Las dos caras de la identidad nacional turca en la configuración de su política exterior en medio oriente gobierno Recep Tayyip Erdogan

El interés de esta monografía es explicar la configuración de la política exterior de Turquía dentro del estudio de las Relaciones Internacionales. Se analiza el comportamiento y las acciones emprendidas por la República de Turquía con la llegada del AKP al poder y los cambios que ha enfrentado el sistema internacional, a partir del papel que juega la identidad nacional turca sobre la construcción de su política exterior hacia Medio Oriente. Asimismo, se cuestionan algunos postulados principales de la escuela realista a partir de un análisis alternativo en el que se demuestra que Turquía tiene diferentes formas de crear y proyectar la imagen del país. Siguiendo, a la perspectiva constructivista, la cual establece cómo la identidad nacional, kemalista y neootomana que configura la política exterior de Turquía ha sido construida, cómo es comprendida y cómo esta comprensión da lugar a los intereses nacionales que guían su política exterior.

Do kemalismo ao neo-otomanismo: o desenvolvimento político e a «Nova Turquia» de Recep Tayyip Erdogan (2003-2014)

Dissertação de mestrado em Ciência Política

The great leap. Turkey under Erdogan. OSW Point of View 51, 27 May 2015

Since the AKP took power in 2002, Turkey has seen a replacement of the state’s elites, a real change of the political system and a redefinition of the state identity. All this has been accompanied by economic development and rapid social transformation. The pro-democratic reforms and improved prosperity in the first decade of the AKP’s rule created the opportunity for Turkey to become part of the West in terms of legal and political standards, while maintaining its cultural distinctness. However, from the point of view of Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the leader of a new Turkey, the political reforms turned out not to be a goal per se but a means to the end of achieving a monopoly on power. Once this goal was achieved, Erdogan began leading Turkey towards the status of an autocratic state focused on the Middle East and resentful towards the West. This trend is unlikely to be reversed under Erdogan’s rule. However, even if the government were to change, there would be no return to the Turkey from before the AKP era. In turn, the Turkish public will have to answer the questions regarding its civilisational identity and the vision of the political and social order.

La oportunidad de Turquía de posicionarse como líder regional ante la UE : la Primavera Árabe

Las revueltas en el Maghreb y Mashrek entre otras consecuencias han promovido la diversificación de actores en el área mediterránea, de manera que la UE ya no es el único vecino con intereses en la región. Turquía, el eterno candidato a la adhesión, ha sido designada por académicos y políticos como un modelo de Estado secular y multipartidista donde la separación entre la religión y la política representa uno de sus pilares constitucionales. Además, el Primer Ministro Recep Tayyip Erdogan se ha erigido como un líder en la región Mediterránea debido al viraje de la política turca de asuntos exteriores. En otros términos, Turquía ya no es un país completamente aliado del mundo occidental para los árabes, sino que ha asumido su responsabilidad en la escena global. Sin embargo, dicha determinación se ha alcanzado a través de actuar como un poder blando asumiendo como propio la máxima aportación europea a las relaciones internacionales.

A constitution for Erdoğan. Consequences of the political conflict in Turkey. OSW COMMENTARY No. 213, 2016-06-01

Since mid-2015 Turkey has been affected by a deep internal crisis, caused by rising political polarisation, increased levels of terrorist threat (posed by the Kurds and Islamic radicals) and the revived conflict with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK). As a consequence of this crisis, over 350,000 residents of south-eastern Turkey have been forced to leave their homes. At the same time, due to the migration crisis and despite mutual distrust in relations between Turkey and the EU, cooperation between Ankara and Brussels has been intensifying. Turkey’s ongoing destabilisation does not challenge the status of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), which is de facto controlled by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan; paradoxically, it strengthens the party. The internal crisis which the authorities have been deliberately fuelling is an element of a plan to rubber-stamp political change by introducing a presidential system of government. This is happening amid a thorough reconstruction of the socio-political order which has been underway for over a decade. In the upcoming months it is expected to result in the constitution being changed and, as a consequence, the institutionalisation of Erdoğan’s autocratic rule.

トルコにおける2015年総選挙とエルドアン体制の政策変容

In Turkey, the political system in which Recep Tayyip Erdoğan plays the most important role – the "Erdoğan regime" – has been in place since November 2002. After Erdoğan’s party, the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP), won the general elections and he became the prime minster, they were successful in maintaining the single-party administration over ten years. Even since becoming the president and devolving the premiership to Ahmet Davutoğlu in August 2014, Erdoğan has been at the center of the Turkish parliamentary system. However, in the Turkish general elections in June 2015, the AKP failed to get a majority of parliamentary seats for the first time, and the Erdoğan regime seemed to be faced with a crisis. The regime was able to regain the single-party administration in the early general elections in November 2015 by carrying out significant political change after their first electoral defeat. In this sense, for Turkey and the Erdoğan regime, the year 2015 was not only the year of the election, but also of political change. This paper analyzes these two general elections in 2015 and the changes of the political tendencies of the Erdoğan regime which have been observed since the general elections in June 2015 in particular. It also focuses on the changes in the strategies and the relationships among Turkish political actors including President Erdoğan, the AKP government, and the other major political parties.

Turkey votes: Part I - The storm before the election. EPC Commentary, 26 March 2014

At an election rally on 20 March 2014, Turkish Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, declared he wanted to “root out Twitter, no matter what the international community thought”. A few hours later Twitter was shut down. The decision backfired. Turkey’s some 12 million Twitter users immediately found ways to circumnavigate the ban; it highlighted the increasingly authoritarian trend of Erdoğan; and it brought immediate condemnation from numerous foreign leaders. The move has been viewed by many Turks as part of an operation to cover up a corruption probe that has consumed Turkey since 17 December, before key local elections on 30 March. The elections, which will be followed by Presidential election in August and political ones expected in 2015, have become a referendum on Erdoğan’s popularity, and are set to shape Turkey’s political landscape. A lot is at stake as a big win for the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) may not only be used by Erdoğan to justify his response to the corruption scandal but also risks consolidating his increasingly authoritarian style of governance.

Turkey votes: Part II - Erdoğan reloaded. EPC Commentary, 3 April 2014

On 30 March, Turkey’s ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) scooped a significant victory in local elections, taking almost 44 percent of the vote despite accusations of corruption, undermining the rule of law, fundamental rights and freedoms. While there have been claims of election fraud and the main opposition party, the Republican People’s Party (CHP), has demanded recounts in several cities including Istanbul and Ankara, it is clear that even allowing for some level of fraud the win was substantial and more than most people expected. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has reached a juncture. He has two choices: return to the path of democracy after a period of democratic back-sliding which included passing several controversial reforms such as a new internet law which led to the recent banning of Twitter and Youtube; or alternatively he can forge ahead with his much talked of revenge campaign against those he has accused of creating a “parallel state” and conspiring to remove him from power. Given that Erdoğan viewed this election as a referendum on his popularity and leadership there is a serious risk that he will do the latter; using the significant mandate given to him to do whatever he wants, including further cracking down on democracy.

Turkey votes: Part III - President Erdoğan - A foregone conclusion? EPC Commentary, 10 July 2014

On 1 July, after months of speculation, Turkey’s Prime Minister, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, announced he would run in the country’s first direct presidential elections on 10 August. Erdoğan, who has dominated Turkish politics for over a decade, is viewed as the clear favourite. With current polls suggesting he could take as much as 52% of the vote, an outright victory in the first round is possible. His main rival, Ekmeleddin İhsanoğlu, is very much the underdog. Until recently, an international diplomat with no experience in politics, he is the joint candidate of Turkey’s two main opposition parties, the Republican People’s Party (CHP) and the Nationalist Movement Party (MHP). Selahattin Demirtaş, the Co-Chairman of the Kurdish Peoples Democratic Party (HDP) is also in the race, but is not expected to make it into double digits. The Kurdish vote however, could prove to be crucial if the ballot goes to a second round on 24 August. With Erdoğan wanting to increase Presidential powers, the stakes are high. With his belief in majoritarian rule, and increasingly authoritarian style of governance there has been an erosion of democracy and civil liberties. Many observers fear this trend may increase.

The sultans of swing: Turkey's stance on integration with the European Union. OSW Point of View Number 37, November 2013

Despite a rise in anti-EU rhetoric and a growing assertiveness in Ankara’s relations with Brussels, Turkey will continue to seek closer integration with the European Union in the coming years. The current stalemate in the accession process has been a source of irritation to Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s government. Nonetheless, a complete collapse of accession talks would be a much worse scenario for the ruling AKP party. Currently, the government is primarily interested in keeping the negotiation process alive, rather than hoping to gain full membership any time soon. Erdoğan’s government will likely seek to continue the accession talks because the AKP is acutely aware of their importance for the country’s domestic politics, for its the economy, and – although to a lesser extent – for Turkey’s international standing. The opportunity to capitalise on this process will encourage the Turkish government to avoid crises in its relations with the EU, or to at least mitigate the impact of any potential diplomatic fallouts.

Turkey’s 7 June parliamentary elections – Part I. A pivotal moment for Turkey’s future. EPC Commentary, 3 June 2015

On 7 June, Turks will head to the polls to elect a new parliament. This election is a pivotal moment for Turkey’s future, with two battles being played out. While the first is about securing a majority in parliament, the second is related to President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and his goal of creating a presidential system of governance. Furthermore, the future of the Kurdish Peace Process and the stability in the southeast of the country will almost certainly hinge on the outcome. Hence, this election is a battle for Turkey's future.

The Genome Sequence of Taurine Cattle: A Window to Ruminant Biology and Evolution

To understand the biology and evolution of ruminants, the cattle genome was sequenced to about sevenfold coverage. The cattle genome contains a minimum of 22,000 genes, with a core set of 14,345 orthologs shared among seven mammalian species of which 1217 are absent or undetected in noneutherian (marsupial or monotreme) genomes. Cattle-specific evolutionary breakpoint regions in chromosomes have a higher density of segmental duplications, enrichment of repetitive elements, and species-specific variations in genes associated with lactation and immune responsiveness. Genes involved in metabolism are generally highly conserved, although five metabolic genes are deleted or extensively diverged from their human orthologs. The cattle genome sequence thus provides a resource for understanding mammalian evolution and accelerating livestock genetic improvement for milk and meat production.

Projeto vida

Trata-se de um projeto de recep????o e atendimento ao p??blico, elaborado a partir da necessidade de humanizar e dinamizar o atendimento m??dico no Posto de Atendimento M??dico do M??ier (PAM-M??IER - Unidade de urg??ncia). O Projeto Vida, desenvolvido por uma equipe multiprofissional, em um ano de atendimento conseguiu: reduzir as filas de espera em 31,1 %, ou seja, um ter??o da clientela foi atendida sem demora nem burocracia; dar prioridade a casos graves e resolver de forma r??pida os casos simples e/ou que n??o necessitem de consulta m??dica. O projeto em pauta, foi o caminho alternativo para solucionar os problemas decorrentes do aumento progressivo da clientela e do d??ficit de recursos humanos em uma unidade de sa??de emergencial

Concess??o de bolsas de doutorado no CNPq: o primeiro julgamento sem papel

A experi??ncia consistiu na implementa????o de esquema de recep????o e tratamento de formul??rios de solicita????o de bolsas de doutorado no CNPq eliminando totalmente o uso de papel. Fazendo uso do software de gerenciamento de imagens KeyFile, acoplado ao sistema de ger??ncia de bancos de dados Oracle, e de um conjunto de softwares desenvolvidos no CNPq e por empresas contratadas, o fluxo de julgamento de bolsas de doutorado, desde a recep????o do formul??rio de solicita????o at?? a implementa????o e pagamento das bolsas, passando por todas as etapas intermedi??rias de forma????o de processo e julgamento de m??rito, foi montado em ambiente inteiramente virtual. Mesas virtuais de trabalho, acomodando processos virtuais, organizados em caixas e arquivos virtuais, est??o dispon??veis aos t??cnicos do CNPq e membros da comunidade cient??fica envolvidos nos fluxos de concess??o de bolsas. Os formul??rios de solicita????o podem ser conseguidos e enviados pelos interessados por meio da Internet (ou em disquetes por correio normal),sendo que todo o processo de montagem de processos ?? feito virtual e automaticamente. Utilizando-se t??cnicas de refer??ncias a imagens, os processos tramitam sem sair do arquivo virtual em que s??o armazenados