16 resultados para instituutiot


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Functional transition theory: administration, legal order and institutions in Russia This dissertation examines some of the salient characteristics of Russia that are deemed to have impeded the growth of its economy and investments in particular. These characteristics are the volatility of the administrative and legal systems, corruption, and the perceived irrationality and difference in the operating environment in comparison with European conditions. The dissertation is one of the first studies on Russia that approaches the subject from the perspective of comprehensive social scientific theories. The study is based on the structural functionalistic theory, which is widely used in the social sciences. Adopting a sufficiently ambitious theoretical examination will provide a systematic and logical explanation of the characteristics of Russian institutions and ways of operations, such as corruption, that are commonly perceived as inexplicable. The approach adopted in the dissertation sheds light on the history of Russia's development and provides a comparative view of other societies in transition. Furthermore, it suggests recommendations as to how the structures of Russian society could be comprehensively strengthened.

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Books Paths to Readers describes the history of the origins and consolidation of modern and open book stores in Finland 1740 1860. The thesis approaches the book trade as a part of a print culture. Instead of literary studies choice to concentrate on texts and writers, book history seeks to describe the print culture of a society and how the literary activities and societies interconnect. For book historians, printed works are creations of various individuals and groups: writers, printers, editors, book sellers, censors, critics and finally, readers. They all take part in the creation, delivery and interpretation of printed works. The study reveals the ways selling and distributing books have influenced the printed works and the literary and print culture. The research period 1740 1860 covers the so-called second revolution of the book, or the modernisation of the print culture. The thesis describes the history of 60 book stores and their 96 owners. The study concentrates on three themes: firstly, how the particular book trade network became a central institution for printed works distribution, secondly what were the relations between cosmopolitan European book markets and the national cultural sphere, and thirdly how book stores functioned as cultural institutions and business enterprises. Book stores that have a varied assortment and are targeted to all readers became the main institution for book trade in Finland during 1740 1860. It happened because of three features. First, the book binders monopoly on selling bound copies in Sweden was abolished in 1740s. As a consequence entrepreneurs could concentrate solely to trade activities and offer copies from various publishers at their stores. Secondly the common business model of bartering was replaced by selling copies for cash, first in the German book trade centre Leipzig in 1770s. The change intensified book markets activities and Finnish book stores foreign connections. Thirdly, after Finland was annexed to the Russian empire in 1809, the Grand duchy s administration steered foreign book trade to book stores (because of censorship demands). Up to 1830 s book stores were available only in Helsinki and Turku. During next ten years book stores opened in six regional centres. The early entrepreneurs ran usually vertical businesses consisting of printing, publishing and distribution activities. This strategy lowered costs, eased the delivery of printed works and helped to create elaborated centres for all book activities. These book stores main clientele consisted of the Swedish speaking gentry. During late 1840s various opinion leaders called for the development of a national Finnish print culture, and also book stores. As a result, during the five years before the beginning of the Crimean war (1853 1856) book stores were opened in almost all Finnish towns: at the beginning of the war 36 book stores operated in 21 towns. The later book sellers, mainly functioning in small towns among Finnish speaking people, settled usually strictly for selling activities. Book stores received most of their revenues from selling foreign titles. Swedish, German, French and Belgian (pirate editions of popular French novels) books were widely available for the multilingual gentry. Foreign titles and copies brought in most of the revenues. Censorship inspections or unfavourable custom fees would not limit the imports. Even if the local Finnish print production steadily rose, many copies, even titles, were never delivered via book stores. Only during the 1840 s and 1850 s the most advanced publishers would concentrate on creating publishing programmes and delivering their titles via book stores. Book sellers regulated commissions were small. They got even smaller because of large amounts of unsold copies, various and usual misunderstandings of consignments and accounts or plain accidents that destroyed shipments and warehouses. Also, the cultural aim of a creating large and assortments and the tendency of short selling periods demanded professional entrepreneurship, which many small town book sellers however lacked. In the midst of troublesome business efforts, co-operation and mutual concern of the book market s entrepreneurs were the key elements of the trade, although on local level book sellers would compete, sometimes even ferociously. The difficult circumstances (new censorship decree of 1850, Crimean war) and lack of entrepreneurship, experience and customers meant that half of the book stores opened in 1845 1860 was shut in less than five years. In 1858 the few leading publishers established The Finnish Book Publishers Association. Its first task was to create new business rules and manners for the book trade. The association s activities began to professionalise the whole network, but at the same time the earlier independence of regional publishing and selling enterprises diminished greatly. The consolidation of modern and open book store network in Finland is a history of a slow and complex development without clear signs of a beginning or an end. The ideal book store model was rarely accomplished in its all features. Nevertheless, book stores became the norm of the book trade. They managed to offer larger selections, reached larger clienteles and maintained constant activity better than any other book distribution model. In essential, the book stores methods have not changed up to present times.

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In Tanzania, indigenous forests can still be found whose existence is based on the management systems of precolonial society. This study covers material from over 900 forests. There are similar types of forests elsewhere in Africa, and similar forests can also be found in indigenous cultures on every continent. In this study they are called traditionally protected forests (TPFs). They have a high level of endemism and a rich biodiversity. The field study was carried out during the years 1997-2003 using participatory methods. An active debate is going on concerning the capacity of local communities to manage their environment. The role of indigenous people and their institutions in the development of the physical environment is a central issue in the debate. This study discusses the opportunities that the local people have had to decide on how to conserve, maintain, utilise, and manage their environment during different political periods. The study explains what kinds of changes have taken place in these forests and institutions in northeastern Tanzania among the matrilinear Zigua and patrilinear Gweno ethnic groups. About 2% of the land area of the communities was still protected by the precolonial structures. The communities have established their protection systems for different reasons, not only because of their beliefs but also because of different secular and clearly environmentally motivated reasons. There are different TPF types. Less than half of them are directly related to spirituality, and more than half are not. In earlier research elsewhere, it has been commonly understood that spiritual reasons played the main role in the protection of these environments. This study is also part of the postcolonial geographical discussion on the precolonial landscape and environmental management which was started by Carl Sauer. In the Zigua case study villages, only two out of five first comer clans have performed rain rituals in the past 30 years. Many of the most respected sacred sites do not have a ritual maker or even a person who knows how to perform rituals any longer. The same is happening with male initiation rites. In all case study villages there have been illegal cuts in the TPFs, but variations can be seen between the communities. The number of those who neither respect indigenous regulations nor accept indigenous penalties is growing. Positive developments have also taken place. Nowadays, the Forest Act of 2002 is in effect, which works as a cornerstone of community-based land ownership and also allows elders to protect TPFs, and by-laws are created with the support of different projects. Moreover, during the field study it was found that many young people are ignorant about their village's TPF sites, but interested in learning about their history and values.

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This work is concerned with presenting a modified theoretical approach to the study of centre-periphery relations in the Russian Federation. In the widely accepted scientific discourse, the Russian federal system under the Yeltsin Administration (1991-2000) was asymmetrical; largely owing to the varying amount of structural autonomy distributed among the federation s 89 constituent units. While providing an improved understanding as to which political and socio-economic structures contributed to federal asymmetry, it is felt that associated large N-studies have underemphasised the role played by actor agency in re-shaping Russian federal institutions. It is the main task of this thesis to reintroduce /re-emphasise the importance of actor agency as a major contributing element of institutional change in the Russian federal system. By focusing on the strategic agency of regional elites simultaneously within regional and federal contexts, the thesis adopts the position that political, ethnic and socio-economic structural factors alone cannot fully determine the extent to which regional leaders were successful in their pursuit of economic and political pay-offs from the institutionally weakened federal centre. Furthermore, this work hypothesises that under conditions of federal institutional uncertainty, it is the ability of regional leaders to simultaneously interpret various mutable structural conditions then translate them into plausible strategies which accounts for the regions ability to extract variable amounts of economic and political pay-offs from the Russian federal system. The thesis finds that while the hypothesis is accurate in its theoretical assumptions, several key conclusions provide paths for further inquiry posed by the initial research question. First, without reliable information or stable institutions to guide their actions, both regional and federal elites were forced into ad-hoc decision-making in order to maintain their core strategic focus: political survival. Second, instead of attributing asymmetry to either actor agency or structural factors exclusively, the empirical data shows that both agency and structures interact symbiotically in the strategic formulation process, thus accounting for the sub-optimal nature of several of the actions taken in the adopted cases. Third, as actor agency and structural factors mutate over time, so, too do the perceived payoffs from elite competition. In the case of the Russian federal system, the stronger the federal centre became, the less likely it was that regional leaders could extract the high degree of economic and political pay-offs that they clamoured for earlier in the Yeltsin period. Finally, traditional approaches to the study of federal systems which focus on institutions as measures of federalism are not fully applicable in the Russian case precisely because the institutions themselves were a secondary point of contention between competing elites. Institutional equilibriums between the regions and Moscow were struck only when highly personalised elite preferences were satisfied. Therefore the Russian federal system is the product of short-term, institutional solutions suited to elite survival strategies developed under conditions of economic, political and social uncertainty.

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Gender perceptions, religious belief systems, and political thought have excluded women from politics, for ages, around the world. Combining feminist and modernisation theorists in my theoretical framework, I examine the trends in patriarchal Europe and I highlight the gender-sensitive model of the Nordic countries. Retracing local gender patterns from precolonial to postcolonial eras in sub-Saharan Africa, I explore the links between perceptions, needs, resources, education and women's political participation in Cameroon. Democratisation is supposed to open up political participation, to grant equal opportunities to all adults. One ironic feature of the liberalisation process in Cameroon has been the decrease of women in parliamentarian representation (14% in 1988, 6% in 1992, 5% in 1997 and 10% in 2002). What social, cultural and institutional mechanisms produced this paradoxical outcome, the exclusion of half the population? The gender complementarity of the indigenous context has been lost to male prevalence privileged by education, church, law, employment, economy and politics in the public sphere; most women are marginalised in the private sphere. Nation building and development have failed; ethnicism and individualism are growing. Some hope lies in the growing civil society. From two surveys and 21 focus groups across Cameroon, in 2000 and 2002, some significant results of the processed empirical data reveal low electoral registration (34.5% women and 65.9% men), contrasted by the willingness to run for municipal elections (33.3 % women and 45.2% men). The co-existence of customary and statutory laws, the corrupt political system and fraudulent practices, contribute to the marginalisation of women and men who are interested in politics. A large majority of female respondents consider female politicians more trustworthy and capable than their male counterparts; they even foresee the appointment of a female Prime Minister. The Nordic countries have institutionalised gender equality in their legislation, policies and practices. France has improved women's political inclusion with the parity laws; Rwanda is another model of women's representation, thanks to its post-conflict constitution. From my analysis, Cameroonian institutions, men and more so women, may learn and borrow from these experiences, in order to design and implement a sustainable and gender-balanced democracy. Keywords: democratisation, politics, gender equality, feminism, citizenship, Cameroon, Nordic countries, Finland, France, United Kingdom, quotas, societal social psychology.

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Tässä julkaisussa selvitetään Suomen Lääkäriliiton ideoita (makrotaso) ja lääkäreiden (mikrotaso) mielipiteitä hyvinvointivaltiosta ja sen terveyspolitiikasta. Makrotason aineiston muodostavat erilaiset julkiset dokumentit. Aineistot ovat pääosin vuosilta 1970–2007. Dokumentteja analysoidaan sekä määrällisen että laadullisen sisällönanalyysin tai erittelyn keinoin. Mikrotason aineiston muodostaa vuonna 2007 kerätty kyselyaineisto (n = 1 092). Sitä analysoidaan kuvailevin tilastollisin menetelmin ja logistisen regressioanalyysin keinoin. Tulosten perusteella Suomen Lääkäriliitto koki julkisen vallan puuttumisen uhkaksi rakennettaessa universaalia terveydenhuoltojärjestelmää. Uhka kuitenkin väheni julkisen sektorin jatkuvasti laajentuessa. Toisaalta jatkuvana vaatimuksena Lääkäriliiton dokumenteissa esiintyy 1970-luvulta lähtien yksityisen sektorin roolin lisäämisvaateet. 1990-luvun laman jälkeisenä aikana yksityiseen sektoriin liittyvät ideat ovat tulleet yhä selkeämmiksi ja konkreettisemmiksi. Argumenteissaan Lääkäriliitto ei tuo juurikaan esille omia taloudellisia intressejään vaan vetoaa useammin yleiseen hyvään. Kyselyaineistosta tehtyjen analyysien mukaan lääkärit kokevat sosiaaliturvan muuta väestöä useammin liian laajaksi. Lääkärit eivät kuitenkaan halua erityisen voimakkaasti markkinoistaa terveydenhuoltoa, jopa verrattaessa muuhun väestöön. Parhaiten lääkäreiden mielipiteitä sosiaaliturvasta ja terveydenhuoltojärjestelmästä selittävät poliittinen orientaatio ja työskentelysektori. Nuorten lääkäreiden mielipiteet sosiaaliturvasta ja terveydenhuoltojärjestelmästä eivät ole erityisen radikaaleja. Lopuksi tutkimuksessa verrattiin mikro- ja makrotasoa keskenään. Tulosten perusteella Suomen Lääkäriliitto on selvästi radikaalimpi näkemyksissään markkinoistumisesta kuin lääkärit keskimäärin.

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The 1980s and the early 1990s have proved to be an important turning point in the history of the Nordic welfare states. After this breaking point, the Nordic social order has been built upon a new foundation. This study shows that the new order is mainly built upon new hierarchies and control mechanisms that have been developed consistently through economic and labour market policy measures. During the post-war period Nordic welfare states to an increasing extent created equality of opportunity and scope for agency among people. Public social services were available for all and the tax-benefit system maintained a level income distribution. During this golden era of Nordic welfare state, the scope for agency was, however, limited by social structures. Public institutions and law tended to categorize people according to their life circumstances ascribing them a predefined role. In the 1980s and 1990s this collectivist social order began to mature and it became subject to political renegotiation. Signs of a new social order in the Nordic countries have included the liberation of the financial markets, the privatizing of public functions and redefining the role of the public sector. It is now possible to reassess the ideological foundations of this new order. As a contrast to widely used political rhetoric, the foundation of the new order has not been the ideas of individual freedom or choice. Instead, the most important aim appears to have been to control and direct people to act in accordance with the rules of the market. The various levels of government and the social security system have been redirected to serve this goal. Instead of being a mechanism for redistributing income, the Nordic social security system has been geared towards creating new hierarchies on the Nordic labour markets. During the past decades, conditions for receiving income support and unemployment benefit have been tightened in all Nordic countries. As a consequence, people have been forced to accept deteriorating terms and conditions on the labour market. Country-specific variations exist, however: in sum Sweden has been most conservative, Denmark most innovative and Finland most radical in reforming labour market policy. The new hierarchies on the labour market have co-incided with slow or non-existent growth of real wages and with a strong growth of the share of capital income. Slow growth of real wages has kept inflation low and thus secured the value of capital. Societal development has thus progressed from equality of opportunity during the age of the welfare states towards a hierarchical social order where the majority of people face increasing constraints and where a fortunate minority enjoys prosperity and security.

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Tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan yhteiskunnallista yrittäjyyttä suomalaisesta näkökulmasta ja pyritään kartoittamaan niitä tekijöitä, jotka voivat vaikuttaa sen institutionalisaatioon Suomessa. Yhteiskunnallinen yrittäjyys on viimeisen kahden vuosikymmenen aikana kansainvälisesti huomiota saanut pyrkimys yhdistää innovatiivisella tavalla taloudellisesti kestävä yritystoiminta ja sosiaalisen muutoksen aikaansaaminen. Erityisesti yhteiskunnalliset yritykset on nähty yhtenä mahdollisena vastauksena tulevaisuudessa yhä ajankohtaisempaan kysymykseen siitä, miten tärkeinä pidetyt hyvinvointipalvelut saadaan tuotettua huoltosuhteen heikentyessä ja julkisen talouden kiristyessä. Tutkimuksen tarkoituksena on selvittää avainhenkilöhaastatteluiden avulla, miten yhteiskunnallinen yrittäjyys ymmärretään Suomessa, ja mitä mahdollisuuksia tai haasteita nähdään sen vakiintumiselle. Tutkimus muodostuu kahdesta osuudesta. Ensimmäisen osan muodostaa yhteiskunnallisen yrittäjyyden käsitteen selventäminen heijastamalla haastatteluissa nousseita käsityksiä aiempaan pääosin kansainväliseen tutkimuskirjallisuuteen. Toinen osuus on teoriasidonnainen. Aineistosta pyritään kartoittamaan niitä tekijöitä, jotka haastateltavien mukaan vaikuttavat yhteiskunnallisen yrittäjyyden institutionalisaatioon Suomessa. Tutkimuksen teoreettisen viitekehyksen muodostaa (uusi) institutionalismi ja erityisesti teoria institutionalisaatiosta. Uuden alan institutionalisaatioon vaikuttavat Lawrencen ja Phillipsin mukaan sekä makrokulttuuriset instituutiot, eli yhteiskunnan erilaiset rakenteet, että institutionaalinen yrittäjyys, eli aktiivisten yksilöiden toiminta. Olemassa olevat rakenteet voivat olla uuden alan vakiintumista mahdollistavia tai rajoittavia. Tutkimuksen aineiston valinta perustuu teoreettiseen otokseen.Tutkimukseen on haastateltu avainhenkilöitä niistä sidosryhmistä, jotka ovat keskeisessä asemassa uuden alan tai ilmiön vakiintumiseen nähden. Haastattelutekniikkana on käytetty puolistrukturoitua teemahaastattelua. Haastatteluista saatua aineistoa on analysoitu laadullisen sisällönanalyysin avulla. Yhteiskunnallisesta yrittäjyydestä ei vallinnut haastateltujen kesken yhtenäistä kuvaa. Yhteiskunnallisen tehtävän ensisijaisuus nähtiin kuitenkin keskeisenä ilmiötä määrittävänä tekijänä. Haastatteluissa ilmenevät käsitykset ovat myös melko yhdenmukaisia Iso-Britannian mallin kanssa. Keskeisinä tuloksina yhteiskunnallisen yrittäjyyden institutionalisaatioon vaikuttavina tekijöinä nousivat mahdollistavina esiin vahva kolmas sektori, vakiintunut osuustoiminta, myönteinen poliittinen linjaus, vastuullisen kansalaisuuden ja individualismin vahvistuminen sekä tiivis kansainvälinen yhteistyö. Institutionalisaatiota rajoittavina institutionaalisina tekijöinä nousivat esiin vakiintuneet (erityisesti yrityspuolen) organisaatiot, hankintalaki ja sen sovellukset, perinteinen yksipuolinen näkemys yrittäjyydestä, hallintoalamaisuuskulttuuri sekä käsitteiden sekaantuminen ja leimautuminen haihatteluksi.

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Modern-day economics is increasingly biased towards believing that institutions matter for growth, an argument that has been further enforced by the recent economic crisis. There is also a wide consensus on what these growth-promoting institutions should look like, and countries are periodically ranked depending on how their institutional structure compares with the best-practice institutions, mostly in place in the developing world. In this paper, it is argued that ”non-desirable” or “second-best” institutions can be beneficial for fostering investment and thus providing a starting point for sustained growth, and that what matters is the appropriateness of institutions to the economy’s distance to the frontier or current phase of development. Anecdotal evidence from Japan and South-Korea is used as a motivation for studying the subject and a model is presented to describe this phenomenon. In the model, the rigidity or non-rigidity of the institutions is described by entrepreneurial selection. It is assumed that entrepreneurs are the ones taking part in the imitation and innovation of technologies, and that decisions on whether or not their projects are refinanced comes from capitalists. The capitalists in turn have no entrepreneurial skills and act merely as financers of projects. The model has two periods, and two kinds of entrepreneurs: those with high skills and those with low skills. The society’s choice of whether an imitation or innovation – based strategy is chosen is modeled as the trade-off between refinancing a low-skill entrepreneur or investing in the selection of the entrepreneurs resulting in a larger fraction of high-skill entrepreneurs with the ability to innovate but less total investment. Finally, a real-world example from India is presented as an initial attempt to test the theory. The data from the example is not included in this paper. It is noted that the model may be lacking explanatory power due to difficulties in testing the predictions, but that this should not be seen as a reason to disregard the theory – the solution might lie in developing better tools, not better just better theories. The conclusion presented is that institutions do matter. There is no one-size-fits-all-solution when it comes to institutional arrangements in different countries, and developing countries should be given space to develop their own institutional structures that cater to their specific needs.

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Tutkimuksessa selvitetään Suomen terveydenhuollon kehityslinjoja 1800-luvulta nykyaikaan pääasiassa institutionalismin, polkuriippuvuuden ja funktionalismin teorioita hyväksi käyttäen. Tutkimuksen keskiössä ovat instituutiot ja niiden vaikutus terveydenhuoltoon. Miten terveyspoliittiset periaatteet ja arvot ovat muuttuneet ja mitkä tahot ovat muutokset toteuttaneet? Huomiota on kiinnitetty myös politiikkaan ja maan taloudellisessa tilanteessa tapahtuneisiin muutoksiin. Tutkimuksen empiirisessä osassa terveydenhuolto ja siihen tehdyt muutokset on jaettu neljään ajanjaksoon. Kunnilla on velvollisuus järjestää terveydenhuolto ja mahdollisuus päättää laajasti sen toteutuksesta. Valtion rooli on ohjaava ja kuntien rahoitusta tukeva. Merkittävä muutos tapahtui 1960luvulla, kun terveydenhuolto jakaantui kunnalliseen terveydenhoitojärjestelmään sekä sairausvakuutukseen ja työterveyshuoltoon. Yksityisten ja julkisten terveyspalvelujen vuorovaikutusta ei ole pystytty ratkaisemaan. Talouden ohella terveydenhuoltoa ovat ohjanneet politiikka ja instituutiot. Vaihtoehtoiset terveydenhuollon järjestämismallit ovat jääneet vähälle huomiolle. Kuntien itsehallinnon korostaminen terveyspalvelujen toteutuksessa on johtanut hajautettuun, pirstoutuneeseen järjestelmään. Paikallisilla päätöksillä on ollut etusija, mikä on vaikeuttanut keskitettyä ohjausta.

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This research investigates the impacts of agricultural market liberalization on food security in developing countries and it evaluates the supply perspective of food security. This research theme is applied on the agricultural sector in Kenya and in Zambia by studying the role policies played in the maize sub-sector. An evaluation of selected policies introduced at the beginning of the 1980s is made, as well as an assessment of whether those policies influenced maize output. A theoretical model of agricultural production is then formulated to reflect cereal production in a developing country setting. This study begins with a review of the general framework and the aims of the structural adjustment programs and proceeds to their application in the maize sector in Kenya and Zambia. A literature review of the supply and demand synthesis of food security is presented with examples from various developing countries. Contrary to previous studies on food security, this study assesses two countries with divergent economic orientations. Agricultural sector response to economic and institutional policies in different settings is also evaluated. Finally, a dynamic time series econometric model is applied to assess the effects of policy on maize output. The empirical findings suggest a weak policy influence on maize output, but the precipitation and acreage variables stand out as core determinants of maize output. The policy dimension of acreage and how markets influence it is not discussed at length in this study. Due to weak land rights and tenure structures in these countries, the direct impact of policy change on land markets cannot be precisely measured. Recurring government intervention during the structural policy implementation period impeded efficient functioning of input and output markets, particularly in Zambia. Input and output prices of maize and fertilizer responded more strongly in Kenya than in Zambia, where the state often ceded to public pressure by revoking pertinent policy measures. These policy interpretations are based on the response of policy variables which are more responsive in Kenya than in Zambia. According the obtained regression results, agricultural markets in general, and the maize sub-sector in particular, responded more positively to implemented policies in Kenya, than in Zambia, which supported a more socialist economic system. It is observed in these results that in order for policies to be effective, sector and regional dimensions need to be considered. The regional and sector dimensions were not taken into account in the formulation and implementation of structural adjustment policies in the 1980s. It can be noted that countries with vibrant economic structures and institutions fared better than those which had a firm, socially founded system.

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In the first half of the 20th century, most moral philosophers took the concept of virtue to be secondary to moral principles or emotions, though in various and mutually conflicting ways. In the early 1960s interest in the virtues was restored by the analytic philosophers Elizabeth Anscombe and Georg Henrik von Wright, the younger colleagues and friends of the late Wittgenstein. Later, Alasdair MacIntyre became a leading virtue ethicist. In 1981, MacIntyre introduced in After Virtue the concept of practices, which he based on the Aristotelian distinction between praxis and poiesis. This dissertation examines MacIntyre s characterization of the interconnectedness between practices and virtues, especially in relation to skills, education, and certain emotions. The primary position of the virtues is defended against the tendency in modern moral philosophy to overemphasize the role either of principles and rules or of emotions. The view according to which rational action and acting according to the virtues is best conceptualized as following rules or principles is criticized by arguments that are grounded by some Wittgensteinian observations, and that can be characterized as transcendental. Even if the virtues cannot be defined by, and are not based entirely on, emotions, the role of certain emotions on the learning and education of skills and virtues are studied more carefully than by MacIntyre. In the cases of resentment, indignation, and shame, the analysis of Peter Strawson is utilized, and in the case of regret, the analysis of Bernard Williams. Williams analysis of regret and moral conflict concludes in a kind of antirealism, which this study criticizes. Where education of practices and skills and the related reactive emotions are examined as conditions of learning and practicing the virtues, institutions and ideologies are examined as obstacles and threats to the virtues. This theme is studied through Karl Marx s conception of alienation and Karl Polanyi s historical and sociological research concerning the great transformation . The study includes six Finnish-published articles carrying the titles Our negative attitudes towards other persons , Authority and upbringing , Moral conflicts, regret and ethical realism , Practices and institutions , Doing justice as condition to communal action: a transcendental argument for justice as virtue , and Alienation from practices in capitalist society: Alasdair MacIntyre s Marxist Aristotelianism . The introductory essay sums up the themes of the articles and presents some central issues of virtue ethics by relating the classical Socratic questions to Aristotelian practical philosophy, as well as to current controversies in metaethics and moral psychology.

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The study scrutinizes the dynamics of the Finnish higher education political system. Dynamics is understood as the regularity of interaction between actors. By actors is meant the central institutions in the system. The theoretical framework of the study draws on earlier research in political science and higher education political studies. The theoretical model for analysis is built on agenda-setting theories. The theoretical model separates two dimensions of dynamics, namely the political situation and political possibilities. A political situation can be either favourable or contradictory to change. If the institutional framework within the higher education system is not compatible with the external factors of the system, the political situation is contradictory to change. To change the situation into a favourable one, one needs either to change the institutional structure or wait for external factors to change. Then again, the political possibilities can be either settled or politicized. Politicization means that new possibilities for action are found. Settled possibilities refer to routine actions performed according to old practices. The research tasks based on the theoretical model are: 1. To empirically analyse the political situation and the possibilities from the actors point of view. 2. To theoretically construct and empirically test a model for analysis of dynamics in the Finnish higher education politics. The research material consists of 25 thematic interviews with key persons in the higher education political system in 2008. In addition, there are also documents from different actors since the 1980s and statistical data. The material is analysed in four phases. In the first phase the emphasis is on trying to understand the interviewees and actors points of view. In the second phase the different types of research material are related to each other. In the third phase the findings are related to the theoretical model, which is constructed over the course of the analysis. In the fourth phase the interpretation is tested. The research distinguishes three historical periods in the Finnish higher education system and focuses on the last one. This is the era of the complex system beginning in the 1980s 1990s. Based on the interviews, four policy threads are identified and analysed in their historical context. Each of the policy threads represents one of the four possible dynamics identified in the theoretical model. The research policy thread functions according to reform dynamics. A coalition of innovation politics is able to use the politicized possibilities due to the political situation created by the conception of the national innovation system. The regional policy thread is in a gridlock dynamics. The combination of a political system based on provincial representation, a regional higher education institutional framework and outside pressure to streamline the higher education structure created a contradictory political situation. Because of this situation, the politicized possibilities in the so-called "regional development plan" do not have much effect. In the international policy thread, a consensual change dynamics is found. Through changes in the institutional framework, the higher education political system is moulded into a favourable situation. However, the possibilities are settled: a pragmatic national gaze prevailed. A dynamics of friction is found in the governance policy thread. A political situation where political-strategic and budgetary decision-making are separated is not favourable for change. In addition, as governance policy functions according to settled possibilities, the situation seems unchangeable. There are five central findings. First, the dynamics are different depending on the policy thread under scrutiny. Second, the settled possibilities in a policy thread seemed to influence other threads the most. Third, dynamics are much related to changes external to the higher education political system, the changing positions of the actors in different policy threads and the unexpected nature of the dynamics. Fourth, it is fruitful to analyse the dynamics with the theoretical model. Fifth, but only hypothetically and thus left for further research, it seems that the Finnish higher education politics is reactive and weak at politicization.

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Tämän tutkielman alaotsikossa mainittu tuottavuusparadoksi viittaa Robert Solowin esittämään lausuntoon, jonka mukaan tietotekniikan yleistyminen on tuonut mukanaan suurista toiveista huolimatta jopa aikaisempaa hitaampaa tuottavuuden kasvua. Ilmiön mahdolliseksi syyksi on esitetty muun muassa sitä, että uudenlaisten prosessien, rakenteiden tai toimintatapojen syntymiseen vaadittavan sosiaalisen ja inhimillisen pääoman kehittyminen on hidasta. Tämänkaltaisen pääoman rakentumiseen on kulunut vuosia, ennen kuin tietotekniikkainvestoinneilla on alettu saavuttaa merkittävää positiivista tuottavuusvaikutusta. Aiemman kirjallisuuden pohjalta on osoitettavissa, että mikäli työntekijöiden koulutukseen, muutoksiin johtamisessa ja työn organisoinnissa ei panosteta, tietotekniikan käyttöönotto vaikuttaa negatiivisesti tuottavuuden kasvuun. Tutkielman pyrkimys on jäljittää tuottavuusparadoksin yhteyksiä teknologian ja ihmisen vuorovaikutukseen. Kiinnostuksen kohteena ovat erityisesti vanhojen rutiinien, tulkintojen ja normien seurauksena syntyvät, suunnitellusta poikkeavat käyttötavat. Vakiintuneet työtavat elävät sitkeästi myös uuden teknologian käyttöönoton jälkeisissä työprosesseissa ja voivat olla jopa tuhoisia tavoitellun hyödyn kannalta. Carlota Perezin pitkien aaltojen tutkimustraditioon pohjautuen voidaan väittää, että informaatiotekniikan ja televiestinnän aika on vasta saavuttamassa synergiavaihetta, jossa työn organisaatiomuodot ja taloudelliset instituutiot muotoutuvat vastaamaan ja tukemaan uuden tuotannon ja teknologian hyödyntämistä. Teoreettinen kehys rakentuu näiden oletusten mukaisesti, hyödyntäen Wanda Orlikowskin teknologian rakenteistumisteoriaa ja antaen tilaa toiminnan ja rakenteen väliselle vuorovaikutukselle. Työn aineisto koostuu kahdesta case-tutkimuksesta, joille yhteistä on pyrkimys ajanhallintaan teknologian avulla. Ensimmäinen aineistopaketti on peräisin viestintäalan yrityksessä toteutetusta, työvuorojen varausprosessia muuttaneesta tietojärjestelmäuudistuksesta. Toinen aineistoluku pohjautuu Pohjois-Karjalan keskussairaalassa Joensuussa toteutettuun kutsuviestipalvelun kehityshankkeeseen. Kahden käyttöönottotutkimuksen tavoitteena oli dokumentoida kehitysprojektien läpivienti eri näkökulmista ja tuoda näkyville niitä eri vaiheissa esiintyviä ristiriitoja ja jännitteitä, jotka omalta osaltaan vaikuttavat lopputulokseen. Haastatteluaineiston käsittelyllä pyritään havainnollistamaan projektien etenemisen aikana havaittuja ongelmia ja samalla tuomaan tiedon lähteet avoimesti esille. Koko tutkielman läpi kantava ydinajatus on, että normien, tapojen ja muiden sosiaalista elämää määrittävien säännönmukaisuuksien kokonaisuuden liikkeelle sysääminen on usein jopa tärkeämpää kuin varsinaiset teknologiset ominaisuudet. Tietotekniikan aiheuttamat vaikutukset suuntaan tai toiseen ovat suurimmillaan silloin, kun ne muokkaavat sosiaalista todellisuutta radikaalisti. Tähän mennessä tietotekniikkaa on käytetty pääasiassa helpottamaan vanhoja työskentelytapoja, mutta kun teknologiset apuvälineet alkavat olla yhä useamman saavutettavissa ja niiden vaatimat resurssit käyvät halvemmiksi, voivat tietotekniikan tuomat suurimmat muutokset olla vielä edessä. Tutkielman löydökset asettuvat tukemaan väitettä, jonka mukaan tuottavuuden kehityksessä ei-tekniset innovaatiot ovat edellytyksinä teknisten innovaatioiden menestykselle.

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Kuntaliitos tuo kuntien toimintaan ja niiden asukkaiden elämään monenlaisia muutoksia. Yksi vähäisimmistä ei ole liitoksen vaikutus edustuksellisen demokratian toteutumiseen: kunnan luottamustehtävät vähenevät, kilpailu niistä kiristyy ja valta jakautuu uudella tavalla. Tässä tutkielmassa asiaa on lähestytty vallan maantieteellisen jakautumisen ja kunnan eri osien alueellisen edustavuuden näkökulmasta. Vallan ja edustuksen mittareina toimivat kunnalliset luottamuspaikat valtuustossa, hallituksessa ja muissa kunnan toimielimissä. Lisäksi on selvitetty poliittisten päättäjien näkemyksiä kuntaliitoksen jälkeisestä vallankäytöstä ja liitoksen hyödyistä ja haitoista. Kyseessä on tapaustutkimus vuoden 2009 alussa toteutuneesta Kurikan ja Jurvan kuntaliitoksesta. Aineistona ovat vuosien 2004, 2008 ja 2012 kunnallisvaalien tulokset, kuntahallinnon pöytäkirjat sekä tutkimuskuntien 19 pitkäaikaisen luottamushenkilön haastattelut. Tilasto- ja asiakirja-aineiston analysoinnissa on käytetty tilastollisia perusmenetelmiä, luokittelua ja taulukointia. Haastatteluaineisto on kerätty puhelimitse strukturoituna lomakehaastatteluna ja sitä on analysoitu kuvailun, luokittelun ja dikotomisen ristiintaulukoinnin avulla. Tutkielman teoreettisen viitekehyksen rakennuspuina toimivat yhtäältä kunnat, kuntarakenne ja kuntaliitostutkimus, toisaalta valta ja edustuksellisen demokratian instituutiot ja kolmantena poliittinen maantiede ja vaalimaantiede. Tutkimuksen lähtökohtana toimii kuntaliitoskuntien kunnallisvaaleja koskeva aiempi valtakunnallinen tutkimus, jonka mukaan kuntaliitosten reuna-alueet ovat usein vaaleissa saaneet kokoaan suuremman edustuksen uuden kunnan valtuustoon. Alueellinen edunvalvonta kunnallisvaaleissa tiivistyy ehdokasasetteluun, äänten keskittämiseen ja alueperustaiseen äänestämiseen. Tutkimuksen tulokset osoittavat, että Kurikan ja Jurvan kuntaliitoksen jälkeen kunnan poliittinen valta ei ole jakautunut tasapuolisesti, vaan jurvalaiset ovat olleet luottamuselimissä yliedustettuina. Keskeiset syyt yliedustukseen löytyvät ehdokasasettelusta ja äänten onnistuneesta keskittämisestä. Haastattelujen tulokset osoittavat selkeitä eroja kurikkalaisten ja jurvalaisten päättäjien käsityksissä koskien vallan jakautumista, käyttöä ja kuntaliitoksen alueellisia vaikutuksia.