Análisis de la política exterior en materia de seguridad de Brasil en el periodo 2003-2009, como medio para consolidar su liderazgo regional en Sudamérica

Durante los dos períodos de gobierno de Luis Inacio Da Silva en Brasil (2003-2010) el interés de este Estado se centró en la ampliación y fortalecimiento de su posición en Sudamérica a través de la lucha contra las amenazas que afectan su seguridad nacional. Puesto que muchas de estos detractores de la seguridad brasileña son compartidos con otras Estados en la región, destacándose entre estos el narcotráfico, tráfico de armas y la deforestación del Amazonas, el gobierno de Brasil dirigió su política exterior en materia de seguridad en Sudamérica a la lucha conjunta de estas amenazas, proponiendo mecanismos de defensa regionales con el fin de aumentar su liderazgo en la región y así poder aumentar su influencia en esta zona.

Análisis de la crisis de refugiados de Costa de Marfil como elemento desestabilizador de sus relaciones bilaterales con Liberia (2002-2010).

La crisis de refugiados como consecuencia de la inestabilidad política en Costa de Marfil, ha desencadenado en una amenaza regional. La población vulnerable presente en la frontera porosa que caracteriza a Costa de Marfil y Liberia, es objeto de actividades ilícitas como el narcotráfico, tráfico de diamantes y tráfico de armas. Es entonces, como la crisis de refugiados marfileños resulta ser un elemento desestabilizador de las relaciones bilaterales entre Costa de Marfil y Liberia, en tanto se facilita el tráfico de armas entre combatientes liberianos y los refugiados marfileños. Este panorama, sin duda, intensifica el conflicto interno que hoy en día tiene lugar en Costa de Marfil.

La lucha de la Unión Europea contra el crimen organizado transnacional. Estudio de caso: tráfico ilegal de armas pequeñas y ligeras provenientes de Albania y Kosovo (2001-2005)

En el contexto de la lucha de la Unión Europea contra el crimen organizado transnacional, el tráfico ilegal de armas pequeñas y ligeras proveniente de los grupos criminales albaneses y kosovares, es uno de los delitos a los que la Unión Europea ha tenido que hacer frente. Así pues, esta investigación logró analizar cómo la falta de coordinación de las políticas europeas implementadas para luchar contra el tráfico ilegal de armas pequeñas y ligeras y la corrupción estatal en Albania y Kosovo, fueron los dos factores de mayor influencia para evidenciar el impacto a la efectividad de dichas políticas implementadas. Para esto se debió comprender las dinámicas de los grupos criminales y la influencia de la corrupción en su actuar, y después examinar las políticas implementadas por la Unión Europea y los factores que no permitieron que existiera coordinación entre ellas.

O tráfico feminino para fins de superexploração sexual: o caso do Pará

No imaginário feminino da Amazônia Paraense, migrar é um sonho, cujo conteúdo onírico faz parte não só de uma estratégia de sobrevivência, como também de uma busca por ressignificação dos lugares/construções/imaginário/ atribuídos ao feminino, na herança cultural sexista, racializada e heteronormativa imposta na e para a região. Muitas sonham viver em um contexto livre da violência; ter uma casa bonita, filhos saudáveis e um marido bondoso; outras sonham ganhar muito dinheiro trabalhando na prostituição, como dançarinas ou qualquer trabalho que possibilite a realizarão daquele ou de outros sonhos. Todas já escutaram estórias de outras bem sucedidas que migraram, e hoje possuem carro, roupas caras e uma casa para morar. Ouvem dizer, que há boas perspectivas em torno dos Grandes Projetos, mas não fazem ideia de como chegar, pois, muitos desses locais são de difícil acesso, como minas e garimpos. Já ouviram dizer que “no estrangeiro” sua exoticidade rende muito dinheiro. Outras, já ouviram estórias ruins de gente que foi escravizada, presa, deportada ou morta. Mas, apostam na sorte e acreditam que o risco vale a pena. Sabem o quanto é difícil sair do país, tirar passaporte, negociar em outra língua, outra moeda, lidar com uma burocracia complexa, exigente e uma legislação rígida e restritiva. Acreditam que se tentassem migrar sozinhas, sem o apoio de alguém com experiência no ramo, provavelmente não conseguiriam. Até que, aparece alguém se dizendo com experiência e com a oferta de providenciar tudo, com um simples toque da varinha de condão...O tráfico de pessoas, especialmente o feminino para fins de superexploração sexual - que inclui mulheres, travestis e transgêneros é uma violação de direitos humanos no contexto da migração. Terceira atividade ilícita mais lucrativa do planeta perde, segundo a Organização das Nações Unidas – ONU, apenas para o tráfico de drogas e o de armas. Possui natureza multifacetada marcada por uma dupla regulação: a capitalista e a identitária, cuja finalidade é sempre o trabalho escravo, incluindo o casamento servil e a prostituição forçada. Seu contexto extrapola a esfera criminal, perpassa por questões culturais e de gênero. Seu enfrentamento reclama o reconhecimento da diversidade democrática, do direito à não discriminação e dos parâmetros de direitos humanos.

Outbound enforcement.

Mode of access: Internet.

Capabilities of Police and Military Forces in Central America -- A Comparative Analysis of Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras an d Nicaragua

A difficult transition to a new paradigm of Democratic Security and the subsequent process of military restructuring during the nineties led El Salvador, Honduras, Guatemala and Nicaragua to re-consider their old structures and functions of their armed forces and police agencies. This study compares the institutions in the four countries mentioned above to assess their current condition and response capacity in view of the contemporary security challenges in Central America. This report reveals that the original intention of limiting armies to defend and protect borders has been threatened by the increasing participation of armies in public security. While the strength of armies has been consolidated in terms of numbers, air and naval forces have failed to become strengthened or sufficiently developed to effectively combat organized crime and drug trafficking and are barely able to conduct air and sea operations. Honduras has been the only country that has maintained a proportional distribution of its armed forces. However, security has been in the hands of a Judicial Police, supervised by the Public Ministry. The Honduran Judicial Police has been limited to exercising preventive police duties, prohibited from carrying out criminal investigations. Nicaragua, meanwhile, possesses a successful police force, socially recognized for maintaining satisfactory levels of security surpassing the Guatemalan and El Salvadoran police, which have not achieved similar results despite of having set up a civilian police force separate from the military. El Salvador meanwhile, has excelled in promoting a Police Academy and career professional education, even while not having military attachés in other countries. Regarding budgetary issues, the four countries allocate almost twice the amount of funding on their security budgets in comparison to what is allocated to their defense budgets. However, spending in both areas is low when taking into account each country's GDP as well as their high crime rates. Regional security challenges must be accompanied by a professionalization of the regional armies focused on protecting and defending borders. Therefore, strong institutional frameworks to support the fight against crime and drug trafficking are required. It will require the strengthening of customs, greater control of illicit arms trafficking, investment in education initiatives, creating employment opportunities and facilitating significant improvements in the judicial system, as well as its accessibility to the average citizen.

The Re-Emergence of Suriname’s Désiré (Desi) Bouterse: Political Acumen and Geopolitical Anxiety

This study examines some concerns that derive from Suriname‘s May-July 2010 elections, which resulted in the re-emergence of erstwhile military ruler and convicted drug trafficker, Désiré (Desi) Bouterse, as President of the Republic. The victory reflects Bouterse‘s political acumen in aggregating disparate political interests and in establishing a viable coalition government. But because of his history and profile, this triumph has generated anxiety in some places internationally. In this respect, the study examines anxieties related to three matters: (a) relations with Guyana, where there is an existing territorial dispute and a recently resolved maritime dispute, (b) illegal drug trafficking operations, and (c) foreign policy engagement with Venezuela. There has been a flurry of bilateral activities—including several presidential summits—with Guyana since President Bouterse‘s inauguration, albeit seemingly more about symbolism than substance. Although the maritime dispute was settled by a Tribunal of the United Nations Convention of the Law of the Sea in 2007, the 15,000 km2 New River Triangle is still unresolved. Indeed, in June 2011 President Bouterse reasserted Suriname‘s claim to the Triangle. Suriname has upped the ante in that dispute by portraying internationally the map of Suriname as inclusive of the disputed area. In all likelihood that self-redefinition slowly will become the country‘s cartographic definition in the eyes of the world if Guyana does not successfully rebuff that move or pursue the definitive settlement of the dispute. A geonarcotics assessment shows Suriname to be still heavily implicated in trafficking, because of geography, law enforcement limitations, corruption, and other factors. But despite Bouterse‘s drug-related history and that of former senior military officers, several reasons suggest the inexpediency of a narco-state being created by Bouterse. As well, as part of Suriname‘s pursuit of increased Caribbean and South American engagement, it has boosted relations with Venezuela, which has included it in PetroCaribe and provided housing and agricultural aid. However, the engagement appears to be driven more by pragmatism and less by any ideological affinity with Hugo Chavez.

Trafficking in human beings and Foucauldian biopower : A case study in the expansion of the human rights phenomenon

Trafficking in human beings has become one of the most talked about criminal concerns of the 21st century. But this is not all that it has become. Trafficking has also been declared as one of the most pressing human rights issues of our time. In this sense, it has become a part of the expansion of the human rights phenomenon. Although it is easy to see that the crime of trafficking violates several of the human rights of its victims, it is still, in its essence, a fairly conventional although particularly heinous and often transnational crime, consisting of acts between private actors, and lacking, therefore, the vertical effect associated traditionally with human rights violations. This thesis asks, then, why, and how, has the anti-trafficking campaign been translated in human rights language. And even more fundamentally: in light of the critical, theoretical studies surrounding the expansion of the human rights phenomenon, especially that of Costas Douzinas, who has declared that we have come to the end of human rights as a consequence of the expansion and bureaucratization of the phenomenon, can human rights actually bring salvation to the victims of trafficking? The thesis demonstrates that the translation process of the anti-trafficking campaign into human rights language has been a complicated process involving various actors, including scholars, feminist NGOs, local activists and global human rights NGOs. It has also been driven by a complicated web of interests, the most prevalent one the sincere will to help the victims having become entangled with other aims, such as political, economical, and structural goals. As a consequence of its fragmented background, the human rights approach to trafficking seeks still its final form, consisting of several different claims. After an assessment of these claims from a legal perspective, this thesis concludes that the approach is most relevant regarding the mistreatment of victims of trafficking in the hands of state authorities. It seems to be quite common that authorities have trouble identifying the victims of trafficking, which means that the rights granted to themin international and national documents are not realized in practice, but victims of trafficking are systematically deported as illegal immigrants. It is argued that in order to understand the measures of the authorities, and to assess the usefulness of human rights, it is necessary to adopt a Foucauldian perspective and to observe the measures as biopolitical defence mechanisms. From a biopolitical perspective, the victims of trafficking can be seen as a threat to the population a threat that must be eliminated either by assimilating them to the main population with the help of disciplinary techniques, or by excluding them completely from the society. This biopolitical aim is accomplished through an impenetrable net of seemingly insignificant practices and discourses that not even the participants are aware of. As a result of these practices and discourses, trafficking victims only very few of fit the myth of the perfect victim, produced by biopolitical discourses become invisible and therefore subject to deportation as (risky) illegal immigrants, turning them into bare life in the Agambenian sense, represented by the homo sacer, who cannot be sacrificed, yet does not enjoy the protection of the society and its laws. It is argued, following Jacques Rancière and Slavoj i ek, that human rights can, through their universality and formal equality, provide bare life the tools to formulate political claims and therefore utilize their politicization through their exclusion to return to the sphere of power and politics. Even though human rights have inevitably become entangled with biopolitical practices, they are still perhaps the most efficient way to challenge biopower. Human rights have not, therefore, become useless for the victims of trafficking, but they must be conceived as a universal tool to formulate political claims and challenge power .In the case of trafficking this means that human rights must be utilized to constantly renegotiate the borders of the problematic concept of victim of trafficking created by international instruments, policies and discourses, including those that are sincerely aimed to provide help for the victims.