In 1962, he introduced a "Save Our Streams" bill to preserve natural recreation facilities and protect fish and wildlife from being destroyed by highway construction. He was a longtime member of the Migratory Bird Conservation Commission. He was also active on the issue of education. He was a leading supporter of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act, the effort to extend the G.I. Bill's educational benefits to a new generation of veterans, and the development of legislation to improve federally-aided vocational education.[1] The Peace Corps was established under leadership of Metcalf and Senator Mansfield. In 1983, by act of Congress, the Lee Metcalf Wilderness area was created in southwestern Montana in honor of the late Congressman. The Great Bear Wilderness and Absaroka-Beartooth Wilderness areas were also created as a result of Metcalf's efforts in Congress, in addition to the Lee Metcalf National Wildlife Refuge in Montana. Metcalf was ranked number 15 on a list of the 100 Most Influential Montanans of the Century by the Missoulian newspaper. This text is courtesy of Wikipedia®, a registered trademark of the Wikimedia Foundation, Inc., a non-profit organization, and is available under the Creative Commons Attribution-ShareAlike License.
Resumo:
El conflicto armado en Guatemala se originó por el abuso de poder, la desigualdad, la exclusión y la profunda discriminación, sobre todo hacia la población indígena, a la que se le han desconocido históricamente sus derechos y que fue la más afligida durante el conflicto. Lo que desembocó en el nacimiento de grupos al margen de la ley, cuyo propósito fue reivindicar los derechos de la población, así como la equidad y justicia social. El conflicto se caracterizó por la formación de grupos paramilitares, la violación al Derecho Internacional Humanitario, el elevado número de víctimas del conflicto, mayoritariamente indígenas y porque más del 85% de las violaciones a los derechos humanos fueron perpetradas por el Estado. Gracias a la voluntad política, al respaldo de la comunidad internacional, especialmente de la Organización de Naciones Unidas -ONU, y a los buenos oficios de la Comisión Nacional de Reconciliación – CNR, se lograron firmar los Acuerdos de Paz y dar fin a este cruento conflicto de más de 36 años. Las partes firmantes vieron la necesidad de que un ente autónomo e imparcial de Naciones Unidas, verificara el cumplimiento de La Misión de Naciones Unidas en Guatemala - MINUGUA contribuyó a la promoción, defensa y garantía de los derechos de la población indígena guatemalteca. Específicamente, incidió en el cumplimiento de los compromisos contenidos en el Acuerdo sobre Identidad y Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas guatemaltecos –AIDPI, que fue suscrito el 31 de marzo de 1995, asimismo, contribuyó a la garantía del derecho a la justicia de la población indígena, lo que se evidenció en las acciones y el papel que desempeñó en los componentes de verdad, justicia y reparación.
Resumo:
Public service ads (PSAs) are an increasingly visible part of efforts to decrease the occurrence and consequences of domestic violence. Like other advertising, domestic violence PSAs are designed to grab attention, influence attitudes, and enhance memory for ad content. Over the years, images in domestic violence PSAs have changed substantially; agencies have started using pictures that generate emotions - either vivid negative images (bruised faces or body parts), or positive images (smiling faces) that contrast with the negative text. It is not clear, however, how different types of ad images influence memory for the message and attitudes about domestic violence, and what role affect may play in such responses. Moreover, the extent to which individual differences (trauma history, posttraumatic distress - PTSD symptoms) influence outcomes is not known. In three studies with undergraduate and community samples, using methods ranging from psychophysiology to self-report, the impact of images on attitudes and memory for ad content are investigated, also considering affect and individual differences. Results indicate graphic negative images enhanced memory for ad content, are rated as more persuasive, and are more likely to compel the viewer to act. Affective responses to ads also differed based on image type, and in some cases, partially mediated the relationship between ads and outcomes. Trends in the data suggest further study of the role of individual differences (trauma history, PTSD symptoms) is needed. This research provides information specifically relevant to the design of domestic violence public service campaigns and broadly relevant to understanding the role of emotional responses and individual differences on outcomes associated with public service ads.