986 resultados para Ruiz, Vanessa, 1950-
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Shipping list no.: 95-0043-P.
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The use of capacitors for electrical energy storage actually predates the invention of the battery. Alessandro Volta is attributed with the invention of the battery in 1800, where he first describes a battery as an assembly of plates of two different materials (such as copper and zinc) placed in an alternating stack and separated by paper soaked in brine or vinegar [1]. Accordingly, this device was referred to as Volta’s pile and formed the basis of subsequent revolutionary research and discoveries on the chemical origin of electricity. Before the advent of Volta’s pile, however, eighteenth century researchers relied on the use of Leyden jars as a source of electrical energy. Built in the mid-1700s at the University of Leyden in Holland, a Leyden jar is an early capacitor consisting of a glass jar coated inside and outside with a thin layer of silver foil [2, 3]. With the outer foil being grounded, the inner foil could be charged with an electrostatic generator, or a source of static electricity, and could produce a strong electrical discharge from a small and comparatively simple device.
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La península coreana ha sido desde la Guerra Fría y a la actualidad una zona convulsionada por intereses políticos, económicos e ideológicos. Ese panorama obliga un análisis sobre la configuración y los cambios que se han dado entre las potencias actuales, China y Estados Unidos, desde la existencia de un programa nuclear norcoreano que afecta a Corea del Sur y la definición de los intereses de Beijin y Washington.
Crescimento, alocação de recursos e requerimento de nutrientes em Heteranthera reniformis Ruiz e Pav
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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)
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Incluye Bibliografía
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Purpose: This study provides insight into the histories and current statuses of queer community archives in California and explores what the archives profession can learn from the queer community archives and archivists. Through the construction of histories of three community archives (GLBT Historical Society; Lavender Library, Archives, and Cultural Exchange of Sacramento, Inc.; and ONE National Gay & Lesbian Archives), the study discovered why these independent, community-based archives were created, the issues that influenced their evolution, and the similarities and differences among them. Additionally, it compared the community archives to institutional archives which collect queer materials to explore the similarities and differences among the archives and determine possible implications for the archives profession. Significance: The study contributes to the literature in several significant ways: it is the first in-depth comparative history of the queer community archives; it adds to the cross-disciplinary research in archives and history; it contributes to the current debates on the nature of the archives and the role of the professional archivist; and it has implications for changing archival practice. Methodology: This study used social constructionism for epistemological positioning and new social history theory for theoretical framework. Information was gathered through seven oral history interviews with community archivists and volunteers and from materials in the archives’ collections. This evidence was used to construct the histories of the archives and determine their current statuses. The institutional archives used in the comparisons are the: University of California, Berkeley’s Bancroft Library; University of California, Santa Cruz’s Special Collections and University Archives; and San Francisco Public Library’s James C. Hormel Gay and Lesbian Center. The collection policies, finding aids, and archival collections related to the queer communities at the institutional and community archives were compared to determine commonalities and differences among the archives. Findings: The findings revealed striking similarities in the histories of the community archives and important implications for the archives’ survival and their relevancy to the archives profession. Each archives was started by an individual or small group collecting materials to preserve history that would otherwise have been lost as institutional archives were not collecting queer materials. These private collections grew and became the basis for the community archives. The community archives differ in their staffing models, circulation policies, and descriptive practices. The community archives have grown to incorporate more public programming functions than most institutional archives. While in the past, the community archives had little connection to institutional archives, today they have varying degrees of partnerships. However, the historical lack of collecting queer materials by institutional archives makes some members of the communities reluctant to donate materials to institutional archives or collaborate with them. All three queer community archives are currently managed by professionally trained and educated archivists and face financial issues impacting their continued survival. The similarities and differences between the community and institutional archives include differences in collection policies, language differences in the finding aids, and differing levels of relationships between the archives. However, they share similar sensitivity in the use of language in describing the queer communities and overlap in the types of materials collected. Implications: This study supports previous research on community archives showing that communities take the preservation of history into their own hands when ignored by mainstream archives (Flinn, 2007; Flinn & Stevens, 2009; Nestle, 1990). Based on the study’s findings, institutional archivists could learn from their community archivist counterparts better ways to become involved in and relevant to the communities whose records they possess. This study also expands the understanding of history of the queer communities to include in-depth research into the archives which preserve and make available material for constructing history. Furthermore, this study supports reflective practice for archivists, especially in terms of descriptions used in finding aids. It also supports changes in graduate education for archives students to enable archivists in the United States to be more fully cognizant of community archives and able to engage in collaborative, international projects. Through this more activist role of the archivists, partnerships between the community and institutional archives would be built to establish more collaborative, respectful relationships with the communities in this post-custodial age of the archives (Stevens, Flinn, & Shepherd, 2010). Including community archives in discussions of archival practice and theory is one way of ensuring archives represent and serve a diversity of voices.
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Background The Global Burden of Disease, Injuries, and Risk Factor study 2013 (GBD 2013) is the first of a series of annual updates of the GBD. Risk factor quantification, particularly of modifiable risk factors, can help to identify emerging threats to population health and opportunities for prevention. The GBD 2013 provides a timely opportunity to update the comparative risk assessment with new data for exposure, relative risks, and evidence on the appropriate counterfactual risk distribution. Methods Attributable deaths, years of life lost, years lived with disability, and disability-adjusted life-years (DALYs) have been estimated for 79 risks or clusters of risks using the GBD 2010 methods. Risk–outcome pairs meeting explicit evidence criteria were assessed for 188 countries for the period 1990–2013 by age and sex using three inputs: risk exposure, relative risks, and the theoretical minimum risk exposure level (TMREL). Risks are organised into a hierarchy with blocks of behavioural, environmental and occupational, and metabolic risks at the first level of the hierarchy. The next level in the hierarchy includes nine clusters of related risks and two individual risks, with more detail provided at levels 3 and 4 of the hierarchy. Compared with GBD 2010, six new risk factors have been added: handwashing practices, occupational exposure to trichloroethylene, childhood wasting, childhood stunting, unsafe sex, and low glomerular filtration rate. For most risks, data for exposure were synthesised with a Bayesian meta-regression method, DisMod-MR 2.0, or spatial-temporal Gaussian process regression. Relative risks were based on meta-regressions of published cohort and intervention studies. Attributable burden for clusters of risks and all risks combined took into account evidence on the mediation of some risks such as high body-mass index (BMI) through other risks such as high systolic blood pressure and high cholesterol. Findings All risks combined account for 57·2% (95% uncertainty interval [UI] 55·8–58·5) of deaths and 41·6% (40·1–43·0) of DALYs. Risks quantified account for 87·9% (86·5–89·3) of cardiovascular disease DALYs, ranging to a low of 0% for neonatal disorders and neglected tropical diseases and malaria. In terms of global DALYs in 2013, six risks or clusters of risks each caused more than 5% of DALYs: dietary risks accounting for 11·3 million deaths and 241·4 million DALYs, high systolic blood pressure for 10·4 million deaths and 208·1 million DALYs, child and maternal malnutrition for 1·7 million deaths and 176·9 million DALYs, tobacco smoke for 6·1 million deaths and 143·5 million DALYs, air pollution for 5·5 million deaths and 141·5 million DALYs, and high BMI for 4·4 million deaths and 134·0 million DALYs. Risk factor patterns vary across regions and countries and with time. In sub-Saharan Africa, the leading risk factors are child and maternal malnutrition, unsafe sex, and unsafe water, sanitation, and handwashing. In women, in nearly all countries in the Americas, north Africa, and the Middle East, and in many other high-income countries, high BMI is the leading risk factor, with high systolic blood pressure as the leading risk in most of Central and Eastern Europe and south and east Asia. For men, high systolic blood pressure or tobacco use are the leading risks in nearly all high-income countries, in north Africa and the Middle East, Europe, and Asia. For men and women, unsafe sex is the leading risk in a corridor from Kenya to South Africa. Interpretation Behavioural, environmental and occupational, and metabolic risks can explain half of global mortality and more than one-third of global DALYs providing many opportunities for prevention. Of the larger risks, the attributable burden of high BMI has increased in the past 23 years. In view of the prominence of behavioural risk factors, behavioural and social science research on interventions for these risks should be strengthened. Many prevention and primary care policy options are available now to act on key risks.
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The main focus of the research is on the genealogy of women's same-sex fornication in Finnish criminal law from 1889/1894 to 1971. Why were women included in the concept of same-sex fornication in Finland and why, where, and when was the law put into effect? Which women were tried, how did the trial proceedings evolve, and what kind of effects did the trials have afterwards? Which concepts were used? These questions have been approached through the analysis of the Finnish Penal Code, the criminal law science and four trial proceedings in Eastern Finland during the 1950s. The research draws on the epistemology of the closet and the concept of heteronormativity adapted from queer theories. It is method critical in utilising ethnography, micro history and feminist ethical self-reflection. The research consists of six scientific refereed articles (see appendix) and of a theoretical introduction. The main results of the research are: 1) The genealogy of Finnish decency [Sittlichkeit] can not be researched without oral histories, due to the late modernisation of Finnish society and the legal system, which does not follow the pattern of English, French and German societies. 2) The inclusion of women's same-sex fornication in the Finnish Penal Code is not incomprehensible when compared to the early modern European legislations and court practices. Women have been punished for the sins of Sodom, though not directly under the 1734 Swedish law. 3) Fornication and decency were ambivalent concepts in the 1889/1894 law, and juridical authorities offered controversial interpretations of them during the late 19th and early 20th centuries. 4) A peak in women's convictions occurred in the 1950s, and most of the trial proceedings took place in rural Eastern Finland. Neither the state nor the police were active in prosecuting; instead, the trial proceedings began "by accident". 5) From 1940 to 1960 police training lacked instructions concerning the interrogation of women suspected of same-sex fornication. 6) The figure of the penitent woman was produced in the chiasmic encounter of confession and police interrogation which moulded and was moulded by the epistemological matrix of shame, honour, and decency. Women's speech acts were judicialised as confessions which enabled the disciplinary tampering with the women's bodies. 7) Gender and personality, more than sexuality, or "criminality" defined the status of the convicted women in their village communities after the trials. 8) Relations between police training, sexuality, and decency have not been well researched in Finland. 9) Decriminalisation in 1971 did not mark the end of homophobic legal discourse, even though the 1999 reform of sexual crimes took the form of gender neutral conceptualisation
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"Interior Design is Like Handwriting." Carin Bryggman and Lasse Ollinkari as Interior Designers in the 1940s and 1950s My dissertation deals with the emergence of the interior designer's profession in Finland with focus on the 1940s and 1950s, the postwar years of reconstruction and modernism, as the historical context. The topic is addressed at both the collective and individual levels. Specific subjects of study are the training of interior designers (also known as interior architects), the association of Finnish interior architects (Sisustusarkkitehdit SIO), the professional field and its public image and two leading designers, Carin Bryggman (1920 1993) and Lasse Ollinkari (1921 1993). Though respected figures within the field, Bryggman and Ollinkari have otherwise remained little known and studied. My study presents a great deal of new empiria. The main materials consist of the documents of related institutions and the archives of Bryggman and Ollinkari, in which drawings and photographs figure prominently. The drawings illustrate in a new way the variety of professional tasks in the field. My results are also based on a large body of interviewed material. The materials are approached from two theoretical perspectives, with gender and margins as core concepts from the perspective of women's studies. The even gender division of Finnish interior designers revealed a difference with regard to neighbouring occupations and other countries. I claim that the division of tasks was not defined by gender. The second theoretical basis is the sociological study of professions. The high professional status achieved by interior designers is shown by the fact that of the many related titles in Finnish and Swedish, such as "furniture draughtsman" or "interior artist", interior architect became the established one, despite opposition from architects. My hypothesis that the professionalization of interior designers took place during the two postwar decades proved to be correct. The profession emerged through specialized education and became established with the founding of its own professional organization. From the outset, the goal was to mark a distinction between professionals of interior and furniture design and other designers and architects. Interior designers became a strong and successful modern professional group, involved in a wide range of projects from objects to interiors. Keywords: interior designers, interior architects, interior art, occupations, gender, professions, interior design, furniture, home, public space, Carin Bryggman, Lasse Ollinkari, the Sisustusarkkitehdit SIO association, 1940s and 1950s, reconstruction, modernism.
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Towards Lyrical Abstraction Anitra Lucander s Modernism in the 1950s Anitra Lucander (1918-2000) was one of the early pioneers of abstract art in Finland. During the Second World War Finnish art and cultural life was isolated and stagnated and figurative art was still dominant after the war. In the late 1940s and early 1950s, new international abstract art movements started to come to Finland. Anitra Lucander was one of the artists of the younger generation after the war who took an interest in the abstract movements in the early 1950s. At the beginning of the 1950s, abstract art came to Finland primarily in the form of Concretism, but simultaneously, a more delicate abstract movement emerged, and Anitra Lucander was among those cultivating such conceptions in her art. In this thesis, I observe and analyze through Anitra Lucander s art this central movement in Finnish modern art that has not yet been extensively studied. I examine how Anitra Lucander s art connects with the style change in Finnish art. I scrutinize the factors that affected Lucander and turned her towards abstract expression, and the effect her art had on emergence of abstract art in Finland. I will also consider the development of her art, the reception and critique of her art and the effect the critique had on her position in the 1950s art world. Because of a lack of earlier studies, I will undertake basic research, relying on empirical primary source material, where the starting point is to place the phenomenon under examination in the historical and cultural context. The most significant study materials are the artist s paintings and graphics from 1948 to 1960, newspaper and magazine articles from the same era, archive sources and interviews with Lucander s relatives, fellow artists and friends. An interesting aspect of the topic is the fact that Anitra Lucander was the only woman among the important pioneers of early Finnish abstract art. Through Lucander s art, I also examine the position of female artists in the tradition of Modernism as well as in the Finnish art world of the 1950s. This theoretical background is provided by the studies of feminist art historians, such as Marsha Meskimmon, Gill Perry, Griselda Pollock and Anne Middleton Wagner. Lucander s position in the male-dominated Finnish art scene of the 1950s, and how she achieved her position, emerges as one of the central themes of the study. I will also observe whether gender is evident in Lucander s art and expression, as well as her reception and critique compared to the reception of her male colleagues art. From a woman s point of view, I reveal the masculine rhetoric and gendered attitudes in the critique of the era. As a theoretical and methodological frame of reference, I use discourse analysis. Anitra Lucander encountered modernistic, international art movements during her journeys to Paris in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Her art evolved from the geometric Concretism of the early decade towards more delicate and painterly abstract expression. After the mid-1950s, she had developed her signature expression; through Cubism and a collage technique, she developed in her painting a delicate, coloristic imagery, which can be characterized as Lyrical Abstraction. Lucander did not consider abstract expression to be categorical, but saw the abstract and the nonfigurative as equals: the line between the abstract and the figurative is very often fleeting in her art. Already in her own time, Lucander achieved a position as one of the most talented young artists of her generation and her work was included in significant exhibitions. This success can definitely be attributed to the fact that she embraced Modernism in its extreme form, abstraction, already at the beginning of her career and networked with male painters who shared her outlook and modernistic expression. For her, this was either a conscious or an unconscious method of adapting to the male-dominated Finnish art field in the 1950s. In spite of acclaim and attention, Lucander had to encounter the gendered attitudes in the critique of the time, and her art was often perceived through stereotypical views as overly feminine and dependent. However, with her art, Lucander played an important role in the breakthrough for colorism and abstract art in Finland in the 1950s.
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The dissertation examines the power mechanisms and institutional power hierarchies of the 1940s-1950s era arts elite in Helsinki and their influence on issues of taste in the visual arts. For the purposes of this study, the elite is understood to consist mainly of the board members of the principal elected bodies in the field of the arts. The theoretical framework employed is based on Pierre Bourdieu s field theory and the network perspective. The author has examined what the key, pervasive valuations were that governed the exercising of power by the arts elite in issues of taste, involving determination of who was an acknowledged artist and what was good art. The dissertation demonstrates that this exercising of power was governed by certain collective practices which maintained the illusion that the exercising of power was democratic and based on artistic quality. These practices were the corporate system, using artistic arguments in issues of taste, and using networks in the exercising of power. The struggle in the field of the arts was about who ultimately was entitled to define the value of contemporary art; the issue did not arise regarding historical art. Artists managed to gain a leading position as gatekeepers in issues regarding contemporary art. The author discusses a number of conflicts in the field of the arts that highlight the institutional hierarchies and the capital held by the various players. The structural changes that occurred in administration in the field of cultural production in the 1950s led to the separation of bureaucratic competence on the one hand and aesthetic competence on the other. There was a hierarchy in the field of the arts between institutions, between instruments of legitimisation, and between the symbolic and social capital of players in the field. The hierarchy in the arts ultimately depended on how well the elite could influence tastes through the instruments at their disposal. The various instruments of legitimisation grants, purchases, etc. were ranked differently in the evaluation of acknowledged artists and good art. The dissertation discusses what values, in the form of types of symbolic capital, the arts elite embraced and what role these played in the elite s exercising of power, with particular focus on gender, language, region and economic capital. The aesthetic capital of an artist was of only minor importance in the exercising of power by the arts elite. The dissertation further discusses the points of contact between the arts elite and players in other fields, such as the economic, media and consumer fields. When the arts elite, through the Academy of Fine Arts, became an active player in the art market, this led to a hierarchy where the division between acknowledged and not-acknowledged galleries became sharper.