Análisis de la importancia estratégica de Colombia en la política exterior de Brasil entre 2003 y 2009

El objetivo de este trabajo fue identificar en qué forma la política regional de Brasil entre 2003 y 2009 ha enfrentado la importancia estratégica de Colombia. Esta investigación cualitativa de carácter descriptivo, se abordo desde una visión de la Estabilidad Hegemónica y Cambio Sistémico, dándole un carácter multidimensional al poder de los Estados, con el uso de las categorías Soft Power (Nye) y el Hard Power económico y sus implicaciones en la Economía Política Internacional (Gilpin). Se abordó, como el proyecto que desarrolló el gobierno Lula, para transformar a Brasil de media a gran potencia o jugador global, enfrenta uno de sus mayores obstáculos en la región y particularmente en Colombia, dándole a este, una posición estratégica con respecto a la aspiración de envergadura global. Frente a esto, durante el 2003 – 2009 desde la relaciona binacional, se han buscado mecanismo de acercamiento en los ejes comercial, seguridad y diálogo.

La política exterior turca en el marco del Complejo de Seguridad Regional de Medio Oriente. Del soft power al smart power. (2002 - 2013)

Dada la confluencia de Turquía en Asia, Medio Oriente, los Balcanes y Europa, el gobierno está en la necesidad de responder a los desafíos de ser un Estado pivote. Es en este punto donde su política exterior se convierte en la mayor herramienta para sobresalir y sobrevivir en un ambiente heterogéneo. El objetivo de esta monografía de grado es analizar la política exterior turca en el marco del Complejo de Seguridad Regional de Medio Oriente a partir de los aportes de la Escuela de Copenhague y su Teoría de los Complejos de Seguridad Regional, para comprender sus estrategias de soft y hard power en su política exterior a fin de analizar si se consolidó un smart power que permita posicionar a Turquía en una potencia regional.

Soft power as the new norm: How the Chinese-Russian strategic partnership (soft) balances American hegemony in an era of unipolarity

This study explores how great powers not allied with the United States formulate their grand strategies in a unipolar international system. Specifically, it analyzes the strategies China and Russia have developed to deal with U.S. hegemony by examining how Moscow and Beijing have responded to American intervention in Central Asia. The study argues that China and Russia have adopted a soft balancing strategy of to indirectly balance the United States at the regional level. This strategy uses normative capabilities such as soft power, alternative institutions and regionalization to offset the overwhelming material hardware of the hegemon. The theoretical and methodological approach of this dissertation is neoclassical realism. Chinese and Russian balancing efforts against the United States are based on their domestic dynamics as well as systemic constraints. Neoclassical realism provides a bridge between the internal characteristics of states and the environment which those states are situated. Because China and Russia do not have the hardware (military or economic power) to directly challenge the United States, they must resort to their software (soft power and norms) to indirectly counter American preferences and set the agenda to obtain their own interests. Neoclassical realism maintains that soft power is an extension of hard power and a reflection of the internal makeup of states. The dissertation uses the heuristic case study method to demonstrate the efficacy of soft balancing. Such case studies help to facilitate theory construction and are not necessarily the demonstrable final say on how states behave under given contexts. Nevertheless, it finds that China and Russia have increased their soft power to counterbalance the United States in certain regions of the world, Central Asia in particular. The conclusion explains how soft balancing can be integrated into the overall balance-of-power framework to explain Chinese and Russian responses to U.S. hegemony. It also suggests that an analysis of norms and soft power should be integrated into the study of grand strategy, including both foreign policy and military doctrine.

China's space program : a new tool for PRC "soft power" in international relations?

When China launched an anti-satellite (ASAT) weapon in January 2007 to destroy one of its inactive weather satellites, most reactions from academics and U.S. space experts focused on a potential military “space race” between the United States and China. Overlooked, however, is China’s growing role as global competitor on the non-military side of space. China’s space program goes far beyond military counterspace applications and manifests manned space aspirations, including lunar exploration. Its pursuit of both commercial and scientific international space ventures constitutes a small, yet growing, percentage of the global space launch and related satellite service industry. It also highlights China’s willingness to cooperate with nations far away from Asia for political and strategic purposes. These partnerships may constitute a challenge to the United States and enhance China’s “soft power” among key American allies and even in some regions traditionally dominated by U.S. influence (e.g., Latin America and Africa). Thus, an appropriate U.S. response may not lie in a “hard power” counterspace effort but instead in a revival of U.S. space outreach of the past, as well as implementation of more business-friendly export control policies.

Reinforcement Learning approaches to Economic Dispatch problem

This paper presents Reinforcement Learning (RL) approaches to Economic Dispatch problem. In this paper, formulation of Economic Dispatch as a multi stage decision making problem is carried out, then two variants of RL algorithms are presented. A third algorithm which takes into consideration the transmission losses is also explained. Efficiency and flexibility of the proposed algorithms are demonstrated through different representative systems: a three generator system with given generation cost table, IEEE 30 bus system with quadratic cost functions, 10 generator system having piecewise quadratic cost functions and a 20 generator system considering transmission losses. A comparison of the computation times of different algorithms is also carried out.

Desarticulando el soft power ruso en Ucrania durante el período 2004 y 2013

La Revolución Naranja de 2004 puede ser considerada un punto de inflexión en el manejo de la política exterior del gobierno de Vladímir Putin. Pues, le demostró que para recuperar el prestigio ruso en el espacio que consideraba propio (postsoviético) se debía abandonar la tendencia de definir la política exterior en términos de hard power e incluir elementos del soft power. De ahí que, el propósito de esta monografía es analizar los factores que afectan la aplicación del soft power como un instrumento de la política exterior rusa enfocada al establecimiento de la hegemonía del Kremlin en Ucrania entre el período 2004 y 2013. Para ello, a partir de la propuesta constructivista de Theodore Hopf se identifican tres elementos interconectados: la figura de Vladímir Putin, la sociedad ucraniana, y, específicamente, la identidad compartida entre Rusia y la población conformada por rusos étnicos y personas afines con la cultura rusa.

El crecimiento económico de corea del sur y sus posibilidades de alterar el equilibrio en Asia-Pacífico

El interés de esta monografía es analizar el crecimiento económico de Corea del Sur y sus posibilidades de alterar el equilibrio en la región de Asia-Pacífico. A partir de los conceptos de poder duro y equilibrio de poder propuestos por Joseph Nye y Ernst Haas, se examinan los principales hitos del proceso de desarrollo nacional y se determina en qué sentido el incremento del poder duro nacional le permite a este país posicionarse como una potencia regional en ascenso. Así mismo, se evalúan los procesos de liderazgo regional de China y Japón que impiden a Corea del Sur alterar sustancialmente el equilibrio de poder en esta región del mundo.

Alcances y limitaciones de Al Jazeera como herramienta de Soft Power. Qatar 2005- 2013

El interés de este estudio de caso es mostrar cómo Al Jazeera es utilizada como herramienta de Soft Power por parte de Qatar en su política exterior en Medio Oriente y con Estados Unidos. Se analiza y explica el concepto de Soft Power de Joseph Nye y se aplica a la política exterior qatarí y su relación con la labor informativa de Al Jazeera. Se explican diversos ejemplos en los que la cobertura de Al Jazeera tuvo consecuencias en la política exterior de Qatar y cómo Qatar adecuó su agenda para garantizar su poder sin sacrificar su seguridad. Así mismo la relación entre e Soft Power y el Hard Power y el equilibrio necesario actualmente para lograr los objetivos en política exterior de Qatar.

A cultura norte-americana como um instrumento do soft power dos Estados Unidos: o caso do Brasil durante a política de boa vizinhança

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

The EU’s comprehensive approach towards security: the Lisbon Treaty and “smart power”. EU Centre Singpore Policy Brief No. 6, May 2013

The European Union (EU) has increasingly become a comprehensive security actor. With the development of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), including the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) as a reaction to the failure of the EU to act during the wars in Yugoslavia/Western Balkans in the 1990s, the EU has a wide range of instruments for crisis prevention, crisis management as well as post-crisis intervention at its disposal. Observers typically agree that “hard power” is no longer sufficient to address the complex security challenges of today’s world while the EU, often criticised for only utilising “soft power”, is now able to exercise “smart power”. Through a comprehensive approach, facilitated by the Lisbon Treaty, the EU can now use the various instruments at its disposal, such as diplomacy, development aid, humanitarian assistance, trade, sanctions, international cooperation and crisis management capabilities in a joined-up manner. This mix of tools and instruments is helping the EU to achieve the aim set out in its European Security Strategy: “a secure Europe in a better world”.

The European Union and global governance:a handbook

The role of the European Union in global politics has been of growing interest over the past decade. The EU is a key player in global institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO) and NATO. It continues to construct an emerging identity and project its values and interests throughout contemporary international relations. The capacity of the EU to both formulate and realise its goals, however, remains contested. Some scholars claim the EU’s `soft power’ attitude rivals that of the USA’s `hard power’ approach to international relations. Others view the EU as insufficiently able to produce a co-ordinated position to project upon global politics. Regardless of the position taken within this debate, the EU’s relationship with its external partners has an increasingly important impact upon economic, political and security concerns on an international level. Trade negotiations, military interventions, democracy promotion, international development and responses to the global economic crisis have all witnessed the EU playing a central role. This has seen the EU become both a major force in contemporary institutions of global governance and a template for supranational governance that might influence other attempts to construct regional and global institutions. This volume brings together a collection of leading EU scholars to provide a state-of-the-art overview covering these and other debates relating to the EU’s role in contemporary global governance. The Handbook is divided into four main sections: Part I: European studies and global governance – provides an overview and critical assessment of the leading theoretical approaches through which the EU’s role in global governance has been addressed within the literature. Part II: Institutions – examines the role played by the key EU institutions in pursuing a role for the EU in contemporary international relations. Part III: Policy and issue areas – explores developments within particular policy sectors, assessing the different impact that the EU has had in different issue areas, including foreign and security policy, environmental policy, common commercial policy, the Common Agricultural Policy, development policy, accession policy, the Neighbourhood Policy and conflict transformation. Part IV: The global multilevel governance complex and the EU – focuses on the relationship between the EU and the institutions, regions and countries with which it forms a global multilevel governance complex, including chapters on the EU’s relationship with the WTO, United Nations, East Asia, Africa and the USA.

Introduction

The role of the European Union in global politics has been of growing interest over the past decade. The EU is a key player in global institutions such as the World Trade Organization (WTO) and NATO. It continues to construct an emerging identity and project its values and interests throughout contemporary international relations. The capacity of the EU to both formulate and realise its goals, however, remains contested. Some scholars claim the EU’s `soft power’ attitude rivals that of the USA’s `hard power’ approach to international relations. Others view the EU as insufficiently able to produce a co-ordinated position to project upon global politics. Regardless of the position taken within this debate, the EU’s relationship with its external partners has an increasingly important impact upon economic, political and security concerns on an international level. Trade negotiations, military interventions, democracy promotion, international development and responses to the global economic crisis have all witnessed the EU playing a central role. This has seen the EU become both a major force in contemporary institutions of global governance and a template for supranational governance that might influence other attempts to construct regional and global institutions.

Wsparcie Stanów Zjednoczonych skierowane na promowanie demokracji na Bliskim Wschodzie w latach 2003-2013 na przykładach Egiptu, Iraku i Jordanii

Wydział Nauk Politycznych i Dziennikarstwa

Las dos caras de la organización del mundial FIFA Brasil 2014: Entre la proyección internacional y las denuncias sociales

El orgullo brasileño estalló en el año 2007, cuando Brasil fue elegido sede del mundial FIFA 2014. Esto se debe a que Brasil en ese momento gozaba de un creciente prestigio internacional por cuenta de su condición de Potencia Emergente, miembro de los BRICS, aspirante a un puesto permanente en el Consejo de Seguridad y contar con la selección de fútbol más exitosa de la historia. No obstante, en su afán por incrementar su visibilidad y proyección internacional acudió al ejercicio del Poder Blando, a través de la Diplomacia Cultural, concretamente se decidió por la Organización de Mega Eventos deportivos, al tiempo que debía enfrentar varios problemas en el ámbito interno (desigualdad, corrupción, pobreza). Así, esta estrategia de aplicación del Poder Blando resultó de cierta manera contraproducente, debido a que la política exterior y su éxito no suele estar disociada de la realidad interna.

Soft Power del Vaticano en el reconocimiento de Palestina como Estado

Desde 1945, el inicio de la cuestión palestina, el país ha sufrido una serie de transformaciones e intervenciones en su soberanía y en legitimidad, las cuales siguen en discusión actualmente; y han dado como resultado el estudio del reconocimiento de Palestina como Estado. Es pertinente hacer un acercamiento a este tema desde la variable religiosa (Vaticano), teniendo en cuenta el gran número de lugares sagrados que hay en la región de Palestina y la variable religiosa del conflicto Palestino-israelí. Desde la mirada del Soft Power, concepto que ha venido tomando fuerza en la academia desde 1980, podemos acercarnos al objeto de estudio y dilucidar las injerencias de este actor. Mediante una aproximación cualitativa, que conlleva análisis del discurso, análisis histórico y análisis de política exterior, se logrará obtener el resultado esperado, que es entender de qué manera el Vaticano ejerce influencia (ideológica y cultural) en el Sistema Internacional, en el asunto del reconocimiento de Palestina como Estado.