952 resultados para False Anglicisms


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Many works have already dealt with anglicisms in Spanish, especially in science and information technologies. However, despite the high and growing number of English terms incorporated daily by the language of fashion, it has received comparative less attention in lexicographic and terminological studies than that of other areas, such as science or business. For several reasons, which include prestige or peer pressure, Spanish has not only adopted English words with new meanings and usage, but also contains other forms based on English patterns which users seem to consider more accurate or expressive. This paper concentrates on false anglicisms as indicators of some of the special relationships and influences between languages arising from the pervasive presence of English. We shall look at the Spanish language of fashion, which, in addition to genuine anglicisms, has for some time been using English words with different meanings, or even created items of its own (or imported them from other languages) with the appearance of English words. These false anglicisms, which have proven extremely popular in receiving languages (not only in Spanish) have frequently been disseminated by youth magazines and the new digital media, both in general spheres and in fashion-specific contexts.

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False Anglicisms are words which technically are not part of the English language, but "seem" English, due to their shape or resemblance to English words. These are usually the result of new creations/coinages in other languages and/or semantic shifts. Due to the use of English as a Lingua Franca, it is becoming quite common to come across these words in English with the "re-imported" shape and meaning they bring from other languages.

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Over the past decades, many studies have dealt with Anglicisms in Spanish, not only in science and technology, but also in other areas such as business, fashion and even sports. However, in spite of the large number of works on Spanish Anglicisms in sports, these have often disregarded the distinction between Anglicisms and false Anglicisms. Given their importance as evidence of the particular relationships between languages, this article focuses on the use of false Anglicisms in the Spanish language of sports, which has not only adopted English words giving them new meanings and usage, but has also either imported items with an English appearance from other languages or created its own forms based on English patterns. Although these false Anglicisms, which have proven extremely popular in various European languages (not only Spanish), have frequently been used and disseminated, as some examples will prove, little attention has been paid to their differences with the English term or their non-English origin.

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For references, please quote the full paper as published in the above journal.

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There is no question nowadays as to the international and powerful status of English at a global scale and, consequently, as to its presence in non-English speaking countries at different levels. Linguistically speaking, English is one of the languages which have mostly influenced Spanish throughout its history and especially from the late 1960s. In this study, the impact of English on Spanish is considered in the language of sports; particularly, sports Anglicisms and false Anglicisms are analysed. Due attention is paid to the different forms that an Anglicism may adopt and to which of those forms are more widely accepted or rejected by prescriptivists and speakers at large, in the light of a contrastive analysis of their appearance in the Nuevo diccionario de anglicismos, the Diccionario de la Real Academia Española and the Corpus de Referencia del Español Actual.

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As has been the case with other European languages, Spanish has welcomed the arrival of English words, in spite of all purist efforts to the contrary. Moreover, it has not only adopted and adapted true Anglicisms but it has also created other forms based on English patterns, such mechanisms particularly visible in the fashion jargon in Spanish. In this paper we focus on -ing forms in the Spanish language of fashion, which may at times be genuine Anglicisms (formal or semantic ones) or false Anglicisms (analogical creations, that is, English-looking lexical elements), found in Spanish editions of fashion magazines such as Vogue, Elle, InStyle, Grazia, Glamour, and Cosmopolitan. The main aim of this study is to qualitatively analyse and classify -ing Anglicisms and false Anglicisms in the aforementioned jargon in order to establish whether the impact of English in the Spanish fashion jargon is so important as to replace native words and expressions.

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Following and contributing to the ongoing shift from more structuralist, system-oriented to more pragmatic, socio-cultural oriented anglicism research, this paper verifies to what extent the global spread of English affects naming patterns in Flanders. To this end, a diachronic database of first names is constructed, containing the top 75 most popular boy and girl names from 2005 until 2014. In a first step, the etymological background of these names is documented and the evolution in popularity of the English names in the database is tracked. Results reveal no notable surge in the preference for English names. This paper complements these database-driven results with an experimental study, aiming to show how associations through referents are in this case more telling than associations through phonological form (here based on etymology). Focusing on the socio-cultural background of first names in general and of Anglo-American pop culture in particular, the second part of the study specifically reports on results from a survey where participants are asked to name the first three celebrities that leap to mind when hearing a certain first name (e.g. Lana, triggering the response Del Rey). Very clear associations are found between certain first names and specific celebrities from Anglo-American pop culture. Linking back to marketing research and the social turn in onomastics, we will discuss how these celebrities might function as referees, and how social stereotypes surrounding these referees are metonymically attached to their first names. Similar to the country-of-origin-effect in marketing, these metonymical links could very well be the reason why parents select specific “celebrity names”. Although further attitudinal research is needed, this paper supports the importance of including socio-cultural parameters when conducting onomastic research.

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The aim of this study was to investigate the association between false belief comprehension, the exhibition of pretend play and the use of mental state terms in pre-school children. Ferry children, aged between 36 and 54 months were videotaped engaging in free play with each parent. The exhibit-ion of six distinct acts of pretend play and the expression of 16 mental sr:ate terms were coded during play. Each child was also administered a pantomime task and three standard false belief casks. Reliable associations were also found between false belief performance and the pretence categories of object substitution and role assignment, and the exhibition of imaginary object pantomimes. Moreover, the use of mental state terms was positively correlated with false belief and the pretence categories of object substitution, imaginary play and role assignment, and negatively correlated with the exhibition of body part object pantomimes. These findings indicate that the development of a mental state lexicon and some, bur not all, components of pretend play are dependent on the capacity for metarepresentational cognition.

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The detection of replicative intermediate RNAs as markers of active replication of RNA viruses is an essential tool to investigate pathogenesis in acute viral infections, as well as in their long-term sequelae. In this regard, strand-specific PCR has been used widely to distinguish (-) and (+) enteroviral RNAs in pathogenesis studies of diseases such as dilated cardiomyopathy. It has been generally assumed that oligonucleotide-primed reverse transcription of a given RNA generates only the corresponding specific cDNA, thus assuring the specificity of a PCR product amplified from it. Nevertheless, such assumed strand-specificity is a fallacy, because falsely primed cDNAs can be produced by RNA reverse transcription in the absence of exogenously added primers, (cDNA(primer)(-)), and such falsely primed cDNAs are amplifiable by PCR in the same way as the correctly primed cDNAs. Using as a prototype the coxsackievirus B5 (CVB5), a (+) strand RNA virus, it was shown that cDNA(primer)(-) renders the differential detection of viral (-) and (+) RNAs by conventional PCR virtually impossible, due to gross non-specificity. Using in vitro transcribed CVB5 RNAs (+) and (-), it was shown that cDNA(primer)(-) could be removed effectively by magnetic physical separation of correctly primed biotinylated cDNA. Such strategy enabled truly strand-specific detection of RNA (-) and (+), not only for CVB5, but also for other non-polio enteroviruses. These findings indicate that previous conclusions supporting a role for the persistence of actively replicating enterovirus in the pathogenesis of chronic myocarditis should be regarded with strong skepticism and purification of correctly primed cDNA should be used for strand-specific PCR of viral RNA in order to obtain reliable information on this important subject. (C) 2009 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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Theory-of-mind concepts in children with deafness, autism, and normal development (N = 154) were examined in three experiments using a set of standard inferential false-belief tasks and matched sets of tasks involving false drawings. Results of all three experiments replicated previously published findings by showing that primary school children with deafness or autism, aged 6 to 13 years, scored significantly lower than normal-developing 4-year-old preschoolers on standard misleading-container and unseen-change tests of false-belief understanding. Furthermore, deaf and autistic children generally scored higher on drawing-based tests than on corresponding standard tests and, on the most challenging of the false-drawing tests in Experiment 2, they significantly outperformed the normal-developing preschoolers by clearly understanding their own false intentions and another person's false beliefs about an actively misleading drawing. In Experiment 3, preschoolers; outperformed older deaf and autistic children on standard tasks, but did less well on a task that required the drawing of a false belief. Methodological factors could not fully explain the findings, but early social and conversational experiences in the family were deemed likely contributors.

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Abstract: in Portugal, and in much of the legal systems of Europe, «legal persons» are likely to be criminally responsibilities also for cybercrimes. Like for example the following crimes: «false information»; «damage on other programs or computer data»; «computer-software sabotage»; «illegitimate access»; «unlawful interception» and «illegitimate reproduction of protected program». However, in Portugal, have many exceptions. Exceptions to the «question of criminal liability» of «legal persons». Some «legal persons» can not be blamed for cybercrime. The legislature did not leave! These «legal persons» are v.g. the following («public entities»): legal persons under public law, which include the public business entities; entities utilities, regardless of ownership; or other legal persons exercising public powers. In other words, and again as an example, a Portuguese public university or a private concessionaire of a public service in Portugal, can not commit (in Portugal) any one of cybercrime pointed. Fair? Unfair. All laws should provide that all legal persons can commit cybercrimes. PS: resumo do artigo em inglês.